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Between Past and Future : Eight Exercises in Political Thought / H. Arendt.
... Hannah Arendt was a twentieth-century theorist interested in this breakdown between the traditional formulation of deceiver and deceived, and she dedicated considerable attention to unravelling what she deemed to be a transformation in what it means to lie. In my introduction, therefore, I turn to Arendt (1968) to establish what she calls 'the modern lie' and to introduce the dangerous self-deception such mendacity engenders (p. 253). ...
... While self-deception is not a new concept, Arendt (1968) argues that the modern lie is more likely than the traditional lie to produce self-deception even amongst those responsible for deceiving: 'the business of [political] deception […] used to belong to [those…] who among themselves still knew and could preserve the truth. […T]hey could deceive others without deceiving themselves ' (p. ...
... 4). This is an advantage also recognised by Arendt (1968) who attributes the modern lie to the proliferation of self-deceived deceivers. Today, we might similarly question if figures in power are motivated to self-deception in order to propagate systemic mendacity. ...
Introduction. Hannah Arendt argues that, in the twentieth century, there arose diffuse systems of mendacity tied to information communication. Such ‘modern lies’ engendered self-deception among both officials and citizens, allowing the perpetuation of atrocities. In this paper, I examine self-deception from within philosophy of information, confronting and deconstructing a central dichotomy in self-deception research: that between ontological and psychological renderings of the concept. Method. Derridean deconstruction is used to create and mine tension between ontological and psychological self-deception. Ultimately, informational self-deception is reconstructed within this tension. Analysis. Ontological self-deception positions deceit as a natural and passive condition of being-in-the-world. As members of an entropic infosphere, we are all subject to self-deception, and we thus have an imperative to continually question ourselves and our information. Psychological self-deception positions such deceit as an active concept; rather than the passive condition of the many, self-deception is the active choice of a few. This opens questions surrounding intentionality, motivation and variances in levels of deceit. Conclusions. Ultimately, I reconstruct informational self-deception as sustained by the tensions between ontological and psychological self-deception, raising new questions for philosophy of information regarding what it means to be deceived.
... IV, pp. 145-175, Rawls, 2001, § 11. 8 No ensaio "Verdade e Política", Arendt (1961Arendt ( , 1968. 227 e segs.) ...
... IV, pp. 145-175, Rawls, 2001, § 11. 8 No ensaio "Verdade e Política", Arendt (1961Arendt ( , 1968. 227 e segs.) ...
... Se a sociedade contemporânea, observaArendt (1961|1968), já não é capaz de fazer do presente uma ponte que transponha a clivagem fisiológica entre o passado e o futuro (Ib., pp. 3ss.), tarefa com que se medem todas as gerações, é porque ocorreu uma crise da cultura(Ib., pp. ...
Resumo O texto questiona se a crise da educação (isto é, do Pacto Educativo, na formulação dada pelo magistério pontifício) deve ser considerada como um aspeto constitutivo da crise da tradição que caracteriza, em geral, as sociedades de massa contemporâneas. Nenhuma resposta setorial de carácter exclusivamente pedagógico, por mais bem intencionada e reflexivamente bem elaborada que seja, pode ultrapassar o impasse no processo de transmissão transgeracional de códigos culturais - éticos e simbólicos - que se tem vindo a registar, cada vez mais, em todo o mundo. Para encontrar uma solução é antes necessário identificar as causas da atual crise generalizada da razão pública, isto é, as causas da desconfiança no poder normativo da racionalidade, e trabalhar no sentido da sua reconstrução, procurando evidenciar e corrigir o papel culturalmente distorcivo do primado funcional da racionalidade técnico-produtiva, inerente à própria modernidade enquanto tradição ainda preponderante a nível global. A descontinuidade com as autocontradições da modernidade torna-se assim a condição para salvar o seu núcleo normativo e, a partir da esfera educativa, reabilitar uma razão pública, uma razão intersubjetivamente vinculante de sentido, sem a qual não pode haver convivência livre, justa e pacífica.
... Spørsmålet vil jeg belyse teoretisk fra et danningsteoretisk allmenndidaktisk 1 perspektiv. Undersøkelsen tar utgangpunkt i en lesning og tolkning av Wolfgang Klafkis kritisk-konstruktive didaktikk (Klafki, 1985(Klafki, /2011(Klafki, , 1998 og Utdanningskrisen av Hannah Arendt 2 (1961/2006a, 1961/2006b). I det hermeneutiske arbeidet drar jeg også inn andre verker av Arendt (1958Arendt ( /2012 og Klafki (2000, 1959), Alexander von Oettingens (2001 studie Det paedagogiske paradoks, relevant bakgrunnslitteratur (bl.a. ...
... For Arendt handler det politiske om deltakelse i den offentlige sfaeren (Arendt, 1958(Arendt, /2012(Arendt, , 1961(Arendt, /2006b). Her kan mennesket handle, det vil si «vaere begynnere og sette nye ting i bevegelse» (Arendt, 1958(Arendt, /2012, og det er gjennom politisk handling i den offentlige sfaere at individet kan utfolde og erfare sin frihet (Arendt, 1961(Arendt, /2006aVetlesen, 1996Vetlesen, /2012. Dermed henger det politiske tett sammen med autonomi i den demokratiske deltakelsen slik den forstås i denne artikkelen. ...
... Education is the point at which we decide whether we love the world enough to assume responsibility for it […] And education, too, is where we decide whether we love our children enough not to expel them from our world and leave them to their own devices, nor to strike from their hands their chance of undertaking something new, something unforeseen by us, but to prepare them in advance for the task of renewing a common world. (Arendt, 1961(Arendt, /2006a Forfatteromtale Alexander Elmies-Vestergren arbeider som universitetslektor ved Universitetet i Agder. Sentrale forsknings-og undervisningsinteresser er danning, demokrati, allmenndidaktikk og det pedagogiske paradoks, som alle inngår i masteravhandlingen Danning til demokratisk deltakelse i en resultatstyrt skole -en utfordrende aktualisering av det pedagogiske paradoks (Elmies-Vestergren, 2022). ...
Denne artikkelen er en kritisk undersøkelse av ideen om demokratisk deltakelse i skolen, slik den formuleres i overordnet del til læreplanverket Kunnskapsløftet 2020 (LK20). Gjennom en tolkning av Klafki og Arendt etablerer jeg en danningsteoretisk forståelse av demokratisk deltakelse som en selvstendig, ansvarlig, politisk og kritisk form for deltakelse. Fra dette teoretiske perspektivet viser jeg hvordan læreplanens konsept kan true det pedagogiske bidraget til en slik deltakelse gjennom problemene umyndiggjøring, individualisering og avpolitisering. I møtet med disse problemene antyder jeg hvordan danningsteoretisk allmenndidaktikk kan gi relevante perspektiver for en forberedende tilnærming som tar hensyn til det pedagogiske paradoks, og jeg drøfter hvordan tilnærmingen kan være relevant i aktuell utdannings- og samfunnskontekst. English abstract Emancipation or Disempowerment: A Critical Perspective on the Norwegian Curriculum’s Concept of Democratic Participation in School This article is a critical examination of the idea of democratic participation in school, as it is formulated in the Norwegian core curriculum (LK20). Through an interpretation of Klafki and Arendt, I establish an understanding of democratic participation as an autonomous, responsible, political and critical form of participation, and I show how the core curriculum’s concept could threaten the educational contribution to such a participation through the problems of disempowerment, individualization and depoliticization. Facing these problems, I suggest how Bildung-centered general didactics may provide relevant perspectives for a preparatory approach that takes the educational paradox into account, and I discuss how this approach could be relevant in the current educational and societal context.
