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4
Community Labor and Laboring Communities
within the Tiwanaku State (C.E. 500–1100)
Sara K. Becker
University of California, Riverside
ABSTRACT
Understanding how work was managed and who participated in state-level societies can help elucidate daily
activities as well as community development within an emerging complex society. Tiwanaku, with multiethnic
neighborhoods in the Titicaca Basin, Bolivia and colonies near present-day Moquegua, Peru, provides a comparison
of labor between groups. Specific skeletal evidence of activity (i.e., musculoskeletal stress markers and osteoarthritis)
was evaluated to infer how habitual activity varied within this state. Labor rates show that laborers did not work
at the behest of elites and results suggest instead, that people worked as reciprocal laborers in a guild-like system.
[Organized labor, Bolivia, Peru, Musculoskeletal stress markers, Entheses, Osteoarthritis, Practice theory]
The organization of labor as part of resource manage-
ment is one way to understand the development of
complex societies. People in the past worked at various jobs,
creating communities based around tasks, such as craft pro-
duction or farming, as well as building homes and home-
lands for themselves (e.g., Brumfiel 1991; Costin 2004;
Costin and Earle 1989; Crumley 1987, 2007; Crumley et al.
1987; D’Altroy 1992; D’Altroy and Earle 1985; Earle 1997;
Kunen and Hughbanks 2003; Levy 2006; Moseley 1975).
Often, these workers are defined archaeologically through
the product of their labor, such as monumental architecture,
ceramics, or lithic tools. While this evidence does provide
information about people’s daily life, additional knowledge
can be gained from a bioarchaeological methodology that
uses the evidence of labor and activity on human skeletal
remains, complimenting an artifactual approach, and en-
gaging with the actual individuals who lived this lifeway.
Remembering that these people were once a community is
also essential. At the very least, a community involves some
kind of shared background where group members recognize
each other as different from others (i.e., “us” versus “them”)
(cf., Barth 1966; Goldstein 2000a; Gupta and Ferguson
1992; Isbell 2000; Reycraft 2005; Yaeger and Canuto 2000).
How to evaluate group membership can become compli-
cated when skeletal remains are the focus, as bioarchae-
ologists may face challenges associated with an incom-
plete burial record due to issues like skeletal preservation,
sample representativeness, or choice of excavation location
(e.g., Cook and Buikstra 1979; DeWitte and Stojanowski
2015; Gowland 2006; Halcrow and Tayles 2008; Hoppa and
Vaupel 2002; Roberts and Mays 2010; Sofaer Derevenski
1994, 1997; Waldron 1994; Wood et al. 1992; Wright and
Yoder 2003). In addition, questions posed by Canuto and
Yaeger (2000) in The Archaeology of Communities on how
to define past communities still stand, and must be reen-
gaged from a nuanced perspective on how we can define
“community” from skeletal remains and burial populations
(see Chapter 2 of this volume by Kakaliouras for a review).
Of the theoretical approaches to community Yaeger and
Canuto (2000:3) describe in their introductory chapter, prac-
tice theory provides a useful way to address group labor and
civic membership, as people’s lives can become inscribed on
their physical bodies via their regular daily habits (Bourdieu
1977; Budden and Sofaer 2009; Merleau-Ponty 2013; Sofaer
2006). Through the repeated practice of laboring, the house-
hold tasks executed and the occupations people perform can
Volume editors: Sara L. Juengst and Sara K. Becker, Volume 28: The Bioarchaeology of Community
ARCHEOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, Vol. 28, pp. 38–53, ISSN 1551-823X,
online ISSN 1551-8248. C
2017 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/apaa.12087.
Community Labor and Laboring Communities 39
set them apart from others within the larger society. These
jobs may have been done at the behest of leaders of their
society for maintenance of their civilization, or for members
of their peer group as part of their social or familial require-
ments. Whatever the reason, this agent-oriented approach
considers the people performing these activities as part of
a past community. Moreover, Yaeger and Canuto (2000:5-
6) note that a within-region but supra-household pattern,
along with a limited time frame of cultures studied, makes
a good and flexible way to discuss community archaeologi-
cally while also avoiding reification and essentialization of
this concept.
