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The Effect of Active and Passive Peer Discouragement on Adolescent Risk taking: An Experimental Study
Abstract
This experiment investigated the effect of peer discouragement on adolescent risk taking. Overall, 269 Dutch adolescents aged 11–15 years completed a risk taking computer task in the presence of an e-confederate who demonstrated very little risk taking (passive peer discouragement) and/or sent risk-discouraging messages to participants (active peer discouragement). The results showed that, compared to a situation with no peer discouragement, adolescents took significantly less risk only when they encountered a combination of active and passive peer discouragement; hence, when peers practiced what they preached. No gender differences were found in the effect of passive and active peer discouragement on risk taking. The results showed that digital peer messages play a promising role in diminishing adolescent risk taking.
... and social desirability. The group norms appeared to mainly be of low tolerance to violence, which may have influenced participants to report similar decisions (de Boer and Harakeh, 2017). That is, some participants may have masked their true virtual decisions in order to conform to the focus group majority. ...
Introduction: Gang involvement poses serious risks to young people, including antisocial and criminal behaviour, sexual and criminal exploitation, and mental health problems. There is a need for research-informed development of preventive interventions. To this end, we conducted a qualitative study of young people’s responses to an educational virtual reality (VR) experience of an encounter with a gang, to understand young people’s decisions, emotions and consequences.
Methods: Young people (N = 24 aged 13-15, 11 female, 13 male) underwent the VR experience followed by semi-structured focus group discussions. Questions focused on virtual decision-making (motivations, thoughts, feelings, consequences) and user experiences of taking part. Data were analysed using Thematic Analysis.
Results: Three themes were developed to represent how participants’ perceptions of the gang, themselves, and the context influenced virtual decisions. Social pressure from the gang competed with participants’ wish to stand by their morals and establish individual identity. The VR setting, through its escalating events and plausible characters, created an “illusion of reality” and sense of authentic decisions and emotions, yielding insights for real-life in a safe, virtual environment.
Discussion: Findings shed light on processes influencing adolescent decision-making in a virtual context of risk-taking, peer pressure and contact with a gang. Particularly, they highlight the potential for using VR in interventions with young people, given its engaging and realistic nature.
... Some studies indeed have found risk-heightening effects of peer presence only for male adolescents (Defoe et al., 2020), or have found male adolescents to be at least more influenced by peer advice than female adolescents . However, other studies found no gender differences in peer presence effects on experimental risk-taking at all (Boer & Harakeh, 2017;Harakeh & Boer, 2018). In this sense, a qualitative review on gender differences in adolescent susceptibility to deviant peer pressure suggested male adolescents to be more influenced by peers than female adolescents in only 46% of all studies investigated (see McCoy et al., 2019). ...
... Some studies indeed have found risk-heightening effects of peer presence only for male adolescents (Defoe et al., 2020), or have found male adolescents to be at least more influenced by peer advice than female adolescents . However, other studies found no gender differences in peer presence effects on experimental risk-taking at all (Boer & Harakeh, 2017;Harakeh & Boer, 2018). In this sense, a qualitative review on gender differences in adolescent susceptibility to deviant peer pressure suggested male adolescents to be more influenced by peers than female adolescents in only 46% of all studies investigated (see McCoy et al., 2019). ...
It has been assumed that adolescents increase risk-taking tendencies when peers are present but findings on experimental decision-making have been inconclusive. Most studies focus on risk-taking tendencies, ignoring the effects peer presence can exert over other cognitive processes involved in decision-making, as well as any other underlying developmental and individual differences. In the present study, the trial-by-trial choice behavior was analyzed in a task in which adolescents adjust to dynamically changing risk probabilities. Using Bayesian modeling, the study aimed to infer about peer presence effects on risk-taking tendencies but also on reactions to, exploration of, and learning from positive and negative outcomes of risk-taking. 184 pre-to late adolescents (M = 14.09 years, min = 8.59, max = 18.97, SD = 2.95, 47% female) conducted the Balloon Analog Risk Task under two conditions: Once alone and once in the presence of a (non-existent) peer observing them virtually. Findings revealed that (a) peer observation reduced risk-taking but increased exploration tendencies and (b) that individual differences modulated this effect. Especially female pre-adolescents increased their openness to explore different choice outcomes when a peer observed their behavior. These results support the assumption that the occurrence and direction of peer influences on risk-taking depend on a person-environment interaction, emphasizing the dynamic role peers play in adolescent risk-taking.
... Indeed, the peer context is related to adolescent risk taking in daily life, as demonstrated by the doubled risk of fatal injuries during driving accompanied by peers (Chen et al. 2000). Several experimental studies also demonstrate that the (perceived) presence of peers increases risk taking (De Boer and Harakeh 2017;Gardner and Steinberg 2005;Maclean et al. 2014;Van Hoorn et al. 2017;Weigard et al. 2014). However, adolescents vary in their susceptibility to peer influence on risk taking. ...
Adolescents with mild to borderline intellectual disability (MBID) show more daily life risk taking than typically developing adolescents. To obtain insight in when these “risk-taking adolescents” especially take risks, we investigated main and interaction effects of (a) MBID, (b) sex, and (c) type of peer influence on risk taking. The Balloon Analogue Risk Task (BART) was used as a proxy of real-life risk taking. 356 adolescents (12–19 years, 51.7% MBID, 63.4% boys) were randomly assigned to one of three BART peer-influence conditions: solo (no peers), positive risk encouragement (e.g., ‘You are cool if you continue’) or negative risk encouragement (e.g., ‘You are a softy if you do not continue’). The main finding was that boys with MBID took more risks than typically developing boys in the negative risk encouragement condition. Boys with MBID also took more risks in the negative risk encouragement condition compared to the solo condition, whereas typically developing boys did not. There were no such effects for girls. Surprisingly, boys with MBID took less risks in the solo condition than typically developing boys. We conclude that boys with MBID especially show high risk taking when peers belittle or threat with exclusion from the peer group. Prevention and intervention programs should specifically target boys with MBID to teach them to resist negative risk encouragement by peers.