... Contrary to Latour's (2017) appeal, the retrospective turn of eschatology when inserted into Chronos time, narrows the temporal space for transforming the present. In Chronos time, action is always future-oriented and is dependent on being held in place by the chronology of past and present (Arendt, 2006). Eschatological temporal framing undermines the temporal space for agency by upsetting the relationship between the present and the future. ...
... Arendt's is not the only useful framework of political action for such a project, however, it may be helpful for an attempt to bridge old and new conceptions of time and agency precisely because Arendtian politics contends with modernist historicity, while also troubling some of its categories, thereby containing a radical possibility of change. Arendt's (2006) actors are contending with the categories of the past and future. However, Arendtian action is not instrumental and should not be confused with an embrace of the status quo, or a form of technological solutionism or Prometheanism (Dillet and Hatzisavvidou, 2022). ...
... The contingent quality of Arendtian politics also has implications for how it is positioned within a modernist historicity: although Arendt's framework employs the categories of past-present-future, and Arendt explicitly states that action should be future-oriented (Arendt, 2006: 254), there is a distinct concern for the present in Arendt's philosophy (Arendt, 2004: xxv;Kohn, n.d., Library of Congress). The present is never fully decoupled from the past or the future but requires continuous engagement with both categories simultaneously: this amounts to an actual struggle that must be undertaken by each new generation (Arendt, 2006). In this sense, Arendtian action is not only Promethean, but also Epimethean: between past and future (Dillet and Hatzisavvidou, 2022;Muldoon, 2016: 131). ...
Judeo-Christian eschatological time has re-emerged in scholarly and popular discussions of climate apocalypse in the last decades, also in attempts to mobilise action against climate change. I argue that speaking about climate change as the eschatological endpoint in linear time undermines the call for action, understood as the contingent capacity for new beginnings. When the severity of climate change is made sense of by introducing an end to linear Chronos time, the result is a confusion in the direction and contingency of temporal politics, which effectively undermines action through speech. Eschatological, linear time frames the time for action as too narrow: first, by casting the end of time as inevitable, and second, by upsetting the chronology and direction of time as a prerequisite for politics. The conclusion is that climate eschatology is disempowering in Chronos time and that another temporal frame is needed to address climate change politically.
... Conflict displaces our perspective, opening space for the emergence of our subjectness. An emergence consubstantiated as a response to a call for living, thriving, and sharing responsibility for what Arendt (1954Arendt ( /1961) called a "common world" (p. 196), a world that constantly perishes and rebirths in becoming. ...
... Conflict displaces our perspective, opening space for the emergence of our subjectness. An emergence consubstantiated as a response to a call for living, thriving, and sharing responsibility for what Arendt (1954Arendt ( /1961) called a "common world" (p. 196), a world that constantly perishes and rebirths in becoming. ...
... As Arendt (1954Arendt ( /1961 conceptualizes, the dreams and hands that create and experience the world grow old and die as new dreams and hands arise. The world needs new beginnings, as the new generations need their past. ...
The article delves into the nuanced relationship between pedagogy and demagogy, analyzing how they shape the educational experience. It highlights that when pedagogy loses its existential focus, it risks turning into demagogy, prioritizing control over education's transformative potential. The author argues for a pedagogy that values subjectivity, intuition, and the inherent uncertainty of educational encounters. Using poetic language, the author portrays teachers as oscillating between the roles of artists and entertainers, when addressing the responsibility consequent of the subjective encounter. The piece suggests that educational encounters should be approached with the same wonder as one feels when encountering the sea and other elemental beings, recognizing the interplay between the vastness of existence and human life's limitations. The astonishment consequent of these encounters engages both students and teachers in a shared journey of self-discovery, uncovering new facets of their identities through their interactions. Through autobiographical narrative and philosophical discourse, the work emphasizes the need for educators to engage deeply with the subjective dimensions of teaching, fostering spaces where both teachers and students can explore their identities and responsibilities in relation to each other and the world.
... However, it is precisely this reduction and vulnerability that creates a sense of common belonging and recognition for the human condition. To situate the classroom as the central space of conservation and protection is to separate it from the concept of exclusionary politics and thus, recast the aporia of the rightless and 'otherness.' Arendt (1954) postulates how the immigrants as the newcomers "guarantee to the country that it represents the new order" (p. 177). ...
... A Policy aims to fortify, solidify and crystalize the experience of the learners in a guided, inclusive and cordial environment. Following Arendt (1954), I claim that legitimate authority and responsibility of protection must be vested in an allencompassing policy that conserves and prepares the newcomer to enter the polis. In terms of the post-secondary sector, the absence of a policy is clearly the primary and categorical issue that must be addressed, not only in terms of migrant inclusion but also in relation to inclusive practices in general. ...
This paper examines a field ridden with palpable and tangible silence: migrant inclusion within the Maltese post-secondary educational system. Focusing on the theme of difference and otherness, this paper studies whether inclusive practices inform migrant student experiences within Maltese post-secondary education. Employing a qualitative approach, I attempt to provide insights on the way migrant learner experiences are shaped and constructed within Maltese post-secondary education. Furthermore, this analysis engages with the political and educational theories of the philosopher Hannah Arendt to argue that what needs to be reimagined are forms of extra-territoriality, focusing on the needs of an intercultural educational ambience that places the vicissitudes not as a crisis but an opportunity for an emergent pedagogy.
... Through their parrhesiastic conduct, the CDs propose a different way of being present to their own time (Arendt, 1961;1978): what one thinks is in complete accord with what one does. Caring for one's own territories of life, as in the case of Rover Carbonare, means not giving in to manipulation, not backing down if one is certain of the rightness of one's position, exercising within oneself a new form of power management, declaring that any form of heterodetermination 16 is detrimental to the protection of the environment and its most delicate and fragile resources, such as water. ...
... Through their parrhesiastic conduct, the CDs propose a different way of being present to their own time (Arendt, 1961;1978): what one thinks is in complete accord with what one does. Caring for one's own territories of life, as in the case of Rover Carbonare, means not giving in to manipulation, not backing down if one is certain of the rightness of one's position, exercising within oneself a new form of power management, declaring that any form of heterodetermination 16 is detrimental to the protection of the environment and its most delicate and fragile resources, such as water. ...
Water, a vital element of the planet, has socio-cultural value that is now recognised by both humanities and hard sciences, and aquatic landscapes are fluid meeting places of nature and culture, result of processes and interactions between living beings. Collective domains, primary legal organisations, have existed in Italy since before the State and manage territories that also include water in its various forms. The communities, custodians of the resource, guarantee its rational and sustainable use, opposing the capitalist exploitation of this asset. These spaces are influenced by and in turn influence local dynamics that have repercussions on a global scale. This article presents the case study of an Italian Alpine collective domain that is fighting alone through legal channels to regain custody of its resource, which for decades has been the subject of speculation and revenues that are not invested in the territory but taken elsewhere: those who use and do not own impoverish the living environment both by subtracting assets and by disrupting the social fabric.