Using these ideas on societal formation, labor, and com-
munity, this chapter focuses on the Tiwanaku civilization.
This culture formed a state-level society around C.E. 500
in the Andean highlands region of the Lake Titicaca Basin,
and expanded (ca. C.E. 500–650) into a lower elevation
colony near present-day Moquegua, Peru (Figure 4.1) be-
fore its collapse in both areas around C.E. 11001.Myre-
search addresses patterns of habitual labor observable on
the bones of people who lived in the Tiwanaku state using
specific skeletal evidence of activity (i.e., musculoskeletal
stress markers and osteoarthritis) in order to understand what
life was like for people working within this culture. The Ti-
wanaku heartland and hinterland provide an ideal opportu-
nity to compare activity between individuals from these two
areas. In addition, it also provides the opportunity to exam-
ine the formation of smaller laboring “communities” within
its variety of multiethnic neighborhoods2(Becker 2013;
Berryman 2011; Blom and Janusek 2004; Couture 2003;
Couture et al. 2008; Couture and Sampeck 2003; Goldstein
1993a, 2000b, 2005; Janusek 1999, 2003, 2005; Janusek and
Blom 2006; Valli`
eres 2010, 2012). My goals involve show-
ing how the bioarchaeological evidence of labor can define
different working communities at various levels, and to dis-
cuss how each fits within this emerging complex society.
Tiwanaku’s Background and Cultural Context
Archaeological excavations have shown that the main
heartland or core of the Tiwanaku state emerged around
C.E. 500 in the high, flat plains of the Lake Titicaca Basin,
Bolivia with the main city of Tiwanaku emerging as an
important population center with growing cultural and
political influence among the Titicaca Basin’s residents
(Kolata 1986, 1993a). Within the city, distinct neighbor-
hoods (i.e., barrios) developed around the municipality’s
center, archaeologically noted as home to various peoples,
such as elites, stone tool manufacturers, potters, weavers, or
herders (Couture et al. 2008; Couture and Sampeck 2003;
Geisso 2011; Janusek 1999, 2005, 2008; Rivera 1994;
Valli`
eres 2012). Initially, these barrios were thought to
be focused on supporting elite settlements, with influence
declining the further away one was from the “center” of
elite power. This idea was described as a “concentric cline
of the sacred that diminished in intensity from the city
core to its far peripheries ....Inhabitants of the Tiwanaku
occupied physical space in accordance with their relative
social and ritual status” (Kolata 1993a:93-94; 2003). Kolata
(1997:253) also suggested that the Tiwanaku city’s whole
purpose was for servicing elites and their aristocratic
lineages, and that Tiwanaku urbanites and craftspeople
serving the aristocracy enjoyed high status living.
More recent excavations and analyses of the Tiwanaku
culture instead suggest that independent households or
larger artisan collectives performed craft production au-
tonomously or semiautonomously, especially in their social
and exchange relationships (Bermann 1994; Goldstein 2005;
Janusek 1999, 2004, 2008; Rivera 1994, 2003). Bermann
(1994) and Janusek (1999) note that regular household ac-
tivities and their associated artifacts (e.g., food processing
lithics, ordinary textiles, and utilitarian hoes for agriculture)
occurred in areas of focused craft production, suggesting
household living more than specialist elite-production en-
claves. Goldstein (2005:77) described this style of labor or-
ganization, combining urban and craft living, as “embedded
in Tiwanaku’s diverse and segmentary social substructure
and not dictated by the demands of patrician sponsors.”
Janusek (1999) attributes these “embedded” craftspeople,
who were not attached to elites but also not strictly inde-
pendent, as a way the Tiwanaku state dealt with political
integration without forcing assimilation or loss of corpo-
rate identity. As such, the closest parallel to these embed-
ded neighborhoods may be the Western notion of a labor
guild where work was small-scale, and social capital built
through craft production seen as for the good of the larger
society (Epstein 1998; Jovinelly and Netelkos 2007; Kieser
1989; Ogilvie 2004; Vardi 1988). In addition, the members
of each Western guild community identified with her or his
work (e.g., masons, goldsmiths, woodworkers, weavers, pot-
ters), even adopting the trade as a surname for identification.