... The most promising studies in this regard are studies on the effect of online and offline messages from peers on individual risk-taking in behavioral lab tasks. Thus far, these studies have been mainly focused on decision outcomes rather than on how dialogue could alter perceptions and preferences (Cavalca et al., 2013;De Boer & Harakeh, 2017;MacLean, Geier, Henry, & Wilson, 2014;Pfeffer & Hunter, 2013;Reynolds, MacPherson, Schwartz, Fox, & Lejuez, 2014). ...
Research Summary
Offender decision‐making generally occurs in social context. In this article, we discuss the potential for integrating insights on peer processes and decision‐making processes to advance our understanding on the decision to engage in crime. In particular, we address the developmental and situational influence of peers on perceptions, preferences, and dual‐systems processing. We contribute to this literature by elaborating on situational peer processes and discuss the ways in which peers can affect decision‐making through their mere presence as well as through their active involvement as instigators, conversational partners, and co‐offenders.
Policy Implications
Programs to effectively reduce crime and delinquency require a holistic approach that takes into account the interdependency between internal and external factors that impact behavior. The purpose of this article was to detail how our understanding of two prominent explanations of crime —peer influence and rational choice—can mutually benefit from such integration.
Smoking behavior as one of the riskiest behaviors carried out by teenagers has always been a problem throughout the ages. As long as the root cause is still there and supported by various policies that are in favor of the owners of the cigarette industry, during that time the problem of smoking will always exist. One of the districts in East Java with the highest number of smokers is Tuban. This study aims to determine what factors are the most dominant influencing adolescent smoking behavior in Tuban Regency. The population in this study were junior high school youth in the district of Tuban, both smokers and non-smoker. The design in this study was analytic with a Cross-Sectional approach. The population was junior high school youth, both male and female, totaling 2,866, with a sample size of 287 using purposive sampling. The independent variables in this study were gender, puberty status, self-esteem, motivation, health status, work, economy, environment, friends, family, models/role models. Data was collected using a questionnaire compiled by the research team using the Pender Model theory approach. The collected data was analyzed by logistic regression test. The results showed that most of the adolescents did not smoke by 98.61%, more than half of the adolescents were female (58.89%), almost all of them had experienced puberty (96.17%), most of them had negative self-esteem (88.50%), all of whom stated that smoking did not motivate to do activities, all of them stated that they did not smoke during their illness, almost all of them did not have a side job (97.56%), more than half of the parents had income above the minimum wage (53.31%), almost all stated that the environment did not affect smoking behavior (99.30%), almost all stated that friends did not influence smoking behavior (98.95%), almost all stated that family did not influence smoking behavior (99.65%), and almost all stated that their model/role model did not affect smoking behavior (99.65%). Based on the results of statistical tests, it was found that all factors had a significance > 0.05 so that there were no factors that significantly influenced smoking behavior in adolescents or in other words there was no dominant factor that significantly affected smoking behavior in adolescents in Tuban district. For related parties such as schools, the health office, health education participate in maintaining and continuing to improve education to adolescents about the dangers of smoking so that adolescents do not engage in behaviors that are more risky to health than the benefits obtained.
Introduction:
In this experiment, we investigated the effect of active (pressure) and passive (imitation) peer encouragement on adolescent risk-taking and assessed gender differences.
Method:
The participants performed the Balloon Analogue Risk Task (BART) with the same-sex e-confederate. The experiment consisted of a 2 (passive encouragement: no/yes updates about the number of pumps of the e-confederate) by 2 (active encouragement: no/yes messages received from the e-confederate) by 2 (gender: girls/boys) by 3 (time: baseline/first message or update/second message or update) mixed design. The participants comprised 138 Dutch secondary-school students aged 11-19 years old of whom 46% boys. They were assigned to one of the four conditions: 1. neutral (e-confederate present), 2. passive (two updates received), 3. active (two messages received), or 4. combined (two updates and two messages received).
Results:
Only a significant main effect of passive peer encouragement and a significant interaction effect of passive peer encouragement*time were shown. The participants exposed to passive peer encouragement took significantly more risk compared to other participants. Moreover, adolescent risk-taking significantly increased after the first and second update compared to baseline (no update).
Conclusion:
The findings suggest that adolescents are more likely to engage in risk-taking because of passive rather than active peer encouragement. Thus, communication through text-based messages in which young people provide information solely about their own risk-taking may be an important aim of prevention and intervention programs.
Moving beyond studies of age differences in "cool" cognitive processes related to risk perception and reasoning, new approaches to understanding adolescent risk behavior highlight the influence of "hot" social and emotional factors on adolescents' decisions. Building on evidence from developmental neuroscience, we present a theory that highlights an adolescent gap in the developmental timing of neurobehavioral systems underpinning incentive processing and cognitive control. Whereas changes in brain regions involved in incentive processing result in heightened sensitivity to social and emotional rewards in early adolescence, cognitive control systems do not reach full maturity until late adolescence or early adulthood. Within this framework, middle adolescence represents a window of heightened vulnerability to peer influences toward risk-taking behavior. At a time when adolescents spend an increasing amount of time with peers, research suggests that exposure to peer-related stimuli sensitizes the reward system to the reward value of risky behavior. As the cognitive control system gradually matures, adolescents gain the capacity to exercise self-regulation in socio-emotionally challenging situations, reflected by an increasing capacity to resist peer influence.
This study involved an examination of the role of perceived popularity and social dominance in the social behaviors used within early adolescents' (N = 387) friendship cliques. A status hierarchy between cliques within each grade (based on peer-rated perceived popularity) and a status hierarchy between individuals within each clique (based on friend-rated social dominance) were delineated. Results revealed that adolescents' within-clique dominance rank and their clique's collective perceived popularity status were independently related to their social behaviors used within their cliques and their likability by friends and peers. Levels of aggression were highest within perceived popular cliques and perceived unpopular cliques, whereas levels of prosocial behavior and friend/peer likability were lowest in perceived unpopular cliques. Findings also indicated that aggression toward clique members was associated with social dominance within the clique. However, dominant adolescents using both aggressive and prosocial behaviors within their cliques may be afforded the most social rewards.