... Thoughts that evade comprehension of fateful events are objectively empty, and events that are not affected by thought comprehending their significance are meaningless in their bare factuality. "My assumption is", Arendt wrote in the preface to her work «Between Past and Future», "that thought itself arises out of incidents of living experience and must remain bound to them as the only guideposts by which to take its bearings" (Arendt, 2006(Arendt, [1954: 14). Arendt remained faithful to this idea that the philosopher's political thought should be substantially linked to the fateful events of our time, not only in her written works, but also in her public speeches, reports, and lectures. ...
... It is the deliberation and solution of common problems through speech, which involves the active participation of citizens in socially significant processes of verbal communication 4 . That is why, according to Arendt (Arendt, 1990(Arendt, [1963; Arendt, 1998Arendt, [1958; Arendt, 2006), the normative model of a political community in her works is the ancient polis and the Roman civitas. Both represent a political community of free and equal individuals united by a shared commitment to a particular political way of life and a collective willingness to participate in solving common challenges. ...
Publications of recent years and decades demonstrate that, in addition to writing monographs and publishing collections of articles, Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), throughout her academic career in the United States, actively used the lecture genre and non-fiction articles to clarify and popularize the ideas of her political philosophy and her approach to the problems of our times. The publication of these lectures provides us with a fresh perspective on important aspects of her ideas regarding the political world and the role of political freedom, as reflected in the words and actions of humans in their common world. The focus of this paper is on Arendt’s lectures from the 1960s, which were dedicated to clarifying her two key works from the second half of the 1950s and the early 1960 — “The Human Condition (1958)” and “On Revolution (1963)” — as well as interpreting the central concepts of her political philosophy: Action, Freedom, Politics and Revolution. The article pays special attention to Arendt’s interpretation of human freedom as a gift and a miracle, which is proposed in these lectures. Freedom’s negative contribution to the world of human actions and words is to interrupt the automaticity of inertial social reproduction, while its positive contribution is to “save” the common political world for future generations.
... Hannah Arendt (2006) speaks of education as providing for continuity and the renewal of the world with every new generation. She grounds this vision in a crisis that "has overtaken the modern world everywhere and in almost every sphere of life" (p. ...
... An important issue that needs to be addressed here is how we see the relationship between education and politics. In The Crisis in Education, Arendt (2006) refers to childhood as "a temporary stage, a preparation for adulthood " (p. 184). ...
In our understanding, the critical issue for this book is that the notion of “next generation,” which legitimizes pedagogical efforts of passing the world on to newcomers, needs at least a doubling gesture of complication. We should read “nextness” in temporal and spatial terms simultaneously when considering whom the next generation is. “Next,” as typically construed in trans-generational pedagogical narratives, arrives later, but the word also means “next to us”; it arrives as neighbour or alien. In light of generally low fertility rates in the countries of the Global North who receive immigrants and are concerned with their own cultural heritage, the “spatial nextness” gains unprecedented weight in the dream of renewal by education. We claim that spatial nextness, concerning the newcomers from elsewhere, needs to be installed as permanent within the idea of education as renewal, as a means to pass what is good in our world to those who arrive. If that renewal is to be viable, it should be conceived responsibly in response to the world driven by climate catastrophes, wars, and massive migration.
... Daniel Kahneman highlights how individuals often rely on intuitive judgments rather than analytical reasoning. 5 This predisposition makes people susceptible to accepting information that aligns with their pre-existing beliefs or emotional responses, regardless of its veracity. The evolution of media has played a critical role in facilitating the rise of "Alternative Facts." ...
Annotation: Hannah Arendt's emphasis on ethical decision-making in a post-truth era, where "Alternative Facts" is celebrated, offers unique satisfaction in moral and political philosophical investigation. At its core, her focus on truth seeks to address and put in check the questions of "Alternative Facts" and fake news that have revolutionized and threatened core ethical values in society. By contextualizing her ideas, the paper underscores the necessity of maintaining a commitment to truthfulness as a cornerstone of ethical integrity. Arendt's emphasis on the public sphere and the role of individual responsibility is explored, highlighting how personal accountability can counteract the pervasive influence of misinformation. The study advocates for the application of Arendt's principles in cultivating a more discerning and ethically aware citizenry. Ultimately, the Arendtian approach not only aids in navigating ethical dilemmas but also fortifies democratic processes against the destabilizing effects of falsehoods. Thus, educators, policymakers, and individuals must work collaboratively to dismantle the structures that perpetuate deceit and misinformation and develop systems of educational curricula that promote truth as a categorical imperative.
... Al usar el concepto de autoridad, vuelvo al trabajo de Arendt, que mencioné solo de pasada al comienzo del artículo. Mi pensamiento sobre una ética de la hospitalidad como ética rectora de la educación se inspira también en el trabajo de Arendt (1958) sobre la natalidad y la renovación. Ella escribe: ...
Este artículo vuelve sobre la ética de la hospitalidad de Derrida como ética rectora de la educación. Si bien algunas de las cuestiones morales y políticas más urgentes de nuestro tiempo tienen que ver con la crisis climática y otras crisis ecológicas, las discusiones sobre la hospitalidad se han centrado en gran medida en tomar la educación como una bienvenida a los mundos humanos. Este artículo reformula la hospitalidad educativa como una forma de decencia común y utiliza el ejemplo de la práctica de la “contención familiar” para caracterizar la decencia común. Además, discute la categoría de decencia común en la teoría moral y también los desafíos de determinar las obligaciones morales hacia otros futuros. Por último, sostiene que la hospitalidad educativa debe vivirse en el espíritu de la decencia común de compartir el hogar planetario no solo con quienes hoy son niños sino también con quienes están por llegar.
... This also transforms economy into a tool and not the purpose of what organisations are doing. Through storytelling and the space of appearance, we might think of organisations as processes that can afford creating gaps and new beginnings that can work for sustainability (Arendt, 2006a). ...
This paper engages with sustainability storytelling from the perspective of freedom. Freedom is discussed with relation to a politics of storytelling than can counter power. Freedom, it is argued, is enacted in genuine storytelling and is experienced between people. The conditions of possibility of ethics in organisations are thus conditioned on the political framing of the spaces between people in terms how they condition how people may appear in storytelling as well as how people together transform these spaces for future appearances. Arendt's ethics of freedom is contrasted with the concept of freedom embedded in neoliberal capitalism and related to sustainability. Genuine storytelling is to bring something new into existence from the condition of plurality and responsibility for the world. Storytelling presumes a space for plural political participation. Freedom therefore also forwards attentions towards the material possibilities that afford that people can participate and appear as unique subjects. The paper ends by positioning Arendt storytelling in relation to a storytelling model for transitioning to sustainability, which positions Latour's notion of Gaia as the centre of four storytelling cycles.
... If the social life of the keyword "crisis" can hardly be understood without reference to these very political economic conditions that give it meaning (Williams, 1976), then public talk of crisis, or crises, more than revealing a gap between a global economic and political problem we are forced to confront and our present capacity to resolve constitutes an opportunity for thought. This is so because, to paraphrase Arendt (1977), a moment of perceived crisis "tears away façades and obliterates prejudices" and, as such, is likely to lead to a loss of "the answers on which we ordinarily rely without even realising that they were originally answers to questions" (Arendt, 1977: 174). This, in Heller's words, is precisely what requires that any nuanced analysis of such perceived moments should not lose track of the interconnectedness between pasts, presents and futures. ...