Thus, it is likely these Tiwanaku neighborhoods would have
been responsible to the larger community for the production
of various goods in a reciprocal environment that was not
elite-driven. Instead, crafts would have been for the gen-
eral public, while the crafting process also reified each local
community’s barrio identity (Janusek 1999:125).
In addition to crafting, during Tiwanaku times and in
association with the urban environment, pastoral and agri-
cultural production increased, likely to support the grow-
ing population3(approximately 20,000–40,000 people). The
city of Tiwanaku established control over local agricultural
40 Sara K. Becker
Figure 4.1. Map of heartland core Tiwanaku area in the Lake Titicaca Basin of Bolivia around
the present-day town of Tiwanaku and the hinterland colony region near the present-day town of
Moquegua, Peru.
production centers (i.e., raised-field agricultural beds) in
the nearby Katari Valley with increasing local control of
trade routes and an emphasis on an agro-pastoral lifeway
(Janusek 2008:20). Bandy (2001:204) interpreted many of
these changes as a successful strategy involving a system
of labor management. This system increased political and
ideological control with greater levels of ceremonialism and
large-scale feasting, so that by C.E. 500, “Tiwanaku was a
city [that] had become capable of dominating the entire Titi-
caca Basin politically, economically, and militarily” (Bandy
2001:204).
After the advent of the state in C.E. 500, Tiwanaku-
style material culture was also found increasingly farther
away from the heartland area in the warmer, lower-elevation
hinterlands. Prior to this expansion, there is very little ev-
idence for control over lowland areas, just trade exchanges
(Goldstein 1989, 2000a, 2005; Goldstein and Owen 2001).
Archaeologists (Albarrac´
ın-Jord´
an 1999; Goldstein 1989,
2005; Janusek 2004, 2008; Kolata 1993a, 1993b) generally
agree that this expansion to lower elevation areas was a
political one. The Tiwanaku peoples had a wish for luxury
items, such as maize or coca, which can only be abundantly
grown at lower elevations and in warmer climes. Goldstein
(1989:251) noted that sometime within C.E. 500–650,
Tiwanaku peoples arrived in lowland valleys, such as
the Moquegua Valley of Peru, “suddenly and in force,”
bringing Tiwanaku-style material culture with them4.In
this region, colonization was primarily focused on riverine
agro-pastoral production in three different areas (i.e.,
Omo, Chen Chen, and Rio Muerto). The control of these
important agricultural lands would have secured the maize
supply beyond levels that could have been traded for in this
pre-market economy, especially as chicha (fermented corn
beer) was important for ritual feasting to both heartland and
hinterland peoples5(Berryman 2011; Goldstein 2005).
During C.E. 800–1100, increased construction around
the city of Tiwanaku occurred alongside mass produced
Tiwanaku-style ceramics (Janusek and Kolata 2004) and
intensified agricultural production in the Katari Valley
(Bermann 1994; Janusek 2004, 2008; Janusek and
Kolata 2004). Janusek (2008:192-193) noted that “raised-
field farming became the signature productive regime of the
Lake Titicaca Basin.” Other agro-pastoral activities (e.g.,
herding, fishing, and rain-fed farming) would have been
lower status tasks as the main push was on raised-field
crops. These agricultural goods funded the cyclical feasting
that helped Tiwanaku’s residents negotiate power relations
(Janusek 2008:193).
The change in agriculture intensification may have
had a direct impact on lower elevation colonies. After
Community Labor and Laboring Communities 41
C.E. 900, a destruction and rejection of Tiwanaku-style
material culture in the Moquegua Valley coincided with
the Tiwanaku state losing control of this region (Goldstein
1993b:42). In addition, the focus on agricultural intensifi-
cation in the highlands had eventual negative consequences
in the Titicaca Basin. The region underwent a long-term
drought that started around C.E. 1000 and could have been
a factor in the collapse of Tiwanaku about 100 years later
(Binford et al. 1997; Erickson 1999, 2006; Kolata et al.