Proposes a theory of social impact specifying the effect of other persons on an individual. According to the theory, when other people are the source of impact and the individual is the target, impact should be a multiplicative function of the strength, immediacy, and number of other people. Furthermore, impact should take the form of a power function, with the marginal effect of the
Nth other person being less than that of the (
N–2)th. When other people stand with the individual as the target of forces from outside the group, impact should be divided such that the resultant is an inverse power function of the strength, immediacy, and number of persons standing together. The author reviews relevant evidence from research on conformity and imitation, stage fright and embarrassment, news interest, bystander intervention, tipping, inquiring for Christ, productivity in groups, and crowding in rats. (27 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Students' perceived norms and personal concern about alcohol use were examined in 4 (N=971) experiments. Men reported that same-sex peers were less concerned about campus alcohol practices than themselves or female students; women believed that they were more concerned about campus alcohol practices than both same- and opposite-sex peers (Experiments 1 and 2). Additional evidence suggested that students were not merely engaging in impression management. Men reported more social pressure to drink and greater embarrassment about expressing drinking-related concerns; women expected more severe consequences if they drank excessively (Experiment 3). A male student (vs female student) expressing concerns about alcohol was believed to experience greater difficulties fitting in (Experiment 4). Implications for peer influence and drug use intervention are discussed.
Imitation of risky behaviors among drivers is a potentially dangerous threat to driving safety but is infrequently discussed in the existing literature. To enrich the understanding of drivers' imitation behaviors on the road, 2 experiments were designed for a simulated traffic environment.
Safe and risky behaviors were demonstrated by model vehicles separately in the 2 experiments, and imitation behaviors of the participants were observed and analyzed.
From experiment 1 it was found that the following distance of participants (measured in time headway) was affected by the distance demonstrated by other vehicles on the road. The influence was stronger when the speed was low, and the participants imitated both risky and safe behavior models. When the speed was high, the participants tended to only learn safe behaviors. In experiment 2, when approaching yellow lights, it was examined whether a driver's decision (pass or stop) would be affected by the behavior of another vehicle (the model vehicle), which was designed to either pass through or stop at the intersection. When the model vehicle ran the yellow light, 65 percent of the participants did the same, even though they were 30 m behind the model vehicle. In contrast, if the model vehicle stopped at the intersection, only 25 percent of the participants decided to pass.
It was found that both novice and experienced participants had the tendency to imitate what they saw but were rarely aware of the influence by other drivers in both scenarios.
Research has demonstrated that extensive structural and functional brain development continues throughout adolescence. A popular notion emerging from this work states that a relative immaturity in frontal cortical neural systems could explain adolescents' high rates of risk-taking, substance use and other dangerous behaviours. However, developmental neuroimaging studies do not support a simple model of frontal cortical immaturity. Rather, growing evidence points to the importance of changes in social and affective processing, which begin around the onset of puberty, as crucial to understanding these adolescent vulnerabilities. These changes in social-affective processing also may confer some adaptive advantages, such as greater flexibility in adjusting one's intrinsic motivations and goal priorities amidst changing social contexts in adolescence.
Two experiments suggest that the experience of power can interact with a person's level of power motivation to produce effects on risky decision making. In Study 1, assignment to a position of power increased risk taking among participants with low levels of power motivation but reduced risk taking among participants with high levels of power motivation. In Study 2, participants high in power motivation again made more conservative decisions, but only under circumstances in which the dominance hierarchy was unstable and there was potential for losing their power. When power was irrevocable and participants' choices had no bearing on their ability to retain power, both high and low power-motivated participants responded by making riskier decisions. Findings suggest that although power may generally lead to riskier decisions, power may lead to more conservative decisions among power-motivated individuals, especially when the status quo is perceived to be in jeopardy.
This paper is concerned with the meaning and the processes of peer pressure in relation to smoking behaviour amongst pre-adolescent
and adolescent pupils. Previous research suggests that children who smoke cause their non-smoking peers to take up the habit
through strategies such as coercion, teasing, bullying and rejection from a desired group. In this study different methods
elicited different accounts of initial smoking situations from the same pupils. While role-play elicited stereotypical scenes
of coercion and bullying, results from a self-complete questionnaire and focus groups conflicted with these accounts and suggested
that the process was more complex and included strong elements of self-determined behaviour. This study highlights the problems
of using a single research method to understand complex processes. Results suggest that individuals play a more active role
in starting to smoke than has previously been acknowledged and that social processes other than peer pressure need to be taken
into account. Possible implications for health education programmes are far reaching.
In this article, we examine the construct of peer contagion in childhood and adolescence and review studies of child and adolescent development that have identified peer contagion influences. Evidence suggests that children's interactions with peers are tied to increases in aggression in early and middle childhood and amplification of problem behaviors such as drug use, delinquency, and violence in early to late adolescence. Deviancy training is one mechanism that accounts for peer contagion effects on problem behaviors from age 5 through adolescence. In addition, we discuss peer contagion relevant to depression in adolescence, and corumination as an interactive process that may account for these effects. Social network analyses suggest that peer contagion underlies the influence of friendship on obesity, unhealthy body images, and expectations. Literature is reviewed that suggests how peer contagion effects can undermine the goals of public education from elementary school through college and impair the goals of juvenile corrections systems. In particular, programs that "select" adolescents at risk for aggregated preventive interventions are particularly vulnerable to peer contagion effects. It appears that a history of peer rejection is a vulnerability factor for influence by peers, and adult monitoring, supervision, positive parenting, structure, and self-regulation serve as protective factors.
Sequential risk-taking tasks, especially the Balloon Analogue Risk Task (BART), have proven powerful and useful methods in studying and identifying real-world risk takers. A natural index in these tasks is the average number of risks the participant takes in a trial (e.g., pumps on the balloons), but this is difficult to estimate because some trials terminate early because of the consequences of those risks (e.g., when the desired number of balloon pumps exceeds the explosion point). The standard corrective strategy is to use an adjusted score that ignores such event-terminated trials. Although previous data supports the utility of this adjusted score, the authors show formally that it is biased. Therefore, the authors developed an automatic response procedure, in which respondents state at the beginning of each trial how many risks they wish to take and then observe the sequence of events unfold. A study comparing this new automatic and the original manual BART shows that the automatic procedure yields unbiased statistics whereas maintaining the BART's predictive validity of substance use. The authors also found that providing respondents with the expected-value-maximizing strategy and complete trial-by-trial feedback increased the number of risks they were willing to take during the BART. The authors interpret these results in terms of the potential utility of the automatic version including shorter administration time, unbiased behavioral measures, and minimizing motor involvement, which is important in neuroscientific investigations or with clinical populations with motor limitations.
