Digitally Connected, Socially Disconnected: The Effects of Relying on Technology Rather Than Other People

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DOI: 10.1016/j.chb.2017.07.001
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Abstract
In less than a decade, smartphones have transformed how, when, and where people access information. We propose that turning to technology for information may lead individuals to miss out on opportunities to cultivate feelings of social connection. Testing this hypothesis, we asked participants to find an unfamiliar building and randomly assigned them to solve this everyday problem either with or without their smartphones. Compared to those who could not rely on technology, participants who used their smartphones found the building more easily but ended up feeling less socially connected. Although having access to smartphones improved participants’ mood by making their task easier, this beneficial effect was diminished by the costs to social connection. Our findings provide the first experimental evidence that the benefits of pervasive connectivity may be undercut when technology supplants social interactions.
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Full length article
Digitally connected, socially disconnected: The effects of relying on
technology rather than other people
Kostadin Kushlev
*
, Jason D.E. Proulx, Elizabeth W. Dunn
Department of Psychology, University of British Columbia, 2136 West Mall, V6T 1Z4, Vancouver, BC, Canada
article info
Article history:
Received 10 June 2016
Received in revised form
20 April 2017
Accepted 1 July 2017
Available online 3 July 2017
Keywords:
Happiness
Human-computer interaction
Cyberpsychology
Social behavior
Well-being
Ubiquitous computing
Pervasive connectivity
abstract
In less than a decade, smartphones have transformed how, when, and where people access information.
We propose that turning to technology for information may lead individuals to miss out on opportunities
to cultivate feelings of social connection. Testing this hypothesis, we asked participants to nd an un-
familiar building and randomly assigned them to solve this everyday problem either with or without
their smartphones. Compared to those who could not rely on technology, participants who used their
smartphones found the building more easily but ended up feeling less socially connected. Although
having access to smartphones improved participantsmood by making their task easier, this benecial
effect was diminished by the costs to social connection. Our ndings provide the rst experimental
evidence that the benets of pervasive connectivity may be undercut when technology supplants social
interactions.
©2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
Smartphones are the rst thing many Americans report reach-
ing for when they wake up in the morningdbeating out coffee or
even their own signicant others, according to a recent survey
(Braun Research Inc, 2015). In the same nationally representative
survey, almost half of Americans admitted that they could not go a
day without their smartphones. Smartphones provide unprece-
dented access to information, enabling individuals to harness the
full resources of the Internet from anywhere. But could this
omnipresent access to information carry unforeseen consequences
for the fabric of social life?
Smartphones represent a new branch in the evolution of infor-
mation technology because of two dening characteristics. First,
unlike many other computing devices, smartphones are portable
and constantly accessible, pervading people's daily lives (Pew
Research Center, 2015). Second, unlike other portable sources of
informationdfrom simple cell phones to newspapers and
mapsdsmartphones provide connectivity to limitless information
on-demand, enabling people to solve a wide variety of everyday
problems. It is this pervasive connectivity that theoretically sets
smartphones apart from any preceding information tool. There is a
great deal of public debate (e.g., Schwartz, 2015; Turkle, 2011, 2015),
but a dearth of rigorous experimental research on the effects of this
emerging technological revolution for social and emotional well-
being.
Most existing research relevant to the effects of phones on well-
being has focused on apps that are explicitly designed to enable
people to connect with others through messaging and social media
(e.g., Guillory, Hancock, Woodruff, &Keilman, 2015; Hall &Baym,
2012; Pielot, Church, &de Oliveira, 2014; Pollet, Roberts, &
Dunbar, 2011; Valkenburg &Peter, 2007). In contrast, very little
research has explored whether the use of smartphones for
information-seeking (e.g., search engines, Google Maps, Apple
Maps) might also inuence social outcomes and emotional well-
being. And the few existing studies rely on correlational methods,
which cannot establish causality (e.g., Kushlev &Proulx, 2016). In
the present research, we used experimental methods to investigate
how relying on smartphones for information would shape social
and emotional well-being. We propose that by enabling people to
rely on technology for information anywhere, smartphones may
obviate the need for people to rely on each other, thereby leading
them to miss out on opportunities to foster a sense of
*Corresponding author. Present address: Department of Psychology, University
of Virginia, 102 Gilmer Hall, PO Box 40040 0, Charlottesville, VA, USA.
