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"Cidades" dentro da Cidade? A Estrutura Socioespacial de Favelas Cariocas no Período Lula (2003-2010)
Abstract and Figures
In Rio de Janeiro and in Brazil in general, the favelas are seen as the places of poverty and low living standards par excellence. However, labeling favelas as poverty pockets is only pertinent in a certain strategy of spatial aggregation and dimensioning of census data – that is, a certain geographic scale. In this case, the whole city is the unit of analysis. On the other hand, when we narrow the scope of the analysis to the limits of an individual favela, what emerges is a mosaic of income strata, just like at the city scale. The hypothesis of this work is that the favelas have a socio-spatial structure that – although it results from dynamics that are not exactly the same as those on the city scale – characterizes it as a kind of “city within city”, insofar as it reproduces the urban socio-spatial structure. The methodology is based on calculating the Moran Index for the income variable and, considering the income groups, to analyze the social and infrastructure data, comparing the years 2000 and 2010. We choose this period because of Lula’s government, which implemented public policies to combat urban poverty and inequality. We studied three groups of favelas located in distinct areas of the city of Rio de Janeiro: Complexo do Alemão in the North Zone, Rocinha in the South Zone and Coqueiro Fazenda in the West Zone. The results indicate that favelas, in general, reproduce in their socio-spatial structure the differentiations observed at the city scale. In Rio de Janeiro, the group with the highest income is mostly composed of white population, with higher schooling and higher life expectancy, besides having more access to better urban equipment, services and infrastructure. As the favelas are articulated to this structure of cities, we conclude that they behave as fractals, insofar as they reproduce - although with a much smaller discrepancy between the groups - the urban structure.
Keywords: Inequality. Favelas. Fractal. Socio-spatial Structure. Lula’s government.
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... If we take the surroundings in the analysis, we are likely to identify the entire favela as a poor area, like we usually do when we consider the city scale, in which favelas appear as homogenous areas of precariousness. Of course, looking at the scale of the city as a whole, informal settlements stand out as socially uniform, poor spaces (Carvalho, 2016). From that viewpoint, we usually cannot see much differentiation between favelas' residents because segregation measures, applied on the city as a whole, tend to 'absorb' subtle differences of income and race in smaller places and render them invisible in the assessment of segregation. ...
More than one billion people live in slums and informal settlements worldwide. This urban condition poses an urgent need to look more closely into the spatial complexities of these areas. Informal settlements are still commonly seen as segregated places of poverty. Due to the usual scales of analyses, the social and spatial complexity of informal settlements may be easily overlooked. Although previous qualitative studies have suggested that poor areas are internally differentiated, there is little systematic study to date identifying patterns of segregation within poor areas through rigorous analysis. This paper explores a spatial statistical method to challenge the common-sense notion of informal settlements as socially homogeneous places. We do so by analysing segregation within areas that are themselves already segregated-a multiscalar property that may pervade smaller, seemingly homogeneous areas. We apply Moran's index to analyse residential segregation based on income within 42 largest informal settlements and nine Brazilian cities. Our results show that 37 % of the informal settlements analysed are composed of a complex residential mix featuring internal inequality patterns akin to those found in cities. Our approach also identifies racial inequalities and uneven access to urban in-frastructures within favelas.
... If we take the surroundings in the analysis, we are likely to identify the entire favela as a poor area, like we usually do when we consider the city scale, in which favelas appear as homogenous areas of precariousness. Of course, looking at the scale of the city as a whole, informal settlements stand out as socially uniform, poor spaces (Carvalho, 2016). From that viewpoint, we usually cannot see much differentiation between favelas' residents because segregation measures, applied on the city as a whole, tend to 'absorb' subtle differences of income and race in smaller places and render them invisible in the assessment of segregation. ...