The chameleon effect refers to nonconscious mimicry of the postures, mannerisms, facial expressions, and other behaviors of one's interaction partners, such that one's behavior passively and unintentionally changes to match that of others in one's current social environment. The authors suggest that the mechanism involved is the perception-behavior link, the recently documented finding (e.g., J. A. Bargh, M. Chen, & L. Burrows, 1996) that the mere perception of another's behavior automatically increases the likelihood of engaging in that behavior oneself. Experiment 1 showed that the motor behavior of participants unintentionally matched that of strangers with whom they worked on a task. Experiment 2 had confederates mimic the posture and movements of participants and showed that mimicry facilitates the smoothness of interactions and increases liking between interaction partners. Experiment 3 showed that dispositionally empathic individuals exhibit the chameleon effect to a greater extent than do other people.
Peer pressure is consistently implicated in the excessive drinking of college students. However, both theory and empirical findings suggest that peer pressure is a combination of three distinct influences: overt offers of alcohol, modeling, and social norms. Overt offers of alcohol can range from polite gestures to intense goading or commands to drink. Modeling occurs when the student's behavior corresponds to another student's concurrent drinking behavior. Perceived social norms can serve to make excessive alcohol use appear common and acceptable to the student. This review critically examines the literature on each form of peer influence and provides suggestions for future research.
Studies on short-term mating (STM) yield sex differences regarding preferences for attractiveness (important to women, very important to men) and social status (very important to women, not to men) in potential mates. Additionally, men generally report a greater desire to engage in STM than women. So far, this evidence is primarily based on studies using vignettes or surveys. The current study extended the findings on sex differences in STM by examining actual behavior and STM-desires towards real people of the opposite sex. It investigated whether (1) sex differences exist in STM-desire, (2) whether this desire was affected by a confederate's attractiveness and status, and (3) if these sex differences were also reflected in interpersonal behavior (mimicry). In a pub-like laboratory, single heterosexual participants performed a task alongside a confederate of the opposite sex, who differed in attractiveness and social status. Mimicry was observed and explicit STM-desire was assessed. Results showed that men only desired STM more than women in the case of an attractive partner. Women's STM-desire did not vary as a function of status or attractiveness of the potential partner. Men's, but not women's, mimicry paralleled these differential STM-desires. These results underline the conditionality of sex differences in STM-desire and provide a useful paradigm to further investigate STM.
Prior research describes the development of susceptibility to peer pressure in adolescence as following an inverted U-shaped curve, increasing during early adolescence, peaking around age 14, and declining thereafter. This pattern, however, is derived mainly from studies that specifically examined peer pressure to engage in antisocial behavior. In the present study, age differences and developmental change in resistance to peer influence were assessed using a new self-report instrument that separates susceptibility to peer pressure from willingness to engage in antisocial activity. Data from four ethnically and socioeconomically diverse samples comprising more than 3,600 males and females between the ages of 10 and 30 were pooled from one longitudinal and two cross-sectional studies. Results show that across all demographic groups, resistance to peer influences increases linearly between ages 14 and 18. In contrast, there is little evidence for growth in this capacity between ages 10 and 14 or between 18 and 30. Middle adolescence is an especially significant period for the development of the capacity to stand up for what one believes and resist the pressures of one's peers to do otherwise.
In this experimental study, it was examined to what extent peers and sex were important predictors of risk taking behavior of adolescents. Participants were 140 Dutch adolescents (52.9% boys, 12-15 years) who completed the Balloon Analogue Risk Task (BART) as a measure of risk taking behavior, either individually or in the presence of homogenous or heterogeneous peer groups. Results showed that (a) adolescents took significantly more risk when they completed the BART with peers than when they completed the risk taking task individually, (b) boys took significantly more risk when they completed the task with peers than girls but not when they completed the task individually, and (c) boys in “boy-only triads” revealed the strongest risk taking behavior compared with “mixed-girl triads” or “girl-only triads.” These results suggest that boys appear to be more susceptible to the influence of peers on risk taking behavior than girls.
Digital interactions are an increasingly common communication method among young adults, but little is known about whether such remote exchanges influence riskiness. The current study examined whether observing and interacting with, versus simply observing, a digital peer affect risk taking in young adults aged 18–25. Participants who remotely viewed risky behavior by a peer or computer increased risk taking; however, compared to a control condition, only exposure to risk-encouraging messages from a digital peer resulted in sustained risk-taking behavior. These findings suggest that short text-based messages from a risk-encouraging digital peer can influence risk-taking behavior in young adults. Given the rapid proliferation of digital communication among this age group, these results highlight a potentially important source of peer influence on risky behavior.
In a field investigation of adolescent peer groups, five hierarchies of groups were located in suburban areas, each hierarchy consisting of two or three crowds. Each crowd was an association of from two to four cliques. The network of cliques within a hierarchy was maintained through a system of reciprocal role relationships between clique leaders and crowd leaders, who were objects of identification for their followers. In the crowd two distinct, mutually-supportive central roles were differentiated-crowd leader and sociocenter. The leader set the pace of social development while the sociocenter relieved the tension created by this pressure toward achievement of heterosexuality. Together the two roles preserved the equlibrium of the crowd system while maximizing the rate at which members learned a mature heterosexual role.