This chapter takes issue with the idea of “crisis” as the entry point to the volume, outlining the importance of considering the failed future promises of the past. Against the background of seemingly hopeless times, it conceptualises re-imagination as a fruitful terrain for examining social and linguistic practices whereby groups interpret and try to reformulate their present struggles with an eye to their pasts and plausible futures, and to the larger material and symbolic infrastructures that these practices may contribute to (dis)enable. The chapter introduces a sociolinguistic framework to the study of utopias, dystopias and hope, and reviews developments in, and critiques of, commoning projects that involve “everyday utopias” which perform regular daily life in a radically different fashion to build alternatives to dominant practices. Anchored in such developments and critiques, it advances a critical and ethnographic lens to the analysis of daily practices mediated by language, discourse and communication, with the hope that this may also allow considerations of how sociolinguistic knowledge production can contribute to re-imagining the future of the discipline. The chapter closes with a roadmap to the rest of the volume, with a view to the contexts, issues and tensions explored by the contributors.
... The chapter concludes with a brief discussion of the lecture as tradition. Hannah Arendt suggests that the deliberate invocation of tradition began with the Romans, who used an association with Greek culture to legitimise and aggrandise their own (Arendt, 2006). This section considers the framing of the lecture as traditional and whether that framing contributes to a normalisation of the format which allows it to evade scrutiny. ...
This thesis uses a critical realist theoretical framework to explore the complex interplay between
curriculum theory, policy, and teaching practice in the context of large-class lectures in higher
education. The study is anchored in an analysis of the coherence between universities espoused
educational values and their observable teaching practice.
A substantial proportion of face-to-face teaching in higher education is in the form of transmissive
lectures in tiered, fixed-seat, auditoria. Yet, previous research has suggested that transmissive lectures
are less effective than the constructivist, student-centred approaches advocated by educational
theorists, academic developers, and quality assurance policies; therefore, the research interest is why
lectures persist, and what perceived value they have for institutions, lecturers, and students.
The four articles which comprise this thesis emanate from three research projects; a critical reflection
on how constructive alignment, a key concept in curriculum design, translates into practice; a case
study of large-class teaching; and interviews with senior educational leaders representing sixteen
higher education institutions.
The analysis of constructive alignment highlights a tension between the theoretical ideals and its
implementation in practice, which is often compromised in large lecture settings.
The case study examines perceptions of large-class lectures among staff and students. The findings
reveal that both groups view lectures as an inexorable aspect of higher education, and are often used
out of habit and institutional inertia, rather than as a deliberate pedagogical choice.
Interviews with senior educational leaders explored the rationale behind continued investments in
large, fixed-seat lecture theatres, despite the growing emphasis on student-centred learning.
Educational commitments appeared dominated by financial and logistical considerations, when
confronted with the practical realities of large-class teaching
The findings of this thesis have significant implications for higher education policy and practice. It
argues that the large-class lecture is a deeply entrenched, yet often unintentional, feature of higher
education. Its status as 'traditional' contributes to a normalisation process that renders it invisible and
unquestioned as a pedagogical method.
... The truths we assert within these enclosures are not truth itself; they are fragments, functional models that, when mistaken for reality, become ethical liabilities-sources of dogma, exclusion, and violence (Arendt, 1968). The phenomenal self, skewed by bias, missteps as a moral agent, confusing shadows for substance. ...
This paper critiques moral frameworks rooted in identity and phenomenal perception, arguing that they divorce moralism from truth by imposing rigid enclosures on reality. It contrasts schooling-a system of epistemic reproduction that reinforces these confines through standardized conditioning-with education, envisioned as technē and vidyābhyāsam, the disciplined practice of revealing truth beyond cultural and historical shackles. Drawing on Indian philosophy, particularly Bhartrhari's sphoṭasiddhi and the interplay of avidyā (pragmatic ignorance) and vidyā (holistic wisdom), it proposes a civilizational dialectic that dismantles false consciousness. This dialectic navigates the tension between the real and the actual, fostering a relational pluriverse over subjective silos. By reframing education as a transformative praxis, the paper advocates a shift from utilitarian metrics, as critiqued in Bloom's Taxonomy, toward an integrative wisdom that aligns with satya (truth), guiding humanity toward authentic understanding and ethical depth. Key Concepts: Pluriverse-Reflects the dynamic, relational tapestry of reality that transcends identity-based enclosures; Vidyābhyāsam-Captures the disciplined practice of attaining holistic wisdom (vidyā) as a transformative educational ideal; Sphoṭasiddhi-Highlights the burst of meaning that liberates understanding from linguistic and cultural constraints; Technē-Represents the art of revealing, distinguishing education's transformative potential from schooling's utilitarian focus; Avidyā-Vidyā-Encapsulates the dialectical interplay between pragmatic ignorance and integrative wisdom central to truth-seeking; Relationalism-Emphasizes the shift from subjective silos to an interconnected, responsive engagement with reality. Every moral framework rooted in identity-whether self-constructed or imposed through rigid categories and expectations-manifests as moralism divorced from truth. Truth does not reside within these confines; it emerges through their dissolution: by questioning the metrics, unraveling the scripts, and dismantling the identities they etch. This unbinding reveals a pluriverse-a vibrant tapestry of relational patterns, co-creating and resonating in endless variation and intensity (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987). Schooling, as a system of epistemic reproduction, often entrenches these enclosures, molding individuals for societal roles and employability through standardized measures (Freire, 1970). Education, in contrast, unveils technē-the art of revealing-transcending such confines to foster a civilizational dialectic that challenges false consciousness and propels humanity toward authentic understanding (Heidegger, 1977). Our subjective lenses of discernment do not reflect this pluriverse; they overlay it, weaving a phenomenal fabric of lived experience. Yet this fabric, though vivid, is illusory: an interpretive filter that distorts as much as it discloses (Husserl, 1970). We inhabit this filter, but it traps us in a moral enclosure of perception and projection, skewing even our ethical instincts with subjective dissonance. Schooling reinforces this enclosure through operant conditioning, prioritizing measurable outputs over transformative outcomes, as critiqued in modern educational philosophy
... Arendt defines authority as a relationship where respect is garnered without resorting to force or persuasion, grounded in tradition and historical continuity. In education, this translates to a hierarchy where the teacher, as the custodian of cultural and intellectual heritage, bears the responsibility of transmitting established values and knowledge (Arendt, 1968) . Foucault, introducing the idea of "power/knowledge," reveals that knowledge itself is a form of power that shapes individuals, thereby attributing to the teacher an authority derived from their ability to define and evaluate knowledge (Foucault, 1975). ...
An alternative to authority. The potential for success of radically democratic educational systems: the case of Summerhill School. Education, democracy and power The school, as a microcosmic reflection of society, plays a pivotal role not only in transmitting but also in reinforcing the values, norms, and ideologies that solidify the existing social order. The work of Antonio Gramsci, which articulates the symbiotic relationship between the conquest of power and the consent of the people through the concept of the hegemonic, provides a theoretical framework for understanding how the educational system, far from being a unilateral imposition of state authority, is also supported and perpetuated by the people themselves (Gramsci, 1983). Accordingly, we could speak of hegemonic education in our context, underpinned by a dominant educational structure and revealing an inherent complexity in how authority is exercised and values are transmitted within contemporary school systems. This view also resonates with Michel Foucault's concept of the capillarity of power, which posits that power is not confined to concentrations within state institutions or elites but diffuses through all layers of society, influencing individual behaviors and beliefs (Foucault, 1975). This perspective highlights the notion of consent over coercion, emphasizing the importance of culture and ideology in the maintenance of authority. Despite an apparent consensus on the importance of education, its form, content, and objectives are likely to be subjects of significant debate. This research aims to explore the tension between the hegemonic conception of education and democratic principles by examining educational systems that claim to be radically democratic models. This particular chapter will focus on the notions of authority and power as practiced at Summerhill School (Leiston, England), known for its radical democratic pedagogy and philosophy.
