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Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students face a range of barriers to participating and succeeding at university. To address these barriers, it is critical that universities create an environment where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students feel they belong and are culturally safe. Developing cultural competence at all levels of the university system is a critical mechanism to address these barriers and to create a safe teaching and learning environment. The University of Sydney (the University) is committed to embedding cultural competence throughout the whole university. To facilitate its strategy, it has established the National Centre for Cultural Competence (NCCC) to become a thought leader in cultural competence philosophy, process, praxis and methods. The NCCC’s mandate is to lead the thinking for individual, organisational and systemic changes that are genuinely transformational within the complex communities of the University and beyond. This chapter discusses the approach the NCCC has taken to lay the foundation for an environment that is culturally safe and where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students will flourish. While the University’s strategy encompasses a range of policies and programs, this chapter will focus on the implications of the change agenda for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students and will set out the rationale for locating this systemic change in a cultural competence framework.
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133© The Author(s) 2017
J. Frawley et al. (eds.), Indigenous Pathways, Transitions and Participation in
Higher Education, DOI10.1007/978-981-10-4062-7_9
Chapter 9
How WeDo Business: Setting theAgenda
forCultural Competence at theUniversity
ofSydney
JuanitaSherwood andGabrielleRussell-Mundine
Introduction
The National Centre for Cultural Competence (NCCC) was established in 2014 at
the University of Sydney (the University) to become a thought leader in cultural
competence philosophy, praxis, process and methods. The NCCC contributes to the
dissemination of knowledges, pedagogies and skills that inform a whole of univer-
sity approach to embedding cultural competence. This requires a contextual, ana-
lytical and methodological focus on the organisation and its many systems. At the
same time, the NCCC works to support, develop and inform a broad base of indi-
viduals; from students to the many levels of staff employed within the
organisation.
The University’s rst ever Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Integrated
Strategy Wingara Mura – Bunga Barrabugu (Wingara Mura) (The University of
Sydney 2012) provided a vital framework from which to launch the NCCC.The
NCCC’s mandate includes developing models for effective cultural competence in
order to grow a university that is inclusive and openly welcomes diversity. This
mandate is rmly embedded in a social justice and human rights agenda and pro-
vides a critical framework for the rolling out of cultural competence. Such a per-
spective contains the imperative of challenging prevailing assumptions about power,
privilege and various forms of oppression that underlie current policies, programs
and methods of doing business across the University. A central part of our work in
this space, therefore, requires us to advocate for the elimination of those policies
that diminish people’s sense of control over their lives. Simultaneously, we need to
work for the expansion of those programs that enable individuals to exercise per-
sonal freedom which contributes to people feeling like integral and valued parts of
society (Mertens etal. 2009).
J. Sherwood (*) • G. Russell-Mundine
National Centre for Cultural Competence, University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia
e-mail: juanita.sherwood@sydney.edu.au; gabrielle.russell-mundine@sydney.edu.au
134
A vital rst step in this journey for the University is to acknowledge the inherent
rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to be self-determined and
respected as Australia’s rst peoples (The University of Sydney 2012, p.3). The
University has done this through Wingara Mura (The University of Sydney 2012).
The strategy is framed around three interpersonal and institutional building blocks:
opportunity, capability and rights. Wingara Mura places the promotion of Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander participation, engagement, education and research as a
core objective of the University. Within this policy context, the NCCC aims to pro-
vide the essential framework to embed the cultural competence qualities necessary
to implement the strategy across the organisation, its staff and students.
The NCCC’s mandate has been supported by the leaders of the University and,
critically, is now embedded in the University’s strategic plans and policies
(University of Sydney 2016) sending a clear message that cultural competence is
core business. This level of patronage and cooperation is vital for the NCCC’s direc-
tive, tenure and success, as well as for the University’s ability to take up this change
agenda.
Attending– and working– in universities can be a culturally isolating experience
for many. There is a range of factors, including racism, that act as barriers to
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students accessing and succeeding at univer-
sity (Behrendt etal. 2012, p. 109; Larkin 2013, p. 228). The 2011 report ‘Higher
Education Access and Outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander People’
recommended that universities need to ‘improve the cultural understanding and
awareness of staff, students and researchers within their institution, including the
provision of cultural competency training’ (Behrendt et al. 2012, p. 113). The
report’s recommendations are necessary if universities are to change the culture(s)
of their institution(s) and in doing so provide an environment where Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander students and staff feel they belong, and that their cultures and
are respected to enable a safe learning environment.
The University is in the start-up phase of achieving far-reaching systemic cul-
tural change. While it has embraced the journey, there is still much work to be done
on exploring the depths of what it means to create such a change across the whole
university. This chapter seeks to set out the rationale for locating this systemic
change in a cultural competence framework. The University is working on the sys-
temic and organisational implementation of cultural competence through concrete
actions such as the development of policies to increase Indigenous employment and
Indigenous student numbers. This chapter will focus on the implications of this
change agenda for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students.
Higher Education Context
The focus on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students is necessary to address
the disproportionally low rate of participation of those students in the higher educa-
tion sector. Although more Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students are
J. Sherwood and G. Russell-Mundine
135
nishing Year 12, 60% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander school leavers are
not involved in study or work after leaving school (COAG Reform Council 2013).
In 2015, 1.1% of university enrolments were Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
students which represented a 7.6% increase between 2014 and 2015 (Department of
Education and Training 2015, p.1).
Despite this improvement there continue to be gaps between Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander students and non-Indigenous students in various measures
such as school attendance, Year 12 attainment and participation in higher education
(COAG Reform Council 2013; Commonwealth of Australia 2016). These gaps per-
sist in part due to chronic health problems experienced by Indigenous students, lack
of access to educational institutions, nancial constraints and social, cultural and
language barriers (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2005, 2015). The per-
sistence of these gaps represents a failure of the education system (Rigney 2011).
The lack of recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’s languages,
being the oldest of living languages in the world, should not be considered a barrier,
although the mainstream education agenda has ensured that any language other than
English is to be considered a barrier. This is cultural incompetence.
In order to address the issues, it must also be recognised that the current gaps in
higher education participation have roots in the early years of the schooling system
(Craven and Dillon 2013) as well as in the historical exclusion and discrimination
experienced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in education. For much
of the past two centuries when it came to educating Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander students, the prevailing view was that
Aboriginal children should be offered only minimal schooling consistent with the percep-
tions about the limitations inherent in their race and their expected station in life at the
lowest rungs of white society (Beresford 2003, p.87).