2000; Moseley 1997; Ortloff and Kolata 1992). Any major
construction projects were discontinued by C.E. 1000, and
around this time, monuments associated with elites and elite
ancestors were ritualistically defaced and buried. After C.E.
1100, populations shifted from large, urban centers to small,
hilltop fortress settlements (pukaras) (Albarrac´
ın-Jord´
an
1992; Arkush 2011, 2012; Stanish 2003; Zovar 2012).
Materials and Methods Used to Study Labor
and Activity
To examine activity differences within different areas
of Tiwanaku society, I compared 1,235 adults from the two
areas: the heartland in Bolivia, which had 452 individuals,
and the hinterland colony in Peru, which had 783 people. I
evaluated all individuals for two skeletal measures of phys-
ical activity: musculoskeletal stress markers (sometimes re-
ferred to as entheses) and osteoarthritis. Because bones and
muscles work in conjunction with each other while tasks are
performed, my primary interest was in patterns and levels of
activity in order to understand the social structure of labor
in the various laboring communities of the Tiwanaku state.
In order to do this, I looked at labor in the Tiwanaku state
from four different spatial perspectives: (1) heartland ver-
sus hinterland colony; (2) heartland Tiwanaku Valley versus
the Katari Valley; (3) between each of the three hinterland
colonial settlements; and (4) within each highland valley
(i.e., within the Katari Valley, and within the Tiwanaku
Valley). The fourth objective was especially important in
this research per the previously reported multiethnic com-
munities of laborers and possible elite peoples, which could
provide bioarchaeological evidence of neighborhood-based
work groups.
In order to estimate labor, I first evaluated the evidence
of musculoskeletal stress markers within Tiwanaku skeletal
populations. Prior medical and bioarchaeological research
(e.g., Bridges 1989; Churchill and Morris 1998; Yu et al.
2011) has shown that certain tasks, like farming, show an
increase in muscle mass over an individual’s lifetime. Since
muscles work like bony levers for the underlying skeleton,
and where the muscles attach to bone as a person increases
muscle mass, so too can the connection points on bone grow
and strengthen. The attachment points, or musculoskeletal
stress markers, can help identify directional movement in
kinds of activities people did as well as levels of physical
labor such as workload. Overall, I looked at 37 muscle at-
tachment points and sorted them into five groups according
to location on the body: upper arm (i.e., shoulder move-
ment), lower arm (i.e., forearm movement), mid-body (i.e.,
hip movement), lower body (i.e., knee movement), and feet
(i.e., ankle and foot movement). For each point, a score of
present or absent was assigned.
Osteoarthritis (OA) was the second activity indicator I
used. Osteoarthritis shows injuries helpful in determining
repetitive movement as it can measure the same motion
used over and over again, such as grinding grain or weaving
textiles. I looked at 24 joint surfaces within seven joints:
shoulder, elbow, wrist, sacroiliac, hip, knee, and ankle. For
each individual, the multiple surfaces within each of the
seven joints were noted as present or absent for the evidence
of osteoarthritis.
Data were analyzed using generalized estimating equa-
tions (GEE), a population-averaged method accounting for
correlation among measures within subjects (Agresti 2007;
Ghislatta and Spini 2004). GEE works well for this type of
data because it models estimates of population parameters
that are calculated using individually recorded data points,
allowing for the largest possible sample size. However, each
of these data points remains linked to the individual, thus
preserving individual level information (Ghislatta and Spini
2004). The GEE procedure retains the categorical dependent
variable while keeping the data points linked (for example,
for each of the different joint surfaces), and does not bias the
data even though there are multiple data points within each
joint. It also accommodates variables that are not normally
distributed, small sample sizes, and randomly missing or
unobservable variables, which is especially useful in bioar-
chaeological studies, and social science research in general
(Becker 2012, 2013; Gagnon and Wiesen 2013; Nikita 2014,
2015). GEE can also evaluate any number of nominal or
quantitative predictor variables that cannot be assessed us-
ing bivariate analysis, such as controlling for age-at-death
and sex, as has been previously performed for these datasets
(Becker 2013). All data were evaluated for significance at
.05 level using the chi-square statistic.