... Sin embargo, buscando una sintonía mayor con la clave de lectura biopolítica aquí propuesta, puede atenderse a la singular crítica de la "cultura de masas" desarrollada por la autora. Esta ya aparece brevemente mencionada en CH [5: 134], pero se amplía de manera clara en el ensayo titulado "La crisis de la cultura: su significado político y social", contenido en Entre el pasado y el futuro [31] (1961). ...
El artículo reconstruye algunas de las perspectivas del trabajo de Hannah Arendt que permiten considerar la subjetividad moderna y su conexión con el despliegue de la sociedad capitalista. En dicho intento, se acude a espacios menos transitados de la reflexión arendtiana, como su análisis de la “introspección” en la temprana biografía de Rahel Varnhagen, su lectura de la “transformación del ciudadano en burgués” o su consideración acerca de las masas, el consumo y el entretenimiento. El resultado es la puesta en primer plano de ciertos enfoques originales que permiten advertir algunas de las principales condiciones del sujeto contemporáneo y su relación consigo mismo.
During times of universal truth degeneration, the cultivation of educational praxis rooted in responsibility and veracity becomes a revolutionary act. This foundational principle is crucial in an era where misinformation and deliberate falsehoods are rampant, threatening the very fabric of democratic societies. This scholarly exposition delves into Hannah Arendt's philosophy of education as an antidote to the pervasive degradation of truth in contemporary political discourse. Arendt's profound reflections on the essence of truth, the dynamics of authority, and the transformative potential of education present a robust agenda for countering the challenges of a post-truth era. By critically engaging with Arendt's seminal ideas on the symbiotic relationship between education and the public realm, this paper contends that her philosophical insights are instrumental in fostering an environment conducive to critical thought and an unwavering commitment to factual integrity. Arendt advocates for an educational ethos that transcends the mere transmission of knowledge, advocating instead for the cultivation of discerning judgment and the capacity to uphold truth against the tides of political manipulation. Through a meticulous hermeneutic analysis of her oeuvre, the article illuminates the ways in which Arendt's educational philosophy can fortify individuals against the insidious influence of falsity, thereby revitalizing democratic discourse with reasoned and truthful engagement. In essence, Arendt's philosophical treatise on education underscores the imperative of nurturing an enlightened citizenry, one that is adept at navigating the complexities of political dialogue with intellectual rigor and ethical fidelity. By embodying these principles, education can revitalize democratic discourse, ensuring it is grounded in reasoned and truthful engagement, a necessity in preserving the integrity of our democratic institutions.
Monastic life presents a contrast to many aspects of modern existence (the rule of ideology, consumerism, various forms of negativity, dominance of the virtual, forgetfulness). The following essay explores this contrast and its presence throughout the long history of monasticism, with a focus on early Northern and Western monasticism on the one hand, and the modern Benedictine tradition on the other. The counter-cultural dimensions of monastic life range from special landscapes and sacred space to the function of time, and from the transcendental role of prayer to the earthy nature of hard work. Not only do the traditions of monastic scholarship and the books gathered in monastic libraries help preserve the memory and reinforce the special counter-culture of monasteries, but the monasteries remain to this day places of healing and sources of hope. The poem “Pilgrimage” composed in 1929 by Austin Clarke captures the character of monastic life not only as something contrary, but as an essential way of life, which has survived from the founding of medieval Clonmacnoise up until today.
Power is not merely something external or imposed or a problem to be solved. Rather, power is a task calling for understanding as the mode of being in the world with Others. Power has creative and destructive, challenging and inspiring aspects. As finite human beings thrown into a seemingly overpowering world, we find ourselves in the midst of dynamics and dialectics of power. We have powerful experiences that empower us to respond, to take up the power of faith and the decision to think and be here and now. The hermeneutic experiences of the Gospel, prayer, poetry and art, conversations with ourselves and others, the lives of philosophers, and the power of language all reveal the need for radically responsible approaches to power in lived time. Rather than merely critiquing power, the hermeneutics of power calls for cultivating human attentiveness to power, recognizing the power in and of our lives, and transforming our experiences of power into meaningful events that empower our capacity for timely understanding.
The paper inquires the category of performance in Hannah Arendt. Her concept of the political eludes the tradition-inherited approach and subtracts the praxis from instrumental reason. Arendt revisits the political experiences of ancient Greek cities, where tragedy and assembly, theater and agora, provide the propitious space for action. She avoids the instrumental approach of homo faber, conceptualizes action as performance and shows its connaturality with the performing arts, to the detriment of the productive ones. In “What is Freedom?” Arendt understands political freedom as a “worldly fact”, and assesses the Machiavellian virtù as public excellence: as performance on stage.
The paper inquires the category of performance in Hannah Arendt. Her concept of the political eludes the tradition-inherited approach and subtracts the praxis from instrumental reason. Arendt revisits the political experiences of ancient Greek cities, where tragedy and assembly, theater and agora, provide the propitious space for action. She avoids the instrumental approach of homo faber, conceptualizes action as performance and shows its connaturality with the performing arts, to the detriment of the productive ones. In “What is Freedom?” Arendt understands political freedom as a “worldly fact”, and assesses the Machiavellian virtù as public excellence: as performance on stage.
Symbolic thinking, diplomacy and philosophy are closely related. They are linked by the question of the rationality and effectiveness of mediation. All symbols, regardless of their ability to move us, have a mediating function. However, we are talking about a specific, philosophical mediation that involves reflexivity, analysis and criticism of symbolic organisations, interpretation and dialogue. We are talking about a type of thinking that uses symbols from European mythology and the history of ideas. We look at this kind of thinking as a way of carefully analysing public cultural politics. In this context, theatre, painting and propaganda appear through powerful mythical or epic constructions that seek to mobilise and direct masses or cultural groups to carry out certain actions, or to interpret and understand themselves in a certain way. Stories like Oedipus, Faust and Salome teach us about the power of wisdom, cunning, desire and seduction in our relationships and politics. Some symbols, like Prometheus and Spartacus, can motivate people to start a revolution. Others, like Laima, Gabija and Žvėrūna-Medeina (the Lithuanian god of the forest, like Artemis or Diena), can encourage the revival of traditional religions or strengthen feelings of opposition to colonial rule. You can see all of this in theatre, cinema and novels. Understanding it is also an important part of public and cultural policy and diplomacy. In the process of critical cultural diplomacy, we adopt or adapt the symbolic organisations and thinking of others.
What do Norwegian reading lists in pedagogy in postgraduate teacher-training communicate about race? A content analysis of all reading lists for modules in pedagogy that form part of the Norwegian postgraduate certificate of education and were posted online in autumn 2021 coded 0.2% (75 of the 35,116) of the pages as authored by people of colour; about one in every twenty pages pertained to people of colour and almost all the contributions by authors coded as people of colour concerned people of colour. Compared to statistics regarding students taking these courses that year, people of colour are not only invisible in these reading lists, but their visibility is primarily as an educational concern and only secondarily as intellectual agents. Although reading lists in education communicate concern about people of colour, they do not communicate trust in them as fellow academics.