Consequently, education was overtly focused on teaching Western morals,
Christianising and ‘civilizing’ Aboriginal people away from their ‘savage’ ways
(Bodkins-Andrews 2013, p.35). This educational style effectively set up schools as
purveyors of assimilation and led to a range of barriers preventing Aboriginal par-
ticipation at all levels of education (Beresford 2003, p.107).
The perception of education as being a vehicle for assimilation continues. As
Buckskin (2013, p. 2) states, ‘The main measure of success for Aboriginal
Australians is our assimilation into the dominant culture through the mastering of
English literacy and Western norms.’ This statement highlights a way that universi-
ties have continued the assimilation impetus by failing to recognise and respect
Indigenous knowledge systems within the academy (Battiste 2002; Buckskin 2013;
Martin 2008; Rigney 1999; Riley etal. 2013; Sherwood etal. 2011). Rather than
being considered equal participants, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples
have largely been the objects of investigation and study (Martin 2008; Smith 2003)
and non-Indigenous people have been positioned as the knowers and experts who
had authority, legitimacy, domination and control (Fredericks 2009, p. 5).
Universities have failed to engage in signicant and systemic ways with Indigenous
standpoints (Larkin 2013, p. 231). Yet, to successfully increase participation in
9 How WeDo Business: Setting theAgenda forCultural Competence at theUniversity…
136
education, it is ‘critical that the unique position and perspective of many Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander students be both respected and protected’ (Bodkins-
Andrews 2013, p.41).
The experience of racism for many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people
must also be considered as an impetus for change if we are to effectively ensure a
space where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students can safely study. There
is still ongoing resistance to teachings about cultural values, learnings and identities
beyond the Western knowledge system (Bodkins-Andrews 2013; Cleland et al.
2012). Research by Bodkins-Andrews (2013, p.34) highlights that embedded in
this resistance is a level of racism which continues to present a signicant obstacle
for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in the education system. This is
because the Western knowledge systems have dictated what is considered to be
worth knowing within their institutions and silenced the voices and knowledge of
those they have managed to construct as the other.
We have learnt a great deal over the last decade of the impact of racism on the
health and well-being of Indigenous peoples worldwide, a direct result of the growth
of Indigenous participation and effective research in the academy (Brondolo etal.
2011; Durey 2010; Karlsen and Nazroo 2002; Larson etal. 2007; Paradies etal.
2008; Power etal. 2015; Priest etal. 2011). Importantly, racism impacts on stu-
dents’ learning opportunities and plays a signicant role in many marginalised stu-
dents’ experiences within the tertiary sector (Power et al. 2015; Ronnau 1994;
Schroeder and DiAngelo 2010; Sherwood etal. 2013; Weir 2001).
Despite efforts by universities to increase participation of Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander staff and students, as well as to respect, recognise and acknowledge
Indigenous knowledges, there remain challenges (Larkin 2013, p.228). Good will
and good intentions do not automatically lead to improvements in higher education
outcomes (Larkin 2013, p.229). The willingness and effectiveness of universities to
embed Indigenous knowledges in research, teaching and learning domains will be
an indicator of the success of the various policies that universities profess to imple-
ment (Larkin 2013).
Moreton-Robinson etal. (2011, p.1) conjure up an image of a stony ground to
describe universities as ‘places where the seeds of Indigenous human capital have
struggled to take root because they have been under-nourished’ (Moreton-Robinson
etal. 2011, p.56). Larkin (2013, p.232) elaborates on the metaphor and suggests
that the stony ground persists because of resistance by universities to address ongo-
ing Indigenous disadvantage, attributing it instead to an Indigenous cultural decit.
The stony ground could also be as a result of universities claiming not to know
where to start or what to do, or not believing that things are ‘that bad’, or being
unwilling to take responsibility. Finally, Larkin suggests that universities tend to
claim to know the answers without including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
peoples in any planning or development of solutions.
The constraints and barriers to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander participation
in higher education are well documented (Behrendt et al. 2012; Kinnane et al.
2014), and there is no doubt about the importance of addressing these issues.
Participation in higher education leads to a range of benets (Behrendt etal. 2012;
J. Sherwood and G. Russell-Mundine
137
Craven and Dillon 2013) and is a key pathway to decreasing inequity between
Indigenous and non-Indigenous people (Bodkins-Andrews 2013, p. 30). As
Universities Australia (2011, p.17) highlighted:
It is the key which unlocks the door to meaningful and well-paid employment, to better
housing, health and access to society’s valued resources. It is the foundation stone for the
practice of self-determination and achievement of social justice and Indigenous equality.
The impact of lack of access to education for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
people at all levels, therefore, cannot be underestimated and enhancing Indigenous
participation in higher education needs to be more widely recognised and proac-
tively addressed as a signicant international socioeconomic issue of our time
(Craven and Dillon 2013, p.22).
Evidence suggests that cultural competence is a mechanism that can work to
reduce some of the disparities in education experienced by Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander students (Sherwood etal. 2011; Sherwood etal. 2013). To further this
agenda Universities Australia has recommended that all Australian universities
embed cultural competence into their policies. Doing so will address the systems
and practices that create barriers to Indigenous students both enrolling and ourish-
ing at university as well as career pathways for Indigenous academics and profes-
sional staff.
Indigenous cultural competence requires an organisational culture which is committed to
social justice, human rights and the process of reconciliation through valuing and support-
ing Indigenous cultures, knowledges and peoples as integral to the core business of the
institution. It requires effective and inclusive policies and procedures, monitoring mecha-
nisms and allocation of sufcient resources to foster culturally competent behaviour and
practice at all levels of the institution (Universities Australia 2011, p.48).
Moreton-Robinson etal. (2011, p.18) link cultural competence to governance in
the sense of increased participation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people
in the university’s decision-making processes. Accordingly, if universities are to
increase cultural competence, it is surmised that this is impossible to achieve with-
out high-level Indigenous inuence. It will also require signicant change across
the higher education system and will compel individual universities to systemically
embed the philosophy and practice of cultural competence into all areas of their
operations.