Crime, smoking, drug use, alcoholism, reckless driving, and many other unhealthy patterns of behavior that play out over a lifetime often debut during adolescence. Avoiding risks or buying time can set a different lifetime pattern. Changing unhealthy behaviors in adolescence would have a broad impact on society, reducing the burdens of disease, injury, human suffering, and associated economic costs. Any program designed to prevent or change such risky behaviors should be founded on a clear idea of what is normative (what behaviors, ideally, should the program foster?), descriptive (how are adolescents making decisions in the absence of the program?), and prescriptive (which practices can realistically move adolescent decisions closer to the normative ideal?). Normatively, decision processes should be evaluated for coherence (is the thinking process nonsensical, illogical, or self-contradictory?) and correspondence (are the out-comes of the decisions positive?). Behaviors that promote positive physical and mental health outcomes in modern society can be at odds with those selected for by evolution (e.g., early procreation). Healthy behaviors may also conflict with a decision maker's goals. Adolescents' goals are more likely to maximize immediate pleasure, and strict decision analysis implies that many kinds of unhealthy behavior, such as drinking and drug use, could be deemed rational. However, based on data showing developmental changes in goals, it is important for policy to promote positive long-term outcomes rather than adolescents' short-term goals. Developmental data also suggest that greater risk aversion is generally adaptive, and that decision processes that support this aversion are more advanced than those that support risk taking. A key question is whether adolescents are developmentally competent to make decisions about risks. In principle, barring temptations with high rewards and individual differences that reduce self-control (i.e., under ideal conditions), adolescents are capable of rational decision making to achieve their goals. In practice, much depends on the particular situation in which a decision is made. In the heat of passion, in the presence of peers, on the spur of the moment, in unfamiliar situations, when trading off risks and benefits favors bad long-term outcomes, and when behavioral inhibition is required for good outcomes, adolescents are likely to reason more poorly than adults do. Brain maturation in adolescence is incomplete. Impulsivity, sensation seeking, thrill seeking, depression, and other individual differences also contribute to risk taking that resists standard risk-reduction interventions, although some conditions such as depression can be effectively treated with other approaches. Major explanatory models of risky decision making can be roughly divided into (a) those, including health-belief models and the theory of planned behavior, that adhere to a "rational" behavioral decision-making framework that stresses deliberate, quantitative trading off of risks and benefits; and (b) those that emphasize nondeliberative reaction to the perceived gists or prototypes in the immediate decision environment. (A gist is a fuzzy mental representation of the general meaning of information or experience; a prototype is a mental representation of a standard or typical example of a category.) Although perceived risks and especially benefits predict behavioral intentions and risk-taking behavior, behavioral willingness is an even better predictor of susceptibility to risk taking - and has unique explanatory power - because adolescents are willing to do riskier things than they either intend or expect to do. Dual-process models, such as the prototype/willingness model and fuzzy-trace theory, identify two divergent paths to risk taking: a reasoned and a reactive route. Such models explain apparent contradictions in the literature, including different causes of risk taking for different individuals. Interventions to reduce risk taking must take into account the different causes of such behavior if they are to be effective. Longitudinal and experimental research are needed to disentangle opposing causal processes - particularly, those that produce positive versus negative relations between risk perceptions and behaviors. Counterintuitive findings that must be accommodated by any adequate theory of risk taking include the following: (a) Despite conventional wisdom, adolescents do not perceive themselves to be invulnerable, and perceived vulnerability declines with increasing age; (b) although the object of many interventions is to enhance the accuracy of risk perceptions, adolescents typically overestimate important risks, such as HIV and lung cancer; (c) despite increasing competence in reasoning, some biases in judgment and decision making grow with age, producing more " irrational" violations of coherence among adults than among adolescents and younger children. The latter occurs because of a known developmental increase in gist processing with age. One implication of these findings is that traditional interventions stressing accurate risk perceptions are apt to be ineffective or backfire because young people already feel vulnerable and overestimate their risk. In addition, research shows that experience is not a good teacher for children and younger adolescents, because they tend to learn little from negative outcomes (favoring the use of effective deterrents, such as monitoring and supervision), although learning from experience improves considerably with age. Experience in the absence of negative consequences may increase feelings of invulnerability and thus explain the decrease in risk perceptions from early to late adolescence, as exploration increases. Finally, novel interventions that discourage deliberate weighing of risks and benefits by adolescents may ultimately prove more effective and enduring. Mature adults apparently resist taking risks not out of any conscious deliberation or choice, but because they intuitively grasp the gists of risky situations, retrieve appropriate risk-avoidant values, and never proceed down the slippery slope of actually contemplating tradeoffs between risks and benefits.
Trying to understand why adolescents and young adults take more risks than younger or older individuals do has challenged psychologists for decades. Adolescents' inclination to engage in risky behavior does not appear to be due to irrationality, delusions of invulnerability, or ignorance. This paper presents a perspective on adolescent risk taking grounded in developmental neuroscience. According to this view, the temporal gap between puberty, which impels adolescents toward thrill seeking, and the slow maturation of the cognitive-control system, which regulates these impulses, makes adolescence a time of heightened vulnerability for risky behavior. This view of adolescent risk taking helps to explain why educational interventions designed to change adolescents' knowledge, beliefs, or attitudes have been largely ineffective, and suggests that changing the contexts in which risky behavior occurs may be more successful than changing the way adolescents think about risk.
Objective:
Adolescence is a high-risk period for pedestrian injury. It is also a time of heightened susceptibility to peer influence. The aim of this research was to examine the effects of peer influence on the pedestrian road-crossing decisions of adolescents.
Methods:
Using 10 videos of road-crossing sites, 80 16- to 18-year-olds were asked to make pedestrian road-crossing decisions. Participants were assigned to one of 4 experimental conditions: negative peer (influencing unsafe decisions), positive peer (influencing cautious decisions), silent peer (who observed but did not comment), and no peer (the participant completed the task alone). Peers from the adolescent's own friendship group were recruited to influence either an unsafe or a cautious decision.
Results:
Statistically significant differences were found between peer conditions. Participants least often identified safe road-crossing sites when accompanied by a negative peer and more frequently identified dangerous road-crossing sites when accompanied by a positive peer. Both cautious and unsafe comments from a peer influenced adolescent pedestrians' decisions.
Conclusions:
These findings showed that road-crossing decisions of adolescents were influenced by both unsafe and cautious comments from their peers. The discussion highlighted the role that peers can play in both increasing and reducing adolescent risk-taking.