In the face of a more demanding academic reality where text-generating AI is becoming part of the infrastructure of our society, writing tutors are also forced to consider to what extent they should adapt their teaching to the new situation. In this article, I argue that Norwegian, dialogue-based writing pedagogy is rooted in considerations that make it well-positioned, at least in the short term, to meet the new situation we find ourselves in. I justify this by showing that these considerations coincide with the points of reference that Hannah Arendt identified as crucial for discretionary assessments, and thus for thoughtful actions. In the longer term, the situation is more unclear and more dependent on structural conditions that writing tutors alone do not have control over.
El artículo examina el empleo del juicio estético por parte de Arendt a partir de su consideración, diez años antes de sus Lectures on Kant’s Political Philosophy, del carácter ejemplar de determinados personajes literarios como Billy Budd, protagonista de la novela homónima de Herman Melville. En este trabajo, exponemos el desplazamiento que hace Arendt del juicio estético al terreno político y sugerimos que la validez ejemplar de Billy Budd va más allá de su posición sobre el lugar de la compasión en política y evidencia la tensión irresoluble de naturaleza y artificio humano. Por último, exploramos hasta qué punto la exégesis de William Spanos de Billy Budd, Sailor en The Exceptionalist State and the State of Exception contribuye a esclarecer las posiciones de Melville y de Arendt en relación con la excepcionalidad, como también el alcance del juicio político.
This article examines the political and conceptual dynamics in late eighteenth-century France that led to the emergence of “society” as both a framework for collective existence and an object of study, thus marking the birth of sociology. I argue that Sieyès’s pivotal role in coining the term “sociology” during the French Revolution was part of a subversive effort to redefine the relationship between the individual and society, the given and the possible. I analyze how the revolutionaries’ quest for self-institution along with counterrevolutionary reaction constituted a large-scale experiment in the “construction of social reality.” With divine authority dismantled and the arbitrariness of power exposed, critical questions arose: On what principles can new institutions be founded? How can a “society of individuals” truly be a “society”? This period of intense exploration provides an unprecedented sociological and political laboratory, offering valuable insights for citizens and sociologists alike.
While the assertion, ‘no one really wants to talk about COVID anymore’, has become a common refrain, cultural evidence suggests otherwise. Rather, cultural materials indicate not only a sustained interest in epidemic and pandemic experiences in the past but also continuing interest in our own pandemic era. However, this interest is often registered through gestures and brief mentions rather than explicit and sustained plague narratives. This paper considers these trends, especially in Gothic works, a literary tradition rooted in hyperbolic representations of threats that also represents disease on frank terms consistent with current medical knowledge. Pandemics appear in Gothic writing two centuries ago through brief references that suggest the daily experience of danger.
Pandemic-era television is following the same strategies. Like ‘fevers’ and ‘plagues’ in the early 1800s, COVID-19 can be raised briefly and often indirectly. There is also attention to other aspects of the pandemic, including isolation and misinformation. In the popular Gothic series, Interview with the Vampire (2022–), ‘plague’ and misinformation are captured on terms drawn from earlier Gothic writing and intertwined to reflect on the misinformation of the COVID-19 era.
Det er aldrig let at skulle afslutte en bog med meget varierede bidrag til organisatorisk laering. Der er forskellige måder at gøre det på. En måde er en opsummering af bidragene med en refleksion over, hvor vi bevaeger os hen. En anden måde kunne vaere at forsøge at kortlaegge, hvordan bidragene placeres indenfor det store komplekse og varierede felt, organisatorisk laering. Jeg har valgt at bruge en tredje form, en autobiografisk form til at reflektere over min rejse med og i feltet. Det er derfor en personlig fortaelling om, hvad organisatorisk laering er for mig, og hvordan det udviklede sig over tid. Med inspiration fra Friedrich Nietzsche, stiller jeg spørgsmålet, hvordan jeg blev den, jeg er. I bogen, der betragtes som hans selvbiografi, Ecce Homo (2007), beskaeftiger Nietzsche sig ikke med spørgsmålet, om hvordan historien har påvirket, hvordan han blev, som han blev. Blikket rettes indad. Han bruger i stedet historien til at reflektere over, hvordan man bliver, den man er. Dette skal forstås som en personlig søgeproces, som han også kalder for at overkomme sig selv. Når jeg reflekterer over min rejse med organisatorisk laering, var det et af midlerne til at forstå mig selv og udtrykke mig selv indenfor mit forskningsfelt. Det felt er ikke laengere blot organisatorisk laering. I dag er jeg professor i organisationsstudier på Malmø Universitet. Den betegnelse passer mig godt, da jeg føler, at det giver et større kreativt spillerum. Det skal forstås på den måde, at det for mig giver en bredere indgang til at arbejde med organisatorisk laering, end da jeg havde et job, hvor 'organisatorisk laering' indgik i stillingsbetegnelsen. Denne lidt tvetydige formulering om mit forskningsfelt skal forstås ud fra mine betragtninger om territoriale narrativer, som jeg diskuterer senere. Hvem er jeg så? Man er aldrig afklaret med et sådant spørgsmål. Livet er en proces, og at blive den man er, indebaerer anerkendelsen, at besvarelsen af dette spørgsmål aldrig er fuldkomment,
Academic freedom is under siege all over the world. Both right and left leaning scholars are facing the brunt not only from those outside the university but also from colleagues within the university. The neoliberal transformation of the university, rise in far-right populism, massification of higher education, anti-intellectualism and too much emphasis on economic, utilitarian and pragmatic values has added to the woes of the academia. There is no dearth of those on the political spectrum who accuse the university culture for misusing academic freedom in the name of political correctiveness. The general feeling is that the universities today are merely producing human resource to meet the market needs instead of cultivating the intellectual capacities of their learners as social critics. Under academic capitalism, the higher education institutions today are under pressure to focus on the output and needs of the market and investors at the cost of academic freedom. This chapter seeks to highlight the various causes of decline in academic freedom. An attempt is also made to emphasize the need for restoring academic freedom by linking it with public responsibility. The modern universities have to strike a balance between ‘equity, accessibility and quality’, on the one hand, and ‘efficiency, competition and relevance’, on the other. No wonder, the academic freedom has become a contested terrain and needs to be redefined to serve the current interest(s).
Este artículo examina históricamente el desempeño del Congreso de la República de Colombia en la implementación inicial de tres procesos de paz –Frente Nacional (1958), Constituyente de 1991 y Acuerdo de Paz de La Habana (2016)–. Bajo la sombra de la excepcionalidad, la transicionalidad hacia la paz ha arrojado un déficit democrático evidenciado en la debilidad y rezago del Congreso al arrancar la implementación de estas tres iniciativas de paz. Ello de entrada ha dificultado la representación y participación adecuada de los actores en pugna así como el ejercicio de sus derechos. Si bien esta tendencia en detrimento del Congreso y en favor del Gobierno se ha moderado en los últimos años, resta camino por recorrer para que sea plenamente respetado el principio democrático que encarna el legislador.