Responding totheCall forChange at theUniversity ofSydney
Increasingly, higher education institutions are expected to graduate students that can
effectively work in global and culturally diverse situations (Goodman 2013). At the
University, these knowledges, skill bases, values and behaviours will be assessed as
graduate qualities of undergraduate and postgraduate degrees (University of Sydney
2016). To achieve this, teaching, learning and research opportunities need to equip
9 How WeDo Business: Setting theAgenda forCultural Competence at theUniversity…
138
students to develop their capacity to understand their worldviews as well as respect-
ing those of others.
An additional impetus to engage in a cultural competence agenda is a desire to
improve the equity and safety of the learning environment for all students. At the
University, this entails a particular focus on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
peoples and cultures, and whose land our University is built upon. This calls for the
recognition of our First Nation’s people sovereignty and current circumstances,
resulting from invasion and ongoing colonisation. It also calls us to be particularly
cognisant of the rich diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples cul-
tures, languages and experiences, along with students from other countries who also
share diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds who, because of this, have been
similarly marginalised within the Western academy.
Internal research conducted at the University in 2014 highlighted that cultural
competence was seen as an important personal and professional goal by both stu-
dents and industry; however, it was also recognised that cultural competence as a
graduate attribute was being under-delivered (The University of Sydney 2014).
The University has responded to the call for change in several ways under the
umbrella of its Wingara Mura strategy (The University of Sydney 2012). The strat-
egy is a whole of University approach which ‘aims to ensure that all faculties and
University services are committed to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander advance-
ment’ (The University of Sydney 2016).
Under Wingara Mura a wide range of activities and programs have been imple-
mented which specically focus on increasing participation (The University of
Sydney 2012, 2016). For example, the Student Support and Retention team is
responsible for promoting the transition from school and retention at the University.
The Cadigal Special Entry Program assists Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
school leavers and mature-age applicants with a modied entry and an intensive
two-week Academic Skills Program designed to equip students with the skills to
succeed in their rst year of university. Culturally safe spaces are also provided
which include a computer laboratory, a research library, tutorial room for study and
a student/staff common room with full kitchen facilities. Retention and support
strategies also include tutors, academic advisers and dedicated student-support
services.
Cultural Competence: What Is It?
Cultural competence has been a growing eld of study and practice over the past
four decades (van den Berg 2010), particularly in the elds of health, education,
social science and business (Bainbridge etal. 2015; Betancourt etal. 2005; Bond
and Brough 2007; Campinha-Bacote 2002; CAN n.d.; Cross etal. 1989; Diller and
Moule 2005; Goode et al. 2014; Kirmayer 2012; Kumagai and Lypson 2009;
Leininger 1988; Ramsden 2002; van den Berg 2010; Walker et al. 2014). The
J. Sherwood and G. Russell-Mundine
139
breadth of this theorising and practice continues to be dynamic and ever evolving
(Rosenjack Burcham 2002).
‘Cultural competence’ is a term that can have many meanings and is not without
its critics. For example, some critics claim that cultural competence leads to an
essentialist view of culture and focuses too much on ethnicity (Garneau and Pepin
2015, p.11; Kirmayer 2012). It is also often conated with multiple concepts such
as cultural safety (Bin-Sallik 2003) leading to differing and sometimes conicting
views (Ben-Ari and Strier 2010). The disciplinary diversity of these multiple views
brings robustness to the dialogue about cultural competence, but also highlights that
any implementation of a cultural competence model is highly dependent on the
context and what cultural competence looks like in those specic contexts (Cleland
etal. 2012). Any development of cultural competence models must be responsive to
the business of the service and to the needs of those they are servicing. The most
widely used denition derives from Cross etal. (1989):
Cultural competence is a set of congruent behaviors, attitudes, and policies that come
together in a system, agency, or among professionals and enable that system, agency, or
those professionals to work effectively in cross-cultural situations. The word ‘culture’ is
used because it implies the integrated pattern of human behavior that includes thoughts,
communications, actions, customs, beliefs, values, and institutions of a racial, ethnic, reli-
gious, or social group. The word competence is used because it implies having the capacity
to function effectively. A culturally competent system of care acknowledges and incorpo-
rates--at all levels--the importance of culture, the assessment of cross-cultural relations,
vigilance towards the dynamics that result from cultural differences, the expansion of cul-
tural knowledge, and the adaptation of services to meet culturally-unique needs (Cross etal.
1989, p.27).
In their monograph, Cross etal. (1989) provide a level of detail that clearly sets
out a way to implement cultural competence: this is perhaps the reason why it has
become the most commonly used description of what cultural competence means.
The authors of this seminal publication have determined that working safely with
different cultures demands a complexity of theorising, discernment, knowledge
building and development of values along with action across all levels including for
example; policy, education and training and resourcing change programs adequately.
Cultural competence is regarded as an overarching aspiration to be worked towards
that involves incremental and evolving processes and shifts in knowledge, values,
behaviours and actions.
Although the Cross etal. (1989) denition is widely referred to and adapted,
often people do not take note of the full conceptualisation of cultural competence
put forward in their monograph. This includes ve key elements which are essential
to assist the individual, systems and organisations to navigate this journey. The
National Center for Cultural Competence at Georgetown University (NCCC
Georgetown), Washington DC (2006), has developed the Cross et al. (1989) ele-
ments to:
1. Value diversity and culture
2. Be able to conduct cultural self-assessment
3. Be conscious of the dynamics of cultural difference
9 How WeDo Business: Setting theAgenda forCultural Competence at theUniversity…
140
4. Acquire and institutionalise cultural knowledge
5. Adapt services to reect and understand cultural diversity in the community
From an organisational point of view, it is essential that these ve elements func-
tion at every level of the system and that attitudes, policies and practices must also
be congruent at all levels. Any organisational approach to developing cultural com-
petence must include all these elements as identied in Fig.9.1.
Locating Cultural Competence inaSocial Justice andChange
Agenda
Cultural competence can be understood as a philosophy, a paradigm and praxis. Its
central tenet is the transformation from a sometimes unknowing, superior, and
closed standpoint towards a more open and introspective worldview (NCCC 2015).
Understood well, cultural competence is aligned with a social justice change agenda
(Universities Australia 2011).
Cultural competence as a philosophical framework and practice was initially
developed in the USA in response to health disparities experienced by children of
marginalised and minority populations which were a direct result of racial
Fig. 9.1 Cultural Competence Framework– adapted from NCCC Georgetown (2006) and Cross
etal. (1989) (Adapted with permission of the Georgetown University National Center for Cultural
Competence, Georgetown University Center for Child & Human Development, Georgetown
University Medical Center ©2006)
J. Sherwood and G. Russell-Mundine
141
discrimination, poverty and, for some, such as First Nations peoples living in remote
areas on reserves, geographical isolation (Cross etal. 1989).