The relationship between children's self-perceptions, children's perceptions of others' appraisal (i.e., reflected appraisals) and others' actual appraisals reported by mothers, fathers and teachers were examined. The Self-Description Questionnaire 1 (Marsh, 1988) was presented to 428 children. Parents and teachers were given an adapted form. Additionally, children were asked for reflected appraisals of their mothers, fathers and teachers according to the scales of the SDQ1. Results suggest that the reflected appraisal process is in fact more complicated than originally assumed by the theorist of symbolic interactionism. Thus, besides direct effects from actual appraisal on reflected appraisal and reflected appraisal on selfappraisal, there are also indications of an effect by actual appraisals on self- and reflected appraisals, especially for academic self-concept. Furthermore, results indicate that different significant others have a different impact on the self-perceptions of preadolescent children.
We examined the link between social norms and active social influences occurring during natural social drinking contexts. Across 4 yearly measurement-bursts, college students (N = 523) reported daily for 30-day periods on drinking norms, drinking offers, how many drinks they accepted, and personal drinking levels during social drinking events. In contexts where drinking norms were higher, students were more likely to both receive and comply with drinking offers. These acute social influences were highly stable throughout college, but affected men and women differently across time: Women received more drinking offers than men, especially at the beginning of college and when norms were higher, but men complied with more drinking offers per occasion. These effects were not attributable to between-person differences in social drinking motives or drinking levels, nor to within-person patterns of situation-selection. The present work suggests that context-specific drinking norms catalyze active social influence attempts, and further promote compliance drinking.
Research on adolescent development suggests that peer influence may play a key role in explaining adolescents' willingness to drink, an important predictor of drinking initiation. However, experiments that thoroughly examine these peer influence effects are scarce. This study experimentally examined whether adolescents adapted their willingness to drink when confronted with the pro-alcohol and anti-alcohol norms of peers in a chat room session and whether these effects were moderated by the social status of peers.
We collected survey data on drinking behavior, social status, and willingness to drink among five hundred thirty-two 14- to 15-year-olds. Of this sample, 74 boys participated in a simulated Internet chat room session in which participants were confronted with preprogrammed pro-alcohol or anti-alcohol norms of "grade-mates" which were in fact preprogrammed e-confederates. Accordingly, we tested whether participants adapted their willingness to drink to the norms of these grade-mates. To test whether adaptations in participants' willingness to drink would depend on grade-mates' social status, we manipulated their level of popularity.
The results indicated that adolescents adapted their willingness to drink substantially to the pro-alcohol (i.e., more willing to drink) as well as anti-alcohol (i.e., less willing to drink) norms of these peers. Adolescents were more influenced by high-status than low-status peers. Interestingly, the anti-alcohol norms of the popular peers seemed most influential in that adolescents were less willing to drink when they were confronted with the anti-alcohol norms of popular peers. Additionally, the adolescents internalized these anti-alcohol norms.
This study gives more insight into peer influence processes that encourage or discourage alcohol use. These results could be fundamental for the development of prevention and intervention programs to reduce alcohol use among the adolescents.
A developmental theory of reckless behavior among adolescents is presented, in which sensation seeking and adolescent egocentrism are especially prominent factors. Findings from studies of automobile driving, sex without contraception, illegal drug use, and minor criminal activity are presented in evidence of this. The influence of peers is then discussed and reinterpreted in the light of sensation seeking and adolescent egocentrism. Socialization influences are considered in interaction with sensation seeking and adolescent egocentrism, and the terms narrow and broad socialization are introduced. Factors that may be responsible for the decline of reckless behavior with age are discussed.
This study investigates whether antismoking peer pressure and/or nonsmoking peers are protective factors and decrease young adults' likelihood to smoke. An experiment was conducted among 59 daily-smoking young adults aged 16-24 years. The experiment consisted of four conditions. During the session, the confederate and participant sat in a camper van and had to do a 30-min joint music task. The participants' smoking behavior was observed during this task. The results of Poisson log-linear analysis, controlling for participants' carbon monoxide level and gender, showed that young adults smoked fewer cigarettes in the presence of a nonsmoking model pressuring the young adult not to smoke compared to a heavy-smoking model not using any pressure. At the same time, the results of Fisher's exact test indicated that the total number of cigarettes smoked did not differ significantly for nonsmoking peers verbally pressuring the young adult not to smoke compared to nonsmoking peers not verbally pressuring the young adult. Our findings indicate that the protective effect of peer influence merely lies in that the peer does not smoke. Therefore, antismoking programs and policy should focus specifically on reducing exposure to smoking peers.
The fundamental theorem of primary socialization theory is that normative and deviant behaviors are learned social behaviors, products of the interaction of social, psychological, and cultural characteristics, and that norms for social behaviors, including drug use, are learned predominantly in the context of interactions with the primary socialization sources. During adolescence, learning of social behaviors is frequently dominated by interactions with peer clusters. There are a number of additional postulates: 1) The strength of the bonds between the youth and the primary socialization sources is a major factor in determining how effectively norms are transmitted. 2) Any socialization link can transmit deviant norms, but healthy family and school systems are more likely to transmit prosocial norms. 3) Peer clusters can transmit either prosocial or deviant norms, but the major source of deviant norms is usually peer clusters. 4) Weak family/child and/ or school/child bonds increase the chances that the youth will bond with a deviant peer cluster and will engage in deviant behaviors. 5) Weak peer bonds can also ultimately increase the changes of bonding with deviant peers. Primary socialization theory is consistent with current research, has strong implications for improving prevention and treatment, and suggests specific hypotheses for further research.