The relation between democracy and truth is deeply contested. While some political thinkers argue that truth is essential to democratic flourishing, others warn that it threatens the conflictual logic of democracy. I develop a sociological perspective on this question by constructing an analytical framework for studying democratic truth-telling as a practice. Drawing on Foucault, I argue that democratic truth-telling is marked by a tension between the truth-teller's ascendancy and the commitment to equality among citizens. This tension is managed through pacts between the truth-teller and their audience, which adjust relations of ascendancy to relations of equality. I theorise three pacts in the case of activist truth-tellers and show how they lead to distinct dynamics in the public. Instead of delineating the proper relation between democracy and truth, the role of sociology may be to cultivate an openness to the multiple ways in which truth-telling figures in democracies.
El trabajo se propone reconstruir la lectura que Donna Haraway hace de Hannah Arendt en su libro Seguir con el problema. Generar parentesco en el Chthuluceno. Retomando la noción arendtiana de falta de pensamiento [thoughtlessness] como diagnóstico de nuestros tiempos, Haraway despliega un "pensar narrativo" situando a Arendt en inesperadas compañías: Vinciane Despret, Ursula K. Le Guin y Virginia Woolf. Así, se renueva la perspectiva de Arendt para afrontar los desafíos actuales y el "ir de visita" se muestra como un pensar con otros seres diversos y desde posiciones marginales en disonancia con la tradición dominante.
PALABRAS CLAVE FALTA DE PENSAMIENTO; SOLEDAD; PENSAR-CON; NARRATIVAS; MUNDO.
Abstract
The paper sets out to reconstruct Donna Haraway’s reading of Hannah Arendt in her book Staying with the Trouble. Making Kin in the Chthulucene. Taking up Arendt’s notion of thoughtlessness as a diagnosis of our times, Haraway deploys a “narrative thinking” in which she places Arendt in unexpected company: Vinciane Despret, Ursula K. Le Guin, and Virginia Woolf. Thus Arendt’s perspective is renewed to face the actually challenges and “go visiting” is shown as a thinking with diverse others beings and from marginal positions in dissonance with the dominant tradition.
What does it mean to see oneself as free? And how can this freedom be attained in times of conflict and social upheaval? In this ambitious study, Moritz Föllmer explores what twentieth-century Europeans understood by individual freedom and how they endeavoured to achieve it. Combining cultural, social, and political history, this book highlights the tension between ordinary people's efforts to secure personal independence and the ambitious attempts of thinkers and activists to embed notions of freedom in political and cultural agendas. The quest to be a free individual was multi-faceted; no single concept predominated. Men and women articulated and pursued it against the backdrop of two world wars, the expanding power of the state, the constraints of working life, pre-established moral norms, the growing influence of America, and uncertain futures of colonial rule. But although claims to individual freedom could be steered and stymied, they could not, ultimately, be suppressed.
De moderne cultuur wordt getekend door individualisme, betekenisloosheid en instrumentalisering. Het is niet verwonderlijk dat juist deze culturele kenmerken mede debet zijn aan de afname van het mentale welbevinden van jongeren. De ervaring van zinloosheid hangt samen met de individualisering van het leven. In dit artikel stellen we daarom dat het herontdekken van gemeenschappelijkheid en verantwoordelijkheid een sleutel is om het leven als zinvol te ervaren. Het onderwijs kan, als brug tussen gezin en samenleving, een cruciale rol vervullen om jongeren met gemeenschappelijkheid, verantwoordelijkheid en betekenisgeving in aanraking te brengen.
Prestaties, prestaties, prestaties. Het onderwijs lijdt aan prestatiepijn die alsmaar heviger wordt. Kunnen leerlingen, docenten en scholen de oplopende prestatieverplichtingen wel nakomen? Als we met nog meer inspanning voor betere prestaties nauwelijks verder komen, waarmee dan wel? Onderwijs voorbij de meritocratie kijkt voor het vraagstuk van prestaties naar het onderliggende meritocratisch ideaal van de eigen verdiensten en stelt dat ter discussie. Het meritocratisch ideaal is weliswaar aantrekkelijk, maar in de huidige samenleving en in het huidige onderwijs is dat ideaal tiranniek geworden. De meritocratie holt de solidariteit uit en ondermijnt de menselijke waardigheid. Aan de orde zijn vragen als: hoe heeft het meritocratisch ideaal zijn weg gevonden in het onderwijs? Wat is de betekenis ervan voor het werken aan gelijke kansen en waardoor schiet dit haar doel voorbij? Hoe kunnen scholen onderwijs en gelijke kansen realiseren voorbij de meritocratie? Wat zijn bruikbare en relevante alter natieven voor het eenzijdig streven naar eigen verdiensten? Wat hebben onderwijsbestuurders, schoolleiders, docenten en andere betrokkenen daarvoor te doen? Onderwijs voorbij de meritocratie bevat elf academische bijdragen en zes praktijkbijdragen die de verbeelding over goed onderwijs uitdagen en verrijken. De auteurs laten zich daarbij voeden door bronnen uit fi losofi e, pedagogiek en theologie. De bundel is voor moedige mensen in het onderwijs, de samenleving en de politiek.
Goed onderwijs beoogt ieder kind uit te nodigen om op eigen wijze deel te nemen en een bijdrage te leveren aan de samenleving. De belemmeringen die zich daarbij in de praktijk voordoen – armoede of stress thuis, geen deel uitmaken van de dominante groep, (on)bewuste vooroordelen – brengen we in dit artikel samen onder de noemer van adversity; of het nu fysiek, sociaal of systemisch is. In onze duiding van adversity bieden we een alternatief voor nog vaak gangbaar deficiet-denken. De omgang met adversity vormt een uitdaging voor leraren die hun pedagogische opdracht serieus nemen: hoe kunnen zij aansluiten bij de pedagogische behoefte van álle kinderen, zodat zij zich erkend en gewaardeerd weten en met vertrouwen hun weg kunnen vinden in de samenleving? Dat vraagt daarmee ook iets van de opleiding en opleiders. Op basis van literatuuronderzoek, praktijkervaringen en onderzoeksresultaten bespreken we drie terreinen waar in het opleiden van leraren aandacht voor zou moeten zijn om ze te sterken bij het nemen van hun pedagogische verantwoordelijkheid in de context van adversity. Het gaat ten eerste om het ontwikkelen van bewustzijn en kennis over eigen en andermans achtergronden, ervaringen en privileges en het kritisch leren bevragen hiervan; ten tweede om het ontwikkelen van een positieve oriëntatie ten aanzien van leerlingen en hun achtergronden en mogelijkheden; en tot slot om het kunnen en willen omzetten hiervan in onderwijsontwerp en pedagogisch-didactisch handelen. Tot slot vragen we ook aandacht voor collectieve verantwoordelijkheid en gezamenlijke kritische reflectie.
This article examines how algorithms mediate the human faculty of judgment within the context of social media. Challenging the common view that algorithms ‘undermine’ or ‘eliminate’ human judgment, I argue instead that they mediate the human-world relations in which judgments emerge. Drawing on Hannah Arendt’s phenomenological approach to identity and judgment, the article deconstructs prevailing assumptions about ‘human judgment’ and ‘algorithmic judgment’ and proposes a different approach to understand user-algorithm relations as co-constitutive rather than oppositional. In line with the ‘empirical turn’ in the philosophy of technology, which emphasizes the importance of grounding philosophical inquiry in lived experience, the proposed philosophical approach is developed and illustrated through a case study of ADHD-related content on TikTok. The case study demonstrates how algorithmic amplification becomes part of self-apprehension and public discourse. Through this lens, the article explores the interplay between self-disclosure, judgment, and the collective formation of political subjectivity, revealing the productive and disruptive roles algorithms play in these processes.