Results and Discussion of Laboring
Communities
Comparisons between the Heartland and Hinterland
When looking at the muscle marker scores between
the heartland and hinterland, four out of five areas are
42 Sara K. Becker
63%
56%
77%
62% 62%
47% 43%
58%
39%
48%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
Upper Arm* Forearm* Mid-Body* Lower-Body* Foot
% of Frequency
Heartland Modeled % Hinterland Modeled % * = p <.05
Figure 4.2. Results of heartland and hinterland comparisons for musculoskeletal
stress markers.
significant at a .05 level with only foot musculature not sig-
nificantly different between these two regions (Figure 4.2).
Frequency results show that labor levels in musculoskeletal
stress markers are higher in the heartland than the hinterland
colony. For osteoarthritis, the only significant results were in
the sacroiliac joint between these two regions, with people
from the heartland Titicaca Basin area showing higher rates
(Figure 4.3).
Overall, the regional comparison between the heartland
and hinterland shows that activity levels were higher in the
heartland than in the hinterland colony in the Moquegua
Valley of Peru and these results may represent differences
in agricultural practice. As noted in modern reconstructions
of prehistoric agricultural practice (Erickson 1988, 2006;
Erickson and Candler 1989), raised-field agriculture in the
highland Titicaca Basin may have taken more effort than
riverine farming. In addition, it is also likely that the higher
rates in the heartland are about labor reciprocity in the
Andes, a practice still common today. It may have been that
during the Tiwanaku state, calling on local neighbors to labor
for you and promising to work for them in return was eas-
ier than convincing colonists to come back (approximately
a four-week walk) to the highlands for reciprocal obliga-
tions. The archaeological evidence of increasing intensity
25%
37%
29%
64%
22%
16% 16%
20%
29%
21%
43%
18% 22%
15%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
Shoulder Elbow Wrist Sacroiliac* Hip Knee Ankle
% of Frequency
Heartland Modeled % Hinterland Modeled % * = p<.05
Figure 4.3. Results of heartland and hinterland comparisons for osteoarthritis.
Community Labor and Laboring Communities 43
of raised-field farming post-C.E. 800, a possible heavier
labor load in order to perform this style of farming, and
increased labor sharing in the Titicaca Basin may explain
heartland levels of labor.
The high rate of osteoarthritis in the sacroiliac joint also
deserves some attention, especially as the sacroiliac joint
is not extremely flexible. In researching clinical literature, I
found a link between osteoarthritis in this joint and people
running or walking with heavy backpacks on (Chosa et al.
2004; Whiting and Zernicke 2008:281). As such, these re-
sults may represent people in the highlands using aguayo—a
cloth backpack that is tied across the sternum and clavicle
(i.e., collar) bones (Figure 4.4)—to carry heavy loads. This
type of backpack is used by modern Andean people to carry
any number of objects (e.g., babies, dogs, cases of beer,
food). In other studies (Becker 2013, 2016a, 2016b; Becker
and Goldstein 2015), I found evidence of osteoarthritis
on the lumbar vertebrae of individuals from the heartland,
which could support the idea that these peoples carried heavy
loads on their backs. In addition, there were two cases (both
from the Moquegua colony) where the sacrum was fused to
the os coxa, but only on one side of the body. This could be
indicative of transporting loads that were predominantly car-
ried on one side of the body or the other, and that labor during
the Tiwanaku state may have included goods transport using
aguayos.
Within the Heartland and within the Hinterland
Comparisons
In addition to the heartland and hinterland comparison, I
looked at activity rates between the heartland Tiwanaku Val-
ley and Katari Valley. This comparison yielded no significant
differences and likely means that both workload and repeti-
tive labor were generally equal between these communities.