E-mail addresses: kushlevk@gmail.com (K. Kushlev), j.proulx19@gmail.com
(J.D.E. Proulx), edunn@psych.ubc.ca (E.W. Dunn).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Computers in Human Behavior
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/comphumbeh
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2017.07.001
0747-5632/©2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Computers in Human Behavior 76 (2017) 68e74
connectedness. We explored this idea by asking participants to
solve an everyday problem: nding an unfamiliar building either
with or without their smartphones. We chose this particular task
because people rank nding directions amongst the most indis-
pensable functions of smartphones (Pew Research Center, 2015).
2. Theoretical background and hypotheses
According to the principle of least effort (Ferrero, 1894), organ-
isms tend to seek the easiest way to achieve a given outcome.
Applying this principle to information-seeking behavior, Mann
(1990) argued that people would tend to rely on the most conve-
nient available method of obtaining information. And due to their
portability and connectivity to the Internet, smartphones are
nothing if not convenient. Indeed, conveniencewas the most
frequently mentioned word amongst U.S. poll respondents asked to
describe what they like about their phones (Pew Research Center,
2012). According to the principle of least effort, then, smartphone
users should be less likely to rely on other methods of seeking in-
formation if they can easily obtain information from their phones.
After all, why turn to a friendly stranger for directions to a caf
e
when Google Maps is just a nger swipe away? Thus, we hypoth-
esize that when people have access to their phones, they will be less
likely to rely on other human beings to obtain information, such as
getting directions while looking for an unfamiliar address (Hy-
pothesis 1).
To the extent that individuals rely on technology rather than
other people for information, they may miss out on opportunities
to satisfy fundamental human needs. Although different motivation
theories differ in their specication of basic human needs, social
needs feature in virtually all existing models of human motivation
(Baumeister &Leary, 1995; Kenrick, Griskevicius, Neuberg, &
Schaller, 2010; Maslow, 1943; Ryan &Deci, 2000; Ryff, 1989). In
his classic pyramid of needs, for example, Abraham Maslow (1943)
theorized that social needs for connection and belonging are
fundamental for human ourishingdsecondary only to basic sur-
vival needs for water, food, and safety. In a recent reformulation of
Maslow's classic pyramid, evolutionary theorists have kept social
needs at this central place within the hierarchy of human needs
(Kenrick et al., 2010). Furthermore, according to self-determination
theory (Ryan &Deci, 2000), a sense of relatedness to others is one of
only three universal psychological needs that are essential for hu-
man ourishing. Similarly, Baumeister and Leary (1995) integrated
decades of psychological research to place the need to belong
amongst the most fundamental human motivations.
Past research has primarily focused on social interactions with
strong ties (e.g., family, friends) in satisfying people's need for social
connectedness (e.g., Mehl, Vazire, Holleran, &Clark, 2010; Reis,
Sheldon, Gable, Roscoe, &Ryan, 2000; Vittengl &Holt, 1998;
Wheeler, Reis, &Nezlek, 1983). Recent research suggests, howev-
er, that even seemingly trivial interactions with strangers and ac-
quaintances can play a surprisingly important role in shaping
feelings of social connection (Sandstrom &Dunn, 2014a, 2014b).
For example, participants who were randomly assigned to have a
brief conversation with the barista at Starbucks left the coffee shop
with a greater sense of belonging compared to participants who
were assigned to conduct the same transaction as efciently as
possible (Sandstrom &Dunn, 2014a). Thus, if people who have
access to their phones are less likely to talk to other people while
searching for a building (Hypothesis 1), we hypothesize that they
will also experience a lower sense of social connectedness than
those who do not have access to their phones (Hypothesis 2).
This detrimental effect of phones on social connectedness, in
turn, should have downstream negative consequences for mood. A
great deal of research suggests that feeling socially connected is
important for emotional well-being (Cacioppo et al., 2006;
Lyubomirsky &Boehm, 2010; Myers &Diener, 1995; Reis et al.,
2000; Sandstrom &Dunn, 2014a). To the extent that phones lead
individuals to miss out on opportunities to cultivate a sense of
connection (Hypothesis 2), we hypothesize that people relying on
their phones for directions will experience lower emotional well-
beingdpotentially undercutting the emotional benets of conve-
nience that technology affords (Hypothesis 3).
3. Study 1
3.1. Overview
In Study 1, we examined the consequences of relying on phones
when looking for a building. We randomly assigned participants to
a condition in which they could rely on their phones (phone con-
dition) or a condition in which they could not rely on their phones
(phoneless condition).
3.2. Pre-registered hypotheses
We preregistered three central hypotheses on the Open Science
Framework (see http://tinyurl.com/Directions-Study1-Hypotheses).