Is the assessment of social inequality affected by geographic scale? Does manipulation of the resolution and extent of geospatial data bear on our understanding of poverty pockets? Can such a scale-sensitive approach improve the spatial targeting of public policies? In this paper, I set out to answer these questions through the analysis of favelas, the quintessential poverty pockets in urban Brazil. Resulting from the maladjustment between in-migration and urban job market expansion throughout the second half of the twentieth century, favelas are informal settlements established at marginal, unclaimed lands in or near city centres – such as hillsides, riverbanks, and mangroves – or else far removed from them, where they suffer from the lack of basic infrastructure and social services. In 2010 there were over six thousand favelas throughout the Brazilian territory, housing a total of 11.4 million people, around six per cent of the country’s total population. The largest favelas – such as Rocinha, in Rio de Janeiro, and Sol Nascente, just outside Brasília – have tens of thousands of inhabitants, making them more populous than most municipalities in Brazil. A greater understanding of the socio-economic geography of these informal settlements can, therefore, inform better designing and implementation of public policies that are key to fighting poverty and inequality. I hypothesize that these intra-urban settlements are not homogenous, a-dimensional points on Earth’s surface. Instead, the favelas – especially the larger ones – are fully-fledged spaces, i.e., socio-economically differentiated geographies composed of a complex residential mix, often presenting internal inequality patterns akin to those found in the city-as-a-whole. With this in mind, I applied a geospatial technique known as Hot Spot Analysis, which identify statistically-significant clusters in the dataset, to 2010 census (the latest available) variables such as income and public utilities at the census tract level to assess inequality within the largest favelas in five Brazilian major cities (São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Recife, Salvador, and Brasília). These results suggest that favelas are internally differentiated to a significant degree, with better-off clusters supported by comparatively better urban facilities and higher levels of public investment, while the poorest clusters suffer from generalized neglect. Thus, public policies targeting undifferentiated favelas might reinforce inequalities instead of mitigating them. Just like in the city as a whole, governmental funding and projects tend to be directed to the higher-income neighbourhoods, rather than to the most deprived ones. The scale is a crucial, and yet neglected issue in this regard. Indeed, little attention has been paid to the question of how poverty and inequality assessments are sensitive to spatial scale. As one zooms in on neighbourhoods of similar income values, such as favelas, significant variation can be found between adjacent spatial units, showing that inequality is a phenomenon reproduced across scales.
... Não teriam elas também uma estrutura "espacial"? Uma resposta positiva a essa pergunta implicaria na remodelação da imagem geográfica da favela: ela não seria mais vista como um lugar homogeneamente pobre, mas como um mosaico de áreas sociais que -embora resultante de dinâmicas não exatamente iguais àquelas que atuam na escala da cidade como um todo -a caracterizaria como uma espécie de "cidade dentro da cidade" (Carvalho, 2016). ...
No Brasil, o senso comum aponta as favelas como o lugar urbano da pobreza, da violência e marginalidade, por excelência. O objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar que essa descrição das favelas como bolsões de pobreza só é pertinente numa determinada estratégia de agregação espacial dos dados censitários – ou seja, uma certa escala geográfica. Quando a análise é feita considerando os limites de uma favela individual, o que emerge é um mosaico de faixas de renda, a exemplo do observado na escala da cidade. A hipótese deste trabalho é de que as favelas possuem uma estrutura socioespacial análoga à da cidade, caracterizando-as como uma espécie de “cidades
dentro da cidade”. Utilizando dados do Censo, agregados ao nível do setor censitário, calculamos o Índice de Moran para a variável renda e, uma vez identificados os clusters de alta e baixa renda, analisamos os dados socioeconômicos e de infraestrutura, relativos a 2010. Estudamos os três maiores agrupamentos de favelas no Rio de Janeiro: Rocinha, Complexo do Alemão e Fazenda Coqueiro. Os resultados indicaram que as favelas têm reproduzido a desigualdade observada na escala da cidade.
Articuladas à estrutura urbana mais ampla, as favelas se comportam como fractais, na medida em que também reproduzem esta estrutura.