In the comparison between the three hinterland settlement
areas in the Moquegua Valley of Peru, colonists buried at
Omo and Rio Muerto had similar labor levels, possibly indi-
cating they worked similar tasks, while those buried at Chen
Chen had lower levels. These results may indicate differ-
ences in occupation or a different style of agricultural work
performed at Chen Chen. Exploring the data from these
three areas when separated into stylistic differences, Omo-
style versus Chen Chen-style, prior research has shown that
labor levels relate to ease of access to riverine farmland
areas. People who were last to settle in the Moquegua Valley
were farthest away from good farmlands and show the
highest levels of labor (Becker 2016a; Becker and Goldstein
2015).
Figure 4.4. Woman demonstrating proper placement and usage
of an aguayo (Drawing by Kathleen Huggins).
Comparisons within the Katari Valley and within the City
of Tiwanaku
Finally, my fourth comparison was to understand labor
within the smaller communities of each highland valley.
Within the Katari Valley, labor rates were highest from the
urban site of Lukurmata, with its varied communities of
farmers, crafters, and local administrators. In comparison,
labor levels were equal between the two agriculturally
oriented sites in the Katari Valley. This may again indicate
44 Sara K. Becker
Figure 4.5. Differing areas within the city of Tiwanaku: (1) Kerikala, (2) Putuni, (3) Akapana, (4)
Kalasasaya, (5) Subterranean Temple, (6) La Karaña, (7) Kantatallita, (8) Mollo Kontu, (9) Akapana
East 1, (10) Akapana East 2, (11) Marka Pata, and (12) Ch’iji Jawira.
some kind of labor reciprocity, with a higher labor obligation
placed on those in the urban area than those already working
in the rural farming communities. In addition to the Katari
Valley, I was able to compare labor between five different
barrios (i.e., Putuni, La Kara ˜
na, Akapana East, Ch’iji Jawira,
and Mollo Kontu) in the Tiwanaku city (Figure 4.5). The
lowest labor rates were noted for the site of Putuni, and the
second lowest was La Kara ˜
na. Both of these sites were noted
archaeologically as likely home to elite people (Couture
and Sampeck 2003; Escalante 2003; Portugal Ort´
ız 1988).
The reasoning for elite settlement is that there were various
higher status goods (e.g., lapis lazuli, obsidian, high quality
ceramics), as well as spatial separations (i.e., walled com-
pounds or decorated walls at Putuni), access to freshwater
and waste removal canals, and storage for agricultural prod-
ucts (Couture and Sampeck 2003; Escalante 2003; Portugal
Ort´
ız 1988). There was, however, some evidence of labor
and activity, which does indicate that the people buried here,
if elite, were working elites who participated in some manual
labor, as opposed to aristocratic individuals who were waited
upon by those around them, as was suggested by Kolata
(1997:253).
At the Akapana East site, individuals buried here were
actively working the muscles of their arms, especially
when compared to other sites. A prior study (Berryman
2011) on the diet of the Tiwanaku people in the highlands
indicates up to 70 percent of the diet of these Akapana
East peoples may be attributed to maize, likely in the
form of chicha (corn beer). Along with the archaeolog-
ical evidence of ritual paraphernalia in burials (Janusek
2008:148) and isotopic evidence of high maize-based
diets (Berryman 2011:39, 290–291), it seems likely
that the Akapana East people were chicha brewers who
developed heavy upper arm musculature required to stir
the pots and possibly, the lower body musculature required
to hoist and move large containers of the brewed corn
beer.