Although a member of the UN, the USA was failing to uphold the 1946 Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (Ofce of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights & World Health Organization, 2008, p.1), in particular, the right to
health which is a ‘fundamental part of our human rights and of our understanding of
a life in dignity’ (World Health Organisation n.d., p.1).
The passing of the USA’s Civil Rights Act in 1964 was a ‘catalytic’ event that led
to previously excluded groups gaining access to services such as education and
housing, which ultimately led to paradigm shifts across a range of service deliverers
(Arredondo and Perez 2006, p.2). Subsequent to the Civil Rights Act, equitable
healthcare service and delivery to children of marginalised and minority population
groups were mandated in the USA.With this in mind, Cross etal. (1989) published
an approach to guide an organisation, its systems and its staff, to undertake and
foster principles of the human rights of all peoples along with equity for all.
The human rights imperative for implementing cultural competence is equally
strong in Australia. Evidence abounds of the failure of governments at all levels to
provide an environment in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people can
freely exercise their human and civil rights. Even while Australia was drafting and
signing the Universal Declaration on Human Rights in Geneva (Australian Human
Rights Commission n.d.), at home Protectionism, Absorption and Assimilation poli-
cies, which severely curtailed the rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
people, were being developed and implemented (Australian Human Rights
Commission 1997). More recently, while Australia was reluctantly and belatedly
supporting the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Australia
2015) it was implementing legislation that was so far-reaching in its implications
for Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory that the Federal Racial Discrimination
Act 1975 was suspended in order to pass the legislation (Harris 2012).
The evidence of human rights failures is in the ‘gaps’. Gaps exist in life expec-
tancy, and outcomes of various diseases (Close the Gap Campaign Steering
Committee 2016), the over-representation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
people in jails, including the rapid increase of imprisonment of rates of women and
juveniles (ABS 2016) as well as persistent gaps in education participation and out-
comes and employment opportunities (Behrendt etal. 2012).
In the past decade, various strategies have been formulated at a Federal and State
level to address these disparities. The Council of Australian Governments (COAG)
continues to work to its Closing the Gap in Indigenous Disadvantage agenda, which
seeks to overcome gaps in life expectancy, child mortality, education and employ-
ment (Council of Australian Governments n.d.). The Close the Gap policy agenda
continues to focus on addressing health disparities (NACCHO-Oxfam-Australia
2007).
The NCCC locates its understanding of cultural competence very much in the
context of addressing social justice issues. In line with the Wingara Mura strategy,
our agenda within the University is to overtly address social injustice and create
change.
9 How WeDo Business: Setting theAgenda forCultural Competence at theUniversity…
142
Rolling Out Cultural Competence at theUniversity ofSydney
The University was the rst university in Australia and was established in 1850 (The
University of Sydney n.d.-a). Its motto sidere mens eadem mutate (‘The constella-
tion is changed, the disposition is the same’) (The University of Sydney n.d.-b)
highlights its proud history which explicitly builds on the traditions of its British
heritage, down to its sandstone buildings and disciplinary agendas which were
entrenched in colonial imperialism. While the University was founded on espoused
values of equality and access to all, like other Australian universities its pedagogical
foundation was modelled on the British system which was originally designed to
educate the aristocracy (Ma Rhea and Russell 2012). This embedding of a particular
type of Western education is important to note because, like other Australian univer-
sities, the various functions of the University have impacted heavily on Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander peoples:
Universities in Australia have been educating professionals for over 100 years. The educa-
tion provided by Universities has shaped the thinking and practices of generations of pro-
fessionals who have played a signicant role in structuring relationships between Indigenous
Australians and the broader society, including advising colonial and contemporary govern-
ments, authorities and professional bodies on policy and practice, constructing and legiti-
mating societal values and attitudes, and providing professional services to Indigenous
peoples (Universities Australia & Indigenous Higher Education Advisory Council 2011,
p.18).
It is in this context that the NCCC works. In line with the University’s philoso-
phy that cultural competence is ‘everyone’s business’ (The University of Sydney
2012) it is important to be mindful of our particular role. We have been established
to guide thinking, develop best practice frameworks, produce resources and to lead
a national dialogue on cultural competence. We work in collaboration with col-
leagues across the University to inuence change in policy and structures, and we
develop thinking and resources to support those changes and to address practices,
attitudes and behaviours. We are mindful of the evolving nature of our mandate. For
example, although the University is promoting cultural competence as a graduate
quality, we cannot produce a culturally competent graduate as the theorising in this
eld clearly indicates that full competence is never achieved (Goode and Like
2012). What we can aim for is to support students to develop capabilities and capac-
ity that will accompany them on their life-long journey towards cultural
competence.
The rst step on the NCCC’s journey was to explore the many cultural compe-
tence denitions and build our comprehension of how we could work in this space.
As we developed our thinking, we recognised that some models of cultural compe-
tence have been developed to work within specic disciplines such as health. Our
mandate is far greater than a single academic or professional discipline; it is the
entire university, and beyond. Therefore, we have sought to nd the essential char-
acteristics that are intrinsic to a cultural competence focus across different contexts.
Importantly, to ensure successful and sustainable embedding across all domains of
J. Sherwood and G. Russell-Mundine
143
the University we must contribute to the development of a cultural competence
model that works for this University.
We have drawn on Cross etal. (1989), the further development of that thinking
by the NCCC Georgetown, as well as the Universities Australia model. Also impor-
tant to our conceptualisation and approach has been the many years of thinking in
this area by Indigenous academics and practitioners (Angus and Wise 1997; Best
2014; Fredericks and Marlene 2010; Nash etal. 2006; Sherwood 2006).
One of our rst tasks was to develop a values and principles statement which laid
out the way we intend to operate. We know that to grow and thrive, the NCCC must
recognise the First Peoples of Australia and their protocols, values and principles. In
summary, our values and principles statement means that the NCCC aims to honour
the spirit and integrity through its recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander peoples. The statement informs how the NCCC staff will work together
with the diverse communities of First Nations Peoples and the learning community
of the University. The NCCC honours time, as a continuum between past, present
and future. This understanding forms the basis of the NCCC’s holistic philosophy.