Este trabalho trata das intervenções em favelas localizadas na Região do ABC e financiadas no âmbito do Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento – Urbanização de Assentamentos Precários (PAC-UAP).1 Esse programa canaliza recursos para ações de urbanização de 49 assentamentos precários do tipo favela ou loteamentos irregulares nessa região. Observa-se que é baixa a execução dos contratos de financiamento e repasse. A caracterização dos assentamentos e das intervenções fornece um panorama geral da execução do programa e possibilita identificar seus entraves. Conclui-se que, para compreender os baixos índices de execução das obras de urbanização de favelas será importante entender a característica desses territórios, natureza das intervenções, regulamentação e operacionalização do programa e as limitações institucionais dos governos municipais.
Pensando nas formas de acesso à moradia da população de baixa renda no Brasil, este artigo pretende analisar, especificamente, as condições de moradia da população favelada, procurando, a partir dos dados censitários disponíveis, identificar o que significa morar numa favela no Brasil na primeira década do século XXI, a partir de algumas questões principais: houve aumento da população favelada no Brasil? Onde esse aumento foi mais expressivo? Como se deu esse aumento: a partir do surgimento de novas favelas ou no aumento das favelas existentes? Quais as características dos domicílios favelados? Houve melhora nos indicadores relacionados à infraestrutura? É também um esforço inédito de análise da base de dados “Leitura Territorial” dos domicílios favelados, base única disponibilizada pelo Censo 2010.
Do ponto de vista arquitetônico, muitos estudiosos têm criticado as moradias do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida (PMCMV). Embora encampando um largo espectro de problemas, essas críticas até agora não abordaram os espaços de convivência e lazer. A literatura mais geral aponta que, nos projetos de habitação de interesse social, as áreas de uso comum são extremamente importantes. Reporta-se que, quando essas áreas não são bem delimitadas, ocorre uma apropriação indevida por parte dos moradores, prejudicando a coletividade. Neste trabalho, procuramos discutir essa questão no âmbito mais amplo da produção capitalista da habitação, atentando para o papel das grandes incorporadoras e o impacto da sua busca por lucro sobre a qualidade dos projetos. Para tal, utilizamos como exemplo dois empreendimentos do PMCMV localizados no estado do Rio de Janeiro, onde, apesar de obrigatórias, as áreas de convivência e lazer são insuficientes e inadequadas.
Resumo
Os anos 1990 representaram no Brasil avanços institucionais no campo do Direito à Moradia e à Cidade, com a incorporação à Constituição do país, em 1988, dos princípios da função social da cidade e da propriedade, do reconhecimento dos direitos de posse dos moradores dos assentamentos urbanos informais e da participação direta dos cidadãos nos processos decisórios sobre a política urbana. Estas proposições constituem os pilares da agendada Reforma Urbana, que, a partir da criação do Ministério das Cidades no governo Lula, penetra no âmbito do Executivo federal. O artigo avalia os limites e possibilidades de implementação desta agenda através da trajetória de duas políticas propostas pelo Ministério – o Conselho Nacional das Cidades e a campanha pelos Planos Diretores Participativos – centrando a análise na organização do Estado na área do desenvolvimento urbano em sua relação como sistema político e as características da democracia brasileira.
Palavras-chave: planejamento participativo; política urbana; democracia.
Abstract: In Brazil the nineties represented years of institutional achievements in the field of housing and urban rights, since the 1988 Constitution, which included the principles of social function of cities and properties, the recognition of tenure rights for slum dwellers and the direct participation of citizens in the decision making process of urban policies. Those propositions have been the pillars of the Urban Reform agenda, which had penetrated into the national governments scope since the creation of the Ministry of Cities, under Lula’s administration. This article evaluates the limits and possibilities for the implementation of this agenda through the analysis of two policies proposed by the Ministry: the National Council of the Cities and the Campaign for Participatory Master Plans. The approach is centered in the organization of Brazilian State in the sector of urban development, in its relationship with the political system and the features of the country’s democracy.
Keywords: participatory planning; urban policy; democracy.
Sociologists have too often discounted the role of space in inequality. This book showcases a recent generation of inquiry that attends to poverty, prosperity, and power across a range of territories and their populations within the United States, addressing spatial inequality as a thematically distinct body of work that spans sociological research traditions. The contributors' various perspectives offer an agenda for future action to bridge sociology's diverse and often narrowly focused spatial and inequality traditions.