At the site of Ch’iji Jawira, residents’ upper arm and
forearm musculature indicated that these people performed
tasks that were different from other people within the
Tiwanaku Valley. Ch’iji Jawira peoples had significantly
high modeled rates of osteoarthritis in the elbow and wrist
joints. Along with the archaeological evidence of Ch’iji
Jawira as a ceramic production center (Janusek 2004; Rivera
1994, 2003), and as forearm musculature is generally active
in more precision tasks, these results support the idea that
Ch’iji Jawira’s residents were craft specialists, likely potters
working within the city of Tiwanaku (Becker 2016b). In
Community Labor and Laboring Communities 45
addition to physical labor defining community bound-
aries, Janusek (2004:147) argued that there were social,
political, and economic impacts to Ch’iji Jawira people as
semiautonomous embedded craft specialists and not elite-
sponsored attached crafters. Ch’iji Jawira residents were
ceramic manufacturers who were “not directly controlled by
or conducted [production] for ruling elites . . . rather con-
ducted and managed in a local residential context” (Janusek
2004:158) and ceramics produced at this site were likely
for the Tiwanaku public (Janusek 1999, 2004, 2008). Stone
cores at the site also support Janusek’s theory as they indicate
that these people maintained and reconstructed their own
lithic tools instead of obtaining them from lithic production
specialists, as would be expected for specialists attached
to elites (Geisso 2011; Janusek 1999). Thus, these semi-
autonomous labor groups can go beyond simple spatially
designated borders and exhibit community as loci of power
relationships.
Mollo Kontu people had high mid-body, lower body,
and foot rates of musculoskeletal stress markers and high
rates of OA throughout the lower body joints. This suggests
that residents performed heavy labors, repetitive activities,
and were highly mobile. In addition, Mollo Kontu peoples’
diets contained a high percentage of meat (Berryman
2011; Berryman et al. 2007; Berryman et al. 2009) and
zooarchaeological evidence from this site shows evidence
of butchered camelids (versus camelid remains as offerings)
indicating a higher prevalence of these animals at this site
than others (Valli`
eres 2010, 2012). My activity pattern
data reinforce the dietary and archaeological evidence of
the Mollo Kontu people as llameros, herding their llamas
and possibly transporting the maize from the colony in
Moquegua.
Scholars (Browman 1978, 1981; Janusek 1999, 2004;
Rivera 1994, 2003) have noted that archaeologically dis-
tinct areas of craft specialization within Tiwanaku could be
described as embedded producers, family groups working
together at various types of production. My current and prior
labor research (Becker 2013, 2016b) supports this idea of
a local, guild, family-based labor force, as the many sites
within the city of Tiwanaku reflect significantly different
levels of labor and activity. In addition, along with evidence
of laboring Tiwanaku elites at the sites of La Kara˜
na and
Putuni, this research supports the idea that the various bar-
rios were not elite-serving neighborhoods. Instead, these
embedded laborers likely worked as part of a multi-tiered
community, functioning locally within each of the barrios,
regionally in their social and exchange relationships within
the larger city of Tiwanaku, and nationally within the state—
building social capital and working for the common good of
the larger society.
Conclusions
Societal formation, labor, and community have been
the focus of this chapter on the Tiwanaku culture (C.E.
500–1100). This research addressed labor patterns and lev-
els of activity using musculoskeletal stress markers and
osteoarthritis evidence on the skeletal remains of people
from this prehistoric polity in order to understand group
membership and daily life among its inhabitants. By ap-
plying practice theory to address the idea that physical dif-
ferences can be noted on the human skeleton through the
routine of daily living (Bourdieu 1977; Budden and Sofaer
2009; Merleau-Ponty 2013; Sofaer 2006), these results re-
flect the variety of communities within the larger Tiwanaku
culture. Thus, I have been able to look bioarchaeologically
at community, spatially scaling from regional comparisons
between heartland and colony, to more minute, neighbor-
hood contrasts within the city of Tiwanaku, demonstrating
the within-region, but supra-household approach called for
by Yaeger and Canuto (2000:5-6).