Another value we adhere to is respect which as we understand it, ‘in the Indigenous
sense, means to listen and to hear and value what we have to say about ourselves and
our experiences, even if what we have to say challenges your ways of knowing’
(Sherwood 2010, p. 261). We value listening as a key skill and see it as an active
process and method which demands respect of the speaker through a disciplined
openness of the ‘listener’ who is being provided with privileged information. We
acknowledge all peoples, respecting, acknowledging and welcoming diversity of
worldviews, cultures and standpoints and aspire to be open and exible in our think-
ing. The NCCC also develops reciprocal relationships with partners and communi-
ties which dene obligations are multidimensional and are balanced. The NCCC
will practice and model critical thinking and reective practice so as to know a
sense of self and place and how to work with others.
We are taking a systems approach to our work that supports engagement and
participation across numerous strategies. Intentionally, we are instigating cultural
competence as a transformational change and social justice education agent. Central
to our cultural competence framework is the imperative to utilise Indigenous knowl-
edge practices and research methods to grow pedagogical models for teaching and
learning. Importantly, we model Indigenous pedagogies with our academic peers to
strengthen their ability to apply these pedagogies in their teaching and to strengthen
their collaborative work with Indigenous communities. We are doing this by embed-
ding Indigenous pedagogies into our resources as well as developing a specic
focus on well-being, sense of self and relational learning. Importantly, we intend to
model mentoring support for students and academic peers in the area of cultural
competence and grow knowledge about culturally safe spaces; and develop strate-
gies for delivering these spaces throughout the University for all students and staff.
Through this type of mentoring and peer support, we are focused on building the
University’s capacity to sustain its path of social justice education, across all levels
of the University system. A signicant part of this is to encourage and foster col-
laborative leadership and governance for shared purpose with Aboriginal
9 How WeDo Business: Setting theAgenda forCultural Competence at theUniversity…
144
communities, and University faculties, student-support services, human resources,
students and student bodies.
The effectiveness of the centre and its diverse body of work will be narrated,
measured and evaluated through our collaborative community participatory action
research model (CCPAR) (Sherwood, 2013a, b). CCPAR is a process that has been
shown to be effective in providing a clear picture of our process and the outcomes
of our research and work.
NCCC Work toDate
These are still early days for us. In the short time we have existed, we have con-
sulted widely across the University’s academic and research structures and systems
including faculties, students, and outside the University, in particular with Aboriginal
communities. We have bid for and won a number of consultancies and been awarded
grants.
The NCCC’s initial body of work has been to develop foundational resources to
support and excite our peers into taking up the cultural competence philosophy and
pedagogy in their curriculum, teaching and research. We are developing introduc-
tory workshops which focus on foundational elements of cultural competence
including developing a sense of self and well-being; developing critical self-
reection capabilities, racism and relational learning pedagogies.
We are writing a series of research papers that clearly sets out the vision and
implementation of a culturally competent university to build evidence and co-
generate new knowledge. We are focused on collective and relational service learn-
ing hubs where Aboriginal communities are steering what processes will be used
and voicing the outcomes they would like to see accomplished through these part-
nerships. We are also developing one of the rst Massive Online Open Courses
(MOOC) at the University, which focuses on relating cultural competence to an
understanding about the context of our location here in Sydney from Aboriginal
perspectives.
There are other signs that cultural competence is on the University’s agenda and
which highlight some of the successful partnerships and collaborations that have
developed as a wide variety of projects are established across the University. For
example, the University’s Annual Teaching Colloquium in 2015, a collaboration
between the NCCC and the University’s Institute for Teaching and Learning, high-
lighted cultural competence. An inspiring keynote address from the Racial
Discrimination Commissioner, Dr Tim Soutphommasane was intertwined with pre-
sentations from staff and students which showed not only the range of activities
underway across the University but also the level of commitment and engagement
that transverses discipline silos. According to the feedback from the day, it was the
J. Sherwood and G. Russell-Mundine
145
most successful colloquium run at the University and has provided an opportunity
to elicit interest from a range of staff and students about engaging further with the
cultural competence agenda.
As much as our outward facing activities have been important, we have priori-
tised our development as a small team which is still establishing itself. We are creat-
ing the culture of the NCCC even while we labour under a heavy workload. We are
developing new ways of working that are not typical of academic environments. We
are co-generating shared knowledge and nding ways to do that effectively, ef-
ciently and innovatively. This has not been without challenges, and we have come
to rene our expectations about the range of skills, behaviours and attitudes that will
ourish in this dynamic environment. We seek to model how to create a safe work-
ing and learning environment and have been through many of the challenges that we
would expect to see in a changing space. As we have developed our team, we have
seen great achievements but have also met with resistance and a preference for a
more individual way of working which does not t the way we seek to develop. We
have welcomed people in to do particular projects and have farewelled some who
have identied that this is not the space for them.
Conclusion
We have found at the University that the mandate for growing a cultural competence
focus that includes involving and working with Indigenous communities has also
opened up opportunities for students from other marginalised groups to have a safe
space to voice their experiences and concerns. Providing knowledge and guidance
for both academic and professional staff in the accommodating of cultural compe-
tence is paramount. This means thinking differently about how we approach our
work and our clients, the students. It is about being respectful and responsive to
their personal and learning needs while they are in our care.
One of our greatest challenges is to be strategic about where we focus our efforts.
Our role is not to do the work of the University for them but to guide, to model and
to promote best practice and innovative thinking. The University has embedded
cultural competence into its strategic plan, as both as student learning outcome and
a university change strategy which bodes well for the NCCC’s mission.
It is perhaps too early to see the impact of the University’s efforts, as it operation-
alises cultural competence across the University, in empirical evidence but we are
condent that we are laying the foundations for an environment that is culturally
safe and where all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students and staff will
ourish.
9 How WeDo Business: Setting theAgenda forCultural Competence at theUniversity…
146
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... This has been incentivised in faculties and schools via the availability of funding from the Wingara Mura-Bunga Barrabugu 'thinking path to make tomorrow' strategy (2012-2019) 2 . This funding was made available to staff to embark on initiatives to embed Indigenous perspectives and knowledges into teaching, learning and research to improve Indigenous participation in the tertiary sector and generate clear pathways for success (Sherwood & Russell-Mundine 2017). ...