First, we expected that participants would be less likely to rely on
other people if they could use their phones (Hypothesis 1). Second,
we predicted that participants would feel less socially connected in
the phone condition than the phoneless condition (Hypothesis 2).
Finally, given the central importance of feeling sociallyconnected for
emotional well-being, we also predicted that participants in the
phone condition would report less positive mood compared to those
in the phoneless condition (Hypothesis 3).
3.3. Study 1 materials and methods
3.3.1. Participants and power
We pre-registered power analyses on the Open Science Frame-
work: http://tinyurl.com/Directions-Study1-PA. Based on the most
closely related previous research (Sandstrom &Dunn, 2014a), we
expected a large effect size of d¼.80, necessitating a minimum
sample size of 84 participants for 95% power. We expected that
some participants might not be able to follow instructions due to
common phone issues (e.g., poor reception). To ensure a minimum
power of 95% given our assumed effect size, therefore, we recruited
approximately 15% more participants (N ¼98). Six participants who
were instructed to use their phones failed to do so because of various
issues (e.g., no Internet access), and were therefore excluded, leav-
ing a nal sample of 92 participants (Median age ¼19.50, Age Range:
17e42; 84% women).
All participants were University of British Columbia students
who completed the study for partial course credit. The study was
advertised on the UBC Psychology Department's Participant Pool
website and could be taken by any student enrolled in a psychology
class regardless of major. After arriving at the lab, all participants
provided informed consent. The informed consent and all study
procedures were approved by UBC's Ethics Board.
3.3.2. Procedure
Participants came to our lab individually. We asked if they knew
where various buildings on campus were located and sent them to
nd a building that was unfamiliar to them. We randomly assigned
participants to complete this task by using their smartphones
(phone condition) or without using their smartphones (phoneless
condition). Aside from this constraint, participants in both condi-
tions were free to use any strategies they wished to nd the
building, such as asking others for directions, using campus signs/
K. Kushlev et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 76 (2017) 68e74 69
maps, or simply wandering around. All participants were instructed
to leave their belongings in the lab, but participants in the phone
condition were told to keep their smartphones. All buildings were a
10e12 min walk from our lab; participants were instructed to re-
turn the lab if they did not nd the building within 30 min. To keep
track of time, participants were given basic wristwatches. When
participants found their building or returned to the lab, they
completed a survey containing our dependent measures. Seven
participants (2 in the phone condition and 5 in the phoneless con-
dition) did not nd their building within the allotted time; they
were included in the analyses.
3.3.3. Measures
3.3.3.1. Convenience. We assumed that smartphones would be
useful in locating the building. To test this assumption, we asked
participants to report how difcult it was for them to locate the
building (from 0enot at all to 6every much).
3.3.3.2. Pre-registered measures. To test Hypothesis 1, we asked
participants to indicate how many people they talked to in person
while looking for the building (from 0eNone to 4e4 or more). To
test Hypothesis 2, we assessed social connectedness with eight
items from the Social Connectedness Scale-Revised (Lee, Draper, &
Lee, 2001); these items were selected to assess people's general
sense of connectedness to other people. To test Hypothesis 3, we
measured mood using Schimmack and Grob's (2000) six-item
affect valence subscale, which captures the extent to which in-
dividuals are feeling pleasant vs. unpleasant (see Table 1 for details
and reliability of all measures).
3.3.3.3. Exploratory measures. Our survey also included explor-
atory measures of tense and energetic arousal (Schimmack &Grob,
2000), trust (using items from the General Social Survey), sense of
community (using the Brief Sense of Community Scale; Peterson,
Speer, &McMillan, 2008), feelings of agency and communion
(adapted from Abele &Wojciszke, 2007), and self-sufciency (see
Table 1 for details of all measures). Finally, we also included a
measure of prosocial behavior by dropping pens on the ground
while participants were completing the survey and recording
whether they offered help (van Baaren, Holland, Kawakami, &van
Knippenberg, 2004).
3.4. Results
3.4.1. Convenience
Consistent with our assumption that phones would make the
task easier, participants who relied on their phones found it less
difcult to locate the buildings, t(89) ¼4.46, p<.001.
1
All means,
standard deviations, and effect sizes for these and subsequent an-
alyses are provided in Table 2.
3.4.2. Pre-registered hypotheses
Consistent with Hypothesis 1, participants who used their
phones talked to fewer people to obtain directions than partici-
pants who could not depend on their phones, t(65.97) ¼9.32,
p<.001.