Impulsivity and risk-taking are multi-dimensional constructs that have been implicated in heavy drinking and alcohol problems. Our aim was to identify the specific component of impulsivity or risk-taking that explained the greatest variance in heavy and problem drinking among a sample of young adults recruited from a university population. Participants (N=75) completed a test battery comprising two commonly used response inhibition tasks (a Go/No-Go task and a Stop signal task), a delay discounting procedure, and the Balloon Analogue Risk Task (BART) as a measure of risk-taking. Participants also completed the Barratt Impulsivity Scales (BIS) as a measure of trait impulsivity. In a hierarchical multiple regression model, risk-taking was identified as the only behavioural measure that predicted alcohol use and problems. In a secondary analysis, we demonstrated that risk-taking predicted unique variance in alcohol use and problems over and above that explained by trait impulsivity. Results suggest that among young adults, a behavioural measure of risk-taking predicts variance in alcohol consumption and alcohol problems, even when individual differences in trait impulsivity are statistically controlled. However, behavioural measures of response inhibition and delay discounting do not predict unique variance in alcohol use in young adult social drinkers.
Common folklore seems to suggest that adolescents are particularly susceptible to peer influence. However, from the literature the exact age differences in susceptibility to peer influence remain unclear. The current study's main focus was to chart the development of general susceptibility to peer pressure in a community sample of 10-18 year olds (N =464) with the recently developed Resistance to Peer Influence Scale (RPI). The one-factor structure of the RPI was cross-validated in the present sample, and the RPI was equally reliable at all ages. As expected, general resistance to peer influence increased during adolescence. In addition, gender differences were most pronounced during mid-adolescence, when girls were more resistant to peer influence than boys. These findings are explained in terms of psychosocial maturation during adolescence.
A structural model relating actual and perceived peer smoking to perceived peer pressure and to adolescent cigarette smoking was developed and replicated in two independent subsamples of the data. Data was gathered from 2334 suburban adolescents in grades 8 and 11 in a large metropolitan area. Four dimensions of peer pressure were discovered and were found to relate differentially to adolescent smoking. The major findings were that pathways representing modeling and normative pressure to smoke had roughly equal impact on adolescent smoking. Direct pressure to smoke cigarettes did not have a significant path to adolescent smoking. Adolescents reported low levels of both normative and direct pressure to smoke cigarettes. Smoking adolescents appear to see the peer group, not as encouraging them to smoke, but as not providing any discouragement for smoking. Finally, adolescents who were experimenting with smoking or were smokers overestimated the amount of smoking by their best friends.
Considerable evidence tells us that ¿being liked¿ and ¿being disliked¿ are related to social competence, but evidence concerning friendships and their developmental significance is relatively weak. The argument is advanced that the developmental implications of these relationships cannot be specified without distinguishing between having friends, the identity of one's friends, and friendship quality. Most commonly, children are differentiated from one another in diagnosis and research only according to whether or not they have friends. The evidence shows that friends provide one another with cognitive and social scaffolding that differs from what nonfriends provide, and having friends supports good outcomes across normative transitions. But predicting developmental outcome also requires knowing about the behavioral characteristics and attitudes of children's friends as well as qualitative features of these relationships.
To compare the occurrence of behaviours occurring under the influence of alcohol in 16-17-year-olds and determine associated risk factors for the different behaviours.
Cross-sectional survey administered by laptop computers in secondary schools across the state of Victoria, Australia. MEASUREMENT/FINDINGS: The participation rate was 79%. Seventy per cent of participants drank alcohol; 17% of drinkers reported alcohol-related violence (accidents or injuries) and 15% reported problems relating to sex under the influence of alcohol (having sex and later regretting it or having had unsafe sex) in the previous 12 months. Males were more likely to report alcohol-related violence (20% compared to 14% females). Almost one in 10 young people reported having sex while under the influence of alcohol and later regretting it and 10% reported having had unsafe sex. There were no significant gender differences in the reporting rates of alcohol-related sexual risk taking (prop. cum. OR 1.1, 95% CI 0.68-1.9). For alcohol-related injuries, strong independent associations were found with dose of alcohol consumed (prop. cum. OR 2.3, 95% CI 1.3-4.0), frequency of alcohol consumption (prop. cum. OR 2.7, 95% CI 0.94-7.5), antisocial behaviour (prop. cum. OR 2.4, 95% CI 1.4-4.1) and peer drinking (prop. cum. OR 3.3, 95% CI 1.4-8.1). For alcohol-related sexual risk-taking, psychiatric morbidity (prop. cum. OR 4.1, 95% CI 1.9-9.0) and high frequency of alcohol consumption (prop. cum. OR 2.0, 95% CI 0.87-4.6) had strong independent associations.
Physical injury and high-risk sexual behaviour under the influence of alcohol are common in teenagers. Alcohol-related physical injury appears closely related to patterns of alcohol consumption whereas alcohol-related sexual risk-taking is most closely associated with symptoms of depression and anxiety.
There is a considerable body of empirical research that has identified adolescent peer relationships as a primary factor involved in adolescent cigarette smoking. Despite this large research base, many questions remain unanswered about the mechanisms by which peers affect youths' smoking behavior. Understanding these processes of influence is key to the development of prevention and intervention programs designed to address adolescent smoking as a significant public health concern. In this paper, theoretical frameworks and empirical findings are reviewed critically which inform the current state of knowledge regarding peer influences on teenage smoking. Specifically, social learning theory, primary socialization theory, social identity theory and social network theory are discussed. Empirical findings regarding peer influence and selection, as well as multiple reference points in adolescent friendships, including best friendships, romantic relationships, peer groups and social crowds, are also reviewed. Review of this work reveals the contribution that peers have in adolescents' use of tobacco, in some cases promoting use, and in other cases deterring it. This review also suggests that peer influences on smoking are more subtle than commonly thought and need to be examined more carefully, including consideration of larger social contexts, e.g. the family, neighborhood, and media. Recommendations for future investigations are made, as well as suggestions for specific methodological approaches that offer promise for advancing our knowledge of the contribution of peers on adolescent tobacco use.