... The roll-out of these initiatives was accompanied by a dedicated leadership in CC program, the establishment of Associate Deans for Indigenous engagement, and the formation of the National Centre for Cultural Competence 3 (NCCC) which provided CC training and awareness modules available to all staff (Sherwood & Russell-Mundine 2017). In addition, key events such as the Connecting Cultural Competence to Curriculum Event in November 2016 and the Transforming Lives: Cultural Competence at the Interface Symposium in November 2019 provided forums for professional development. ...
... As Duntley-Matos (2014; p.451) reminds us, 'higher education is intrinsically intertwined in the demands of the global market regardless of its public or private institutional identity', and therefore rests within a global colonial paradigm. However, Sherwood and Russell-Mundine (2017) argue that change can start in curriculum via a bottom-up process whereby these changes inspire 'far reaching and systematic change'. ...
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In the last decade, the Australian higher education sector has championed the inclusion of cultural competence (CC) as a key graduate quality. Diverse disciplinary learning and teaching approaches requiring careful consideration about how best to achieve the end goal of supporting graduates on their individual, life-long pathways to engage with CC. Science can be viewed as an inflexible and immovable discipline. This perception seems particularly prevalent with respect to scientists acknowledging epistemes outside of a western cultural frame. It follows that eliciting curriculum reform with respect to CC broadly, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander perspectives more specifically, was perceived to be a significant challenge. Through interviews with eleven non-Indigenous academics across the Faculty of Science at the University of Sydney, we uncovered several strategies for including multiple knowledges in science, with academics traversing these new horizons by building on the work of and collaborating with Indigenous Elders and academics to create enriched learning spaces. Alongside these strategies are staff reflections on their CC journey, which indicate that this endeavour entails necessary and vital discomforts that ultimately enable transformation. This process while guided by CC, led to experiences of cultural humility and a conviction in the role of cultural accountability.
... Barriers to wellbeing included: Culturally unsafe higher education environments, lack of culturally safe and appropriate wellbeing services, home sickness such as separation from family while studying, negotiating with family and financial stress. Our findings emphasise what previous research has continued to advocate for, which is for higher education institutions to create more culturally safe environments which embrace Indigenous students' cultural identity and creates a sense of belonging for students (Bin-Sallik, 2003;Kidman, 2020;Rochecouste et al., 2014;Sherwood & Russell-Mundine, 2017). Higher education institutions could support Indigenous students by employing more Indigenous academic staff and support staff such as community Elders, to enhance Indigenous representation and provide cultural support. ...
... These findings suggest that increasing scholarships may assist students' success in higher education by enabling financial wellbeing. Moreover, transforming higher education institutions into a place of cultural safety that embraces and uplifts the cultural identities and worldviews of Indigenous people should remain a priority for academics, staff and educators, advocating for higher education institutions to change their spaces into a place of Black excellence and leadership (Fredrickson, 2009;Sherwood & Russell-Mundine, 2017). ...
... There are many examples from universities that demonstrate how this is possible (e.g. Sherwood and Russell-Mundine, 2017;Universities Australia, 2019). But cultural security is not just about safe spaces, as has been articulated by our respondents. ...
Article
Over recent years, considerable effort has been put into increasing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (First Nations) participation in higher education. While there are signs that enrolments are increasing, the sustained engagement and successful completion of higher education remains challenging, particularly in remote locations. With this in mind, a collaborative research project among researchers from three northern Australian tertiary education institutions was designed to understand student perspectives, particularly from remote contexts, about their engagement and success towards completion in higher education. Based on a qualitative research design situating Indigenist/interpretive research within a critical realism metatheory, we present findings from the study, based in the Kimberley region of Western Australia, and unpack implications for higher education provision in remote contexts. The findings point to the unique challenges faced by students who live in the Kimberley—and perhaps in other remote locations around Australia. In order to meet these needs, we suggest that tertiary education providers must tailor provision to ensure that engagement with Aboriginal students is relational and culturally safe.
... The University of Sydney took the fundamental step towards addressing cultural competence, as informed by the National Best Practice Framework for Indigenous Cultural Competence in Australian Universities (UA, 2011a), and the guiding principles for developing Indigenous cultural competence in Australian Universities (UA, 2011b). This approach was undertaken to build the skills, attitudes and respectful behaviours among staff and students to develop cultural competence capabilities (Sherwood & Russell, 2018). The NCCC became the peak body within the university to develop the philosophy to be responsive to its 2016-2020 Strategic Plan and create resources and grow leaders in cultural competence from students, academics and professional staff. ...
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This open access book explores cultural competence in the higher education sector from multi-disciplinary and inter-disciplinary perspectives. It addresses cultural competence in terms of leadership and the role of the higher education sector in cultural competence policy and practice. Drawing on lessons learned, current research and emerging evidence, the book examines various innovative approaches and strategies that incorporate Indigenous knowledge and practices into the development and implementation of cultural competence, and considers the most effective approaches for supporting cultural competence in the higher education sector. This book will appeal to researchers, scholars, policy-makers, practitioners and general readers interested in cultural competence policy and practice.
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The main objective of the present study was to investigate influence of employee compensation strategy on employee performance in the mining sector in Mashonaland Central. The study was prompted by a decline in employee performance versus growth targets. The study adopted the mixed research strategy of the parallel convergent form design. The target population consisted of comprised 150 managerial and non-managerial employees drawn from Zimplats. Samples of 109 respondents for the quantitative methods of the research and 5 interviewees for the qualitative methods were drawn using Raosoft sample size determination software and the principle of saturation for the qualitative sample. These were sampled using probability sampling method and stratified random sampling technique and non-probability method and convenience sampling techniques respectively since the research applied mixed methods. 5 interviews were conducted. Simple frequency distribution and statistical tables, percentages, descriptive statistics and spearman's correlation test and linear regression were used in quantitative data analysis. Thematic analysis was applied for qualitative data analysis. According to the findings of the study, mining companies have the ability to boost employee performance by focusing on enhancing five different aspects of their remuneration schemes. These include issues pertaining to employee compensation methods, salary, career progression opportunities, and overtime pay. The regression coefficients of the study indicate that wages have a substantial effect of 0.184 on employee performance in mining organizations. This was found while looking at the correlation between salaries and performance. The regression coefficients of the study indicate that the potential for career advancement has a substantial effect of 0.150 on employee performance in mining organizations. This was found with relation to career advancement. With regard to employee pay schemes, the study's regression coefficients suggest that it has a substantial effect of 0.618 on employee performance in mining organizations. This is shown by the fact that it has a positive correlation. The regression coefficients of the study indicate that overtime compensation has a substantial effect of 0.141 on employee performance in mining organizations. This is shown by the fact that the coefficients are positive. This indicated that raising the amount of overtime pay provided to employees by a unit will result in a performance gain of 0.141. This demonstrates that employees are more productive when they are compensated for working overtime. Mining organisations should have a remuneration policy which would assist organisations in improving employee performance.