La Reina de la Noche de La flauta mágica de W. A. Mozart: madre traicionada, esposa minusvalorada, mujer fuerte e independiente y rival política de Sarastro (sacerdote líder del círculo solar) es una rara avis en el panorama operístico donde prevalecen personajes feme- ninos sumisos al sistema patriarcal. La Reina de la Noche representa el enfrentamiento entre naturaleza y civilización, matriarcado y patriarcado y el universal conflicto entre madre e hija. Este último es el objetivo principal de este trabajo, pues en él convergen todos los demás.
This study delves into the complex relationship between democracy and education by examining the perspectives of Hannah Arendt and Jacques Rancière. Both thinkers, while sharing an anti-Platonic stance, offer distinct approaches to understanding the role of education in democracy. Arendt, drawing inspiration from Socrates, emphasizes the critical gap between the creative force of natality innate to children and the inherent plurality of the public realm and concludes that education and politics must be kept separate for the protection of the former. For Rancière, on the other hand, it is not Socrates but the “ignorant schoolmaster” to whom one should turn as the inspiration for democratic education. He denounces the Socratic maieutic and instead argues for the "equality of intelligence" and the democratization of knowledge. By analyzing their divergent yet complementary views on the Socratic paideia, this study explores how education can foster critical thinking, challenge hierarchical structures, and ultimately contribute to realizing equality as the democratic ideal.
This article critically examines the concept of resource scarcity within the context of capitalist accumulation and colonial legacies. Employing an ecofeminist approach, it challenges dominant narratives of scarcity that obscure systemic processes of resource deprivation in the global South and care economies. The analysis reveals how the rhetoric of scarcity serves capitalist interests and perpetuates colonial exploitation, leading to unequal resource allocation between productive and reproductive economies, and between the global North and South. Drawing on ecofeminist theory, enriched by decolonial and Marxist critiques, this article argues that resource scarcity is not merely relative within planetary boundaries, but fundamentally a consequence of capitalist modes of production and colonial exploitation of women, racialised populations, and the more-than-human world. Scarcity is artificially manufactured through processes of overaccumulation, overdevelopment, and corporate violence. The article advocates for an ecofeminist decolonial degrowth political economy as a form of climate reparation. This approach explicitly aims to expand the care economy, challenging the growth paradigm and redistributing resources between production and reproduction, and between North and South. It envisions the development of plural, interdependent economies that resist capitalist domination and pave the way for post-capitalist modes of living that prioritise human flourishing and ecological sustainability.
In 2016, with the declaration of the word of the year by the Oxford English Dictionary, ‘Post-truth’ became a hot cake in spite of lacking a shared conceptual understanding of the term. Although the concept has always been with us in politics and science, the coinage of the ironical phrase ‘reality-based community’ by George W. Bush in 2004 as his approach to foreign policy denotes the root of ‘post-truth’ in politics just after the beginning of the Iraq War. The Brexit in the UK and the pre-Presidential election period preceded by the victory of Donald Trump in the USA in 2017 significantly manipulated global politics towards a new era where the boundary between factual truth and fiction can hardly be feasible as people started believing less in fact, rather, they are easily influenced by emotion in shaping public opinions. Since factual truth is vulnerable for its close camaraderie with politics in the contemporary ‘post-truth’ world, “reality is fundamentallydifferent from what most people think” (Fuller 1). The present paper proposes to scan the Hindi film The Kerala Story (2023), which spills much ink from critics and viewers for its controversial thematic implications and its bend towards propaganda. The film, under discussion, questions both the validity and falsity of the depictions of recruiting non-Muslims girls for Islamic State (IS) by the Islamic community agents in the state of Kerala in India. As these depictions are not rational truths, they easily overstep their boundary due to political resonance and lead to voluntary articulation, which is a ‘lie’, by the political leaders. The clash between the validity and falsity of the depictions shown in the abovementioned film is the central concern of this study.
Keywords : ‘Factual truth’; ‘Rational truth’; politics; ‘Posttruth’; propaganda
While there are many public concerns about the impact of AI on truth and knowledge, especially when it comes to the widespread use of LLMs, there is not much systematic philosophical analysis of these problems and their political implications. This paper aims to assist this effort by providing an overview of some truth-related risks in which LLMs may play a role, including risks concerning hallucination and misinformation, epistemic agency and epistemic bubbles, bullshit and relativism, and epistemic anachronism and epistemic incest, and by offering arguments for why these problems are not only epistemic issues but also raise problems for democracy since they undermine its epistemic basis– especially if we assume democracy theories that go beyond minimalist views. I end with a short reflection on what can be done about these political-epistemic risks, pointing to education as one of the sites for change.
The doctoral thesis’s theme, “Contemporary Stoicism and Civic Values”, highlights the potential of an interface between the philosophy of Stoicism and the functioning of the country by strengthening civic values. The aim of the thesis is to offer a vision of how the philosophy of Stoicism, in its contemporary interpretation, can be applied to address topical issues at the national level – strengthening civic values in Latvia. The research (1) identifies the current country’s needs and challenges regarding strengthening civic values; (2) examines the formation and variations of Stoic philosophy and ethics over time, including the most significant criticism of Stoicism, from the origins of the teaching (ancient Stoicism) to the present day (contemporary Stoicism); (3) formulates the interpretation of Stoic philosophy and ethics used in the thesis: what is the ultimate goal of the teaching and the main components of the strategy to achieve it. Based on this understanding of contemporary Stoicism and the identified issues regarding civic values, the thesis (4) explores the potential and limitations of applying contemporary Stoicism to strengthening two core civic values – autonomy and solidarity – in Latvia. However, Stoicism as a philosophical teaching offers a more fundamental transformation and impact on the person than just the cultivation of these two civic values. Stoicism affects the whole personality (character), a person’s worldview and way of thinking, as well as the understanding of the country’s role in a person’s beliefs and actions. These aspects reinforce the effectiveness of Stoicism and, thus, its usefulness to the country in the context of strengthening civic values. The final chapter of the thesis (5) analyzes three case studies that illustrate the applicability of Stoicism in specific areas: regarding care for nature, military service, and character education in schools.
An environmentally reoriented educational policy is oftentimes regarded as the premier locus for a societal response to the climate crisis. As observed by Gough (2021), a general belief shared among both policy makers and academics is a consensus that education needs to be perceived less as an instrument for securing sociocultural reproduction and transmission of existing knowledge and more as a catalyst for social and cultural change. The aim of this article is a critical investigation into possibilities and obstacles for education to achieve such change, given the condition of ‘ontological insecurity’ (Hamilton, 2017) that the Anthropocene implies. It is divided into three parts: 1) following Chakrabarty, I identify the politico-aesthetic challenges posed by anthropogenic climate change and formulate their relevance as an educational ordeal; 2) I enquire about the challenges and possibilities for environmental education to foster societal change and conclude that, while a general policy change toward sustainable education may be insufficient, education remains a premier site where negotiations could take place between the deep-seated beliefs about subjectivity and an open anticipation of unforeseen modes of agency; 3) after providing a comparative analysis of classical humanist Bildung and post-humanist accounts of subjectification in education, I conclude that these approaches constitute a performative contradiction, which allows the experiential challenges of the Anthropocene to be approached in terms of a reimagined aesthetic education thematized as a critique of (human) capacity.
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