The family unit is the primary source of transmission of basic social, cultural, genetic, and biological factors that may underlie individual differences in smoking. Existing information on the role of familial factors in tobacco use is characterized by two separate, but somewhat overlapping, lines of research: genetic epidemiological studies and risk-factor research. The present paper summarizes and evaluates studies assessing the association between adolescent smoking and parent and sibling smoking behaviors. A review of 87 studies reveals that methods are limited by a lack of standardized instruments, failure to measure important confounding and mediating factors, reliance on cross-sectional designs and the use of inconsistent definitions of tobacco-related behavior and assessment procedures. Moreover, there are no systematic family studies of the acquisition and continuation of smoking that have employed contemporary methodological standards for examining familial aggregation of tobacco behaviors among adolescents. Findings across studies show weak and inconsistent associations between parent and adolescent smoking; inconsistent findings may be attributed to methodological issues or associated factors that may complicate the relation between parent and adolescent smoking. Sibling and peer smoking show greater associations with adolescent smoking. Suggestions for future research include contemporary family studies that delineate meaningful phenotypes of tobacco use and prospective work on the later stages of tobacco use and the timing of the influence and valence of parent and family factors. Integration of the risk factor approach within the family study design may enrich both approaches to elucidate familial influences on smoking.
The Balloon Analogue Risk Task (BART) was administered to a sample of 26 high school-aged adolescents to test the utility of the BART as a behavioural measure of risk-taking propensity. Data indicate that riskyness on the BART was related to self-reported engagement in real-world risk-taking behaviours. These data replicate and uniquely extend past research to an adolescent sample, suggesting that the BART may be a useful addition to self-report batteries for the assessment of risk-taking behaviours in adolescents.
Friends are presumed to exert a substantial influence on young people's drinking patterns. The current study focused on the effects of the best friend's drinking behaviour on the alcohol consumption of 12-14-year-old adolescents. Furthermore, we hypothesized friendship characteristics (i.e., reciprocity and sociometric status differences) to moderate the extent in which adolescents had been influenced by their best friends. Longitudinal data of 1276 adolescents and their best friends were used to examine whether the adolescent's friend's drinking behaviour, reciprocity of the friendship, and status differences between friends affected the magnitude of change in the adolescent's drinking behaviour. The findings showed that best friend's drinking behaviour is related to adolescent's drinking both cross-sectionally and longitudinally. Cross-sectionally, this association was particularly strong between mutual friends and friends with lower status. In longitudinal analyses, a different picture emerged. Respondents were most likely to adopt their friend's drinking behaviour when it was a unilateral friend with a higher status.
Although peer education has enjoyed considerable popularity as a health promotion approach with young people, there is mixed evidence about its effectiveness. Furthermore, accounts of what young people actually do as peer educators are scarce, especially in informal settings. In this paper, we examine the activities of the young people recruited as 'peer supporters' for A Stop Smoking in Schools Trial (ASSIST) which involved 10,730 students at baseline in 59 secondary schools in south-east Wales and the west of England. Influential Year 8 students, nominated by their peers, were trained to intervene informally to reduce smoking levels in their year group. The ASSIST peer nomination procedure was successful in recruiting and retaining peer supporters of both genders with a wide range of abilities. Outcome data at 1-year follow-up indicate that the risk of students who were occasional or experimental smokers at baseline going on to report weekly smoking at 1-year follow-up was 18.2% lower in intervention schools. This promising result was supported by analysis of salivary cotinine. Qualitative data from the process evaluation indicate that the majority of peer supporters adopted a pragmatic approach, concentrating their attentions on friends and peers whom they felt could be persuaded not to take up smoking, rather than those they considered to be already 'addicted' or who were members of smoking cliques. ASSIST demonstrated that a variety of school-based peer educators, who are asked to work informally rather than under the supervision of teaching staff, will engage with the task they have been asked to undertake and can be effective in diffusing health-promotion messages. Given the serious concerns about young people's smoking behaviour, we argue that this approach is worth pursuing and could be adapted for other health promotion messages.
Adolescents' susceptibility to peer influence was examined as a marker of difficulties in the general process of autonomy development that was likely to be related to deficits across multiple domains of psychosocial functioning. A laboratory-based assessment of susceptibility to peer influence in interactions with a close friend was developed and examined in relation to corollary reports obtained from adolescents, their mothers, and close peers at ages 13 and 14. As hypothesized, observed susceptibility to peer influence with a close friend predicted future responses to negative peer pressure, but it was also related to broader markers of problems in functioning, including decreases in popularity, and increasing levels of depressive symptoms, over time. Susceptibility to peer influence was also linked to higher concurrent levels of substance use, externalizing behavior, and sexual activity. Results are interpreted as reflecting the central role of establishing autonomy with peers in psychosocial development.
Examine whether smokers imitate smoking behaviour of strangers and to what extent this is moderated by the nature of social interactions.
An experiment with a three (heavy smoking, light smoking, or no smoking condition) by two (warm versus cold social interaction condition) factorial design. Daily smoking young adults were exposed to same-gender confederates and were observed in a bar laboratory.
Smoking and social behaviour were observed and coded during a 30-min break between two tasks, consisting of rating television advertisements.
Participants imitated the smoking behaviour of confederates. After controlling for young people's craving, confederate's smoking explains 35% of the variance in the number of cigarettes smoked. Participants are more likely to smoke and to continue smoking in the warm social interaction condition. Lighting up the first cigarette was affected by confederate's smoking and participant's urges to smoke. Lighting up a second was affected by the heavy smoking condition and warm social interaction condition. Lighting up a third cigarette was affected only by the heavy smoking condition.
Imitation largely explains why individuals light up a cigarette and continue to smoke.
This study examined the reliability and validity of the youth version of the Balloon Analogue Risk Task (BART-Y) for assessing adolescent risk behaviors among a sample of 98 inner-city African American adolescents (M age = 14.8, SD = 1.5). In addition to a relation with sensation seeking, BART-Y responding evidenced a significant relation with a composite of risk behaviors across substance use, sexual behavior, delinquency, and health domains. BART-Y responding also explained unique variance in a composite of these risk behaviors above and beyond demographic variables and risk-related personality constructs, including sensation seeking and impulsivity.
Social learning and social structure
- A. Bandura
Handbook of peer interactions, relationships, and groups
- B. B. Brown
- E. L. Dietz
Social identity theory: Constructive and critical advances
- D. Abrahams
- M. A. Hogg
At the threshold: The developing adolescent
- B. B. Brown
Adverse outcomes of alcohol use in adolescents
- Bonomo
An experimental study of risk‐taking behavior among adolescents: A closer look at peer and sex influences
- de Boer A.