Chapter
University writing centres often use texts to help students produce academic genres appropriate to a range of disciplinary contexts. These can include sample essay questions and exemplars, student reports, published academic and non-academic literature, and reading lists. This chapter presents two case studies illustrating cultural issues related to co-curricular text choice and how reflective practice changed the authors’ pedagogies. All university teachers, including those who work in the co-curricular space, can potentially cause harm to students, and perpetuate racist or other disrespectful views through our choice of texts. For this reason, we should include texts that do not explicitly or inadvertently reinforce stereotypes or promote deficit discourses. This will ensure our classrooms are safe spaces for both students and teachers. An even higher aim is to choose texts that seek to decolonise the co-curriculum, dismantle entrenched privilege and allow less dominant world views to be heard and valued.KeywordsDecolonisationCultural competenceUniversity co-curriculumAcademic communicationExemplar textsReflective practiceRacismDeficit discourse
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Objective: The objective of this paper is to present the preliminary research findings concerning the expectations towards international study visits undertaken by university students hailing from different higher education institutions around Europe on the canvas of internationalization as a concept. Methodology: The research was carried out on a group of 440 students from 5 European countries. The study covered the population of students of faculties whose graduates are preparing to work in business. The basic research tool was a questionnaire with dominating closed questions and the possibility for respondents to indicate more than one answer. The answers of the respondents were measured using a five-point Likert scale with a variable description of the minimum and maximum point value. When analyzing the data, descriptive statistics were used. The Kruskal Wallis test was used to determine whether there was a significant difference in mean ranks across attribute ratings. Findings: The results highlight significant common features of students’ expectations towards international mobility programs: personal development orientation, interest in contact with employers and professional environment, willingness to try themselves in new challenges by developing creative and communication skills in an international environment. Value Added: This article is an important voice on the impact of mobility programs on the competencies development of future graduates. The final results of the research can be used to improve the mobility and educational programs offered by universities which equip their students with major skills, knowledge and attitudes in the future workplace. Recommendations: The highest-valued components of international study visits do not fully reflect the expectations of employers, and the study of the reasons for these discrepancies, as well as reflection on how to minimize them in the process of academic teaching, remain a significant challenge for the practice of building competencies sought in the labour market.
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The skills, behaviours and attitudes of registered nurses can impact health outcomes of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. How best to support learning opportunities in the area of Indigenous Australian cultural competence is underdeveloped in the discipline of nursing. This chapter will focus on a qualitative doctoral project aimed at unearthing the voices of undergraduate nurses learning Indigenous Australian cultural competence. Listening to the experience of nursing students has revealed a model of student learning which provides a better understanding of the lived experience of cultural competence. This model assists nursing academic staff to tailor and improve Indigenous Australian cultural competency within undergraduate nurse education. The chapter will then describe the experiences of embedding preliminary research findings into a Bachelor of Nursing curriculum review. It will provide details on the process of curriculum design, academic reflections and community consultation that will be useful to curriculum designers, academics and nursing teachers who are seeking ways of embedding cultural competence as pedagogy in nursing curriculums.
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This chapter reflects on our journey of embedding of Indigenous cultural competence across the design, development, and delivery of curriculum and pedagogy in the Bachelor of Laws at Charles Sturt University. It also reflects on our journey in building strong Indigenous community partnerships to underpin the embedding of Indigenous cultural competency across legal education. The three co-authors were heavily involved in the iterative development of the law program, and the establishment of the Centre for Law and Justice (CSU’s law school equivalent), which has achieved best practice recognition within CSU, nationally and internationally. In this chapter, we examine three aspects of the law program and the Centre for Law and Justice that offers undergraduate degrees. First, Alison Gerard, who founded the law program and law school at CSU, reflects on the design of the program alongside the knowledge and scholarship of law and legal education as it relates to Indigenous cultural competence. Second, Annette Gainsford analyzes the development of curriculum including place of critical reflexivity as scholars, teachers, and researchers and the establishment of Indigenous community partnerships. Third, Kim Bailey outlines pedagogical approaches to the delivery of curriculum including teaching and learning and compliance with professional accreditation frameworks. This chapter offers insights on “Yindyamarra in Action”: multi-level processes—top-down, bottom-up and peer-to-peer—for authentically and respectfully incorporating Indigenous cultural competence in law. We labor for a law program that is based on principles of respect for First Peoples’ cultures, histories, and knowledges and is grounded in “Yindyamaldhuray yalibilinga mawang,” meaning two-way learning in Wiradyuri language, and reciprocal relationships that build change. While our journey to cultural competence will never end, it is important to celebrate milestones along the way and offer this learning to the growing, vibrant community of practice on Indigenous cultural competence.
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Cultural competence philosophy and praxis was born out of healthcare provision in the 1980s. As such, the essence of care cannot be separated from cultural competence practice.
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This paper provides an overview of the Australian Indigenous higher education sector commencing from its development in the early 1970s to the present. It outlines how the first Indigenous higher education support program was developed, the reasons behind the development, and how and why it has been replicated across the Australian higher education sector. The whole process over the past 30 years of formal Indigenous participation within the higher education sector has been a very difficult process, despite the major gains. On reflection, I have come to believe that all the trials and tribulations have revolved around issues of “cultural safety”, but we have never named it as such. I believe that it is time that we formally named it as a genre in its own right within the education sector. We need to extend it from our psyches and put it out there to be developed, discussed, debated and evaluated. This is what is beginning to take place within Indigenous health - so why not Indigenous education?