Overall, results in the heartland versus hinterland
colony comparisons show that living in the highlands meant
higher levels of activity, possibly from a heaver workload
no matter where in the heartland a Tiwanaku resident
lived. These prehistoric labor levels may be similar to work
group reciprocity practices used by the modern Aymara
people of highland Bolivia (Carter 1967; Hardman 1981;
Mitchell 2003; Murra 1968). These Andean people work
for relatives in a reciprocal kin network, forming labor
groups and creating community obligations to each other
in a communal network. Hence, this practice of community
membership and labor sharing may have been something
established early on by Andean peoples. In addition to the
results from the highlands, Tiwanaku colonists had lower
labor levels and significantly different results between the
three colonial communities. Initial information suggests
higher labor rates in the colony were associated both with
when people migrated to the Moquegua, Peru area, and
proximity to good, riverine farmlands (Becker 2016a;
Becker and Goldstein 2015). I have also been able to
address community membership within smaller enclaves
in the city of Tiwanaku, adding to the information we have
on these multiethnic cooperatives of laborers living in each
barrio, whether they were home to chicha brewers, pottery
producers, or llameros. These results from the heartland
and hinterlands likely indicate a variety of tasks performed,
more localized control, and possibly a regionally based
labor collectives with reciprocal maize obligations between
the regions, but minimal exchange of laborers.
Tiwanaku people distinguished themselves through
various occupations and differing levels of labor, setting
46 Sara K. Becker
themselves apart as communities, all while still partic-
ipating in this pan-Andean, multiethnic state. Through
the helpful lens of practice theory, I have been able to
document a corporeal record of the daily contributions
on the bones of the Tiwanaku people, expanding our
scientific and contextual knowledge of peoples in the past.
In addition, group membership concerns have also been
addressed when analyzing skeletal remains by using a large
sample size with good preservation and strong statistical
methods to document bioarchaeological changes, as have
been called for by various scholars (e.g., Agarwal and
Glencross 2011a, 2011b; Buikstra 1991; Buikstra and Beck
2006; Buikstra and Pearson 2006; DeWitte and Stojanowski
2015; Klaus 2014; Knudson and Stojanowski 2008; Sofaer
2006; Stodder and Palkovich 2012). This research supports
the evidence of laboring communities within the Tiwanaku
civilization, and our ability as bioarchaeologists to identify
these types of communities using activity estimation and
reconstruction techniques.
Acknowledgements
Funding for this research was provided by the National
Science Foundation, Grant No. 0925866 and the University
of North Carolina, Chapel Hill (UNC) for an Off-Campus
Dissertation Research Fellowship, a Graduate Student Op-
portunity Fund grant, and a Timothy P. Mooney Fellowship.
A hearty thanks to Sara Juengst for editing and organizing
this volume, those who participated in our 2014 SAA ses-
sion, this volume’s contributors, and our copy editor Char-
lotte Cable. You have all made me think about bioarchae-
ology in new and interesting ways. Finally, many thanks to
the town of Tiwanaku, the Bolivian Ministry of Culture, the
Museo Contisuyo and those who work there, the Peruvian
Ministry of Culture, as well as the numerous people along
the way who helped and/or gave permission for this research.
Mil gracias!
Notes
1. While the Tiwanaku culture dates to C.E. 500–1100
and is usually referred to as the “Tiwanaku period,” it does
overlap with part of the chronology referred to in the Andes
as “Middle Horizon” (C.E. 600–1000). However, the Middle
Horizon period and its dates are based around cultures from
Peru.
2. The sites are not currently dated radiometrically, and
the chronological context stretches over the whole Tiwanaku
period (C.E. 500–1100). However, stratigraphically, it is
likely that the sites in this study were used contempora-
neously.
3. Reports on the size of the Tiwanaku population vary,
but recent estimates suggest that the city’s population has
been underestimated (Stanish 2013).
4. In addition to the artifactual evidence of similar ce-
ramic assemblages, textiles, and stone tools, the architecture,
especially the replica of a highland temple at Omo M10, has
direct reference to highland Tiwanaku (Goldstein 2005).
Additionally, many isotopic studies have been performed
using these collections, along with biodistance data, to show
that the Moquegua colonists were originally from the Titi-
caca Basin and that highland Tiwanaku people continued to
migrate to the Moquegua Valley throughout the settlement
period (C.E. 500–900) (Blom and Knudson 2007; Knudson
2004, 2008; Knudson and Blom 2011; Knudson et al. 2004;
Somerville et al. 2015).
5. Berryman (2011) saw high isotopic rates of maize
consumption in the Tiwanaku heartland, thus noting its im-
portance in Tiwanaku ritual feasting and possibly as payment
to labor groups.
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