2
Indeed, in the phone condition, over 80% of participants
searched for the building without ever talking to anyone else,
whereas less than 10% did so in the phoneless condition. Conrming
Hypothesis 2, we found that people who relied on their phones felt
less socially connected than those who left their phones in the lab,
t(89) ¼2.10, p¼.04. Contrary to Hypothesis 3, we found no sig-
nicant difference in mood (i.e., affect valence) between partici-
pants who relied on their phones and those who did not,
t(90) ¼.47, p¼.64 (see Table 2).
3.4.3. Countervailing effects of technology on mood
Given the well-established role of social connectedness in
emotional well-being (e.g., Baumeister &Leary,1995), it is puzzling
that we found a condition effect on connectedness but not mood. To
illuminate this surprising nding, we next explored whether the
negative downstream consequences of lost social connection for
mood might have been offset by positive downstream conse-
quences of convenience. To test this mediational hypothesis, we
used the PROCESS macro on SPSS21, which uses bootstrapping for
constructing condence intervals for the effects and thus provides
less biased tests of statistical signicance (Hayes, 2013). In a
mediational model using bootstrapping with 50,000 samples, we
entered social connectedness and task difculty as simultaneous
mediators of the condition effect on mood. We found that relying
on phones had both a negative effect on mood through lower social
connectedness and a positive effect on mood through reduced task
difculty (Fig. 1).
3.4.4. Exploratory measures
Consistent with the negative effect of phone use on social
connectedness, we found that participants in the phone condition
felt less trusting toward others than participants in the phoneless
condition, t(89) ¼2.25, p¼.03 (Table 2). We found no other
signicant main effects of condition on our exploratory measures,
p's >.220.
4. Study 2
4.1. Overview &pre-registered hypotheses
The results of Study 1 suggest that when people rely on tech-
nology rather than each other to solve an everyday problem, they
may miss out on opportunities to cultivate a sense of social
connection. In Study 2, we conducted a direct replication with a
larger sample. We expected to replicate the signicant effects of
condition on social interactions, social connectedness, and trust
that we observed in Study 1, and we preregistered these hypotheses
on OSF (see http://tinyurl.com/Directions-Study2-PA1).
4.2. Study 2 materials and method
4.2.1. Participants and power
Based on the effect size for social connectedness in Study 1
(d¼.44), we planned to recruit 220 participants for 90% power.
These power analyses were pre-registered on the Open Science
Framework (OSF) at http://tinyurl.com/Directions-Study2-PA1.
Because data collection proceeded more slowly than expected and
the study was conducted in the fall when weather conditions in
Canada get progressively less amenable to conducting outdoor
studies, we added a termination date of October 16, 2015, with the
goal of achieving at least 80% power; this corresponded to a min-
imum sample of 166 participants, which we registered on OSF
(http://tinyurl.com/Directions-Study2-PA2). By October 16, we had
recruited a total of 189 participants. We again excluded participants
who failed to comply with the experimental instructions; three
participants were instructed to use their phones, but failed to do so,
while four participants refused to leave their phones in the lab
when asked, leaving a nal sample of 182 participants (Median
1
To test differences between conditions, we conducted between-subjects t-tests
in SPSS21.
2
Degrees of freedom and the t-test value for some tests were adjusted because
the Levene's test for equality of variance indicated unequal variances between
experimental groups.
K. Kushlev et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 76 (2017) 68e7470
age ¼20, Range: 17e29; 68% women).
4.2.2. Procedure and measures
The recruitment procedures and experimental design were
identical to Study 1: Participants were asked to nd an unfamiliar
building on campus either by using their phones (phone condition)
or without using their phones (phoneless condition). All of those
who relied on their phones located their assigned buildings,
whereas eleven participants (12%) who left their phones in the lab
failed to locate the building. These participants were included in
the analyses. At the end of the study, participants completed the
same questionnaire as in Study 1 (see Table 1 for details).
Additionally, we measured the interest/enjoyment people experi-
enced when searching for the building (Ryan, 1982) and assessed
the usefulness of phones more objectively by recording the time it
took participants to nd the building. To simplify the procedure, we
eliminated our exploratory measure of prosocial behavior.
4.3. Results
4.3.1. Convenience
Consistent with Study 1, participants in the phone (vs. phoneless)
condition found searching for the buildings to be less difcult,
t(155.46) ¼8.19, p<.001 (see Table 2 for descriptives, effect sizes,
Table 1
Measures.
Measure Cronbach's
a
:
Study 1; Study 2
Nof
Items
Operationalization