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PurposeThis chapter critically analyses the current participation of Indigenous Australian students in higher education and identifies new directions for seeding success and enabling Indigenous students to flourish in higher education contexts. MethodologyStatistical reports, government reports and the scholarly literature were analysed to elucidate the nature of participation of Indigenous students in higher education, identify strategies that are succeeding, identify issues that need addressing and explicate potentially potent ways forward. FindingsThe findings have important implications for theory, research and practice. The results of this study demonstrate, that while increasing numbers of Indigenous Australian students are accessing higher education, they still are not participating at a rate commensurate with their representation in the Australian population. The findings also suggest new ways to enable Indigenous Australians to not only succeed in higher education, but flourish. Research implicationsThe findings imply that more needs to be done to seed success in increasing the numbers of Indigenous Australian students in higher education to be representative of the population and ensuring participation in higher education enables Indigenous students to succeed and flourish. The findings also imply that there is a dire need for further research to identify key drivers of success. ImplicationsThe study supports the need for increasing the number of Indigenous Australians participating in higher education and enhancing higher education strategies to enable Indigenous students to succeed and flourish. Social implicationsEnhancing the participation of Indigenous students in higher education internationally can help to contribute to the well-being of individuals, Indigenous communities and nations. Originality/valueThis chapter provides an up to date analysis of the nature of Indigenous Australian participation in higher education and identifies potentially potent new ways forward to seed success that have international implications.
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Emerging discourses focusing on the social, emotional, educational, and economic disadvantages identified for Australia’s First Peoples (when compared to their non-Indigenous counterparts) are becoming increasingly dissociated with an understanding of the interplay between historical and current trends in racism. In addition, it may be argued that the very construction of Western perspectives of Indigenous identity (as opposed to identities) may be deeply entwined within the undertones of the interplay between epistemological racism, and the emergence of new racism today. Methodology This chapter shall review a substantial portion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander educational research, with a particular emphasis on the acknowledgment of the impact of racism on the educational outcomes (and other life outcomes) of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples with a focus on higher education. Findings This review has found that whilst there is evidence emerging towards the engagement of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in all forms of education, there is also considerable resistance to targeted efforts to reduce the inequities between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students and all Australians (especially within the university sector). It is argued this resistance, both at the student and curriculum level, is clear evidence of pre-existing epistemological mentalities and new racism. Implications The implications of this review suggest that greater effort needs to be placed in recognising unique Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander experiences and perspectives, not only at the student level, but such perspectives need to be imbedded throughout the whole university environment.
Book
The regulation of Outsiders to Aboriginal Country is theorised by scholars as invasion and contact, race relations, frontiers and acculturation. In this theories, Aboriginal People are represented as powerless and hopeless in the face of their inevitable assimilation. Aboriginal regulation of Outsiders is rarely investigated for Aboriginal agency. This research investigates the agency of a Rainforest Aboriginal Community in the regulation of Outsiders to their Country of past, present and future. It develops and uses an Indigenist research paradigm founded on the principles of Aboriginal ontology, epistemology and axiology.
Article
PurposeAustralian Universities have struggled to achieve higher education outcomes for Indigenous students. Rates of retention, attrition and withdrawal characterize the Indigenous higher education participation profile. An emerging Indigenous leadership within the academy provides universities with access to Indigenous standpoints. This chapter promotes the necessity of Indigenous standpoints if universities are to achieve transformation in Indigenous higher education outcomes. Social and practical implicationsThe opportunities available to Indigenous Australians to enjoy a quality of life commensurate to non-Indigenous Australians are hampered by disproportionate rates of poor health, education and employment. A higher education qualification positions Indigenous people to access sustainable employment. Improving rates of Indigenous retention, decreasing attrition and increasing the number of graduates can transform current Indigenous experiences of disadvantage. Accessing Indigenous standpoints is integral to universities achieving these results. Originality/value of chapterWhile the concept of Indigenous standpoints has been proposed by other Indigenous scholars, these discussions have not contextualized the operations of this standpoint specifically within the milieu of university administration, management and governance. The intrinsic value of Indigenous standpoints has not gained traction within university executive management and is not readily understood in strategic planning or academic corporate cultures.
Article
PurposeThe aim of the research was to gather information about Indigenous and non-Indigenous students’ classroom experiences. This chapter examines what made the classroom environment in this course, Balancing Worldviews, different to other classroom experiences. It was also undertaken for students to provide their standpoints on how safe classroom environments are created for students and lecturers to share their views and perspectives. MethodologyThe study employed a Collaborative Community Participatory Action Research (CCPAR) model. The praxis and sequencing of action requires practical, reflective engagement focused upon solution development, as identified by the collaborative community (Indigenous and non-Indigenous students). Qualitative data was collated via focus groups and individual in-depth interviews with students. FindingsWe learnt through the research Classroom experiences of Indigenous and non-Indigenous students: Building safe engagement by sharing stories that demonstrated a particular theme and situations of the week; the stories were about family, political issues, working experiences. These stories supported student learning and transformed the learning space into a place that was safe for students to share their experiences. This way of learning was acknowledged as personal, non-hierarchical and relational, establishing connections between the learner and sharer of the story. ValueThis research focused on how students’ experience of safety shaped the nature and level of their engagement and their ability to provide peer support. The stories shared by students are indicative of the necessity of growing safer classrooms. The emphasis was on story-telling and knowledge sharing, which is circular and takes time to develop within a group. The focus group discussions established a number of themes that were taken up and explored further in the in-depth interviews. Practical implicationsWe believe this research interaction is vital in cultivating an effective progressive evaluation process incorporating students' input (knowledge, experiences and voices), rather than through the systemic university model of student survey that demands a limited response. With the findings of the research we hope to share these experiences with our peers.
Article
PurposeThis chapter outlines the successful community engagement process used by the authors for the Kinship Online project in the context of Indigenous methodological, epistemological, and ethical considerations. It juxtaposes Indigenous and western ways of teaching and research, exploring in greater detail the differences between them. The following chapter builds on and extends Riley, Howard-Wagner, Mooney & Kutay (2013, in press) to delve deeply into the importance of embedding Aboriginal cultural knowledge in curriculum at the university level. Practical implicationsThe chapter gives an account of an Office for Learning and Teaching (OLTC) grant to develop Indigenous Online Cultural Teaching and Sharing Resources (the Kinship Online Project). The project is built on an existing face-to-face interactive presentation based on Australian Aboriginal Kinship systems created by Lynette Riley, which is being re-developed as an online cultural education workshop. ValueA key consideration of the researchers has been Aboriginal community engagement in relation to the design and development of the project. The chapter delves deeply into the importance of embedding Aboriginal cultural knowledge into curriculum at the university level. In doing so, the chapter sets out an Aboriginal community engagement model compared with a western research model which the authors hope will be useful to other researchers who wish to engage in research with Aboriginal people and/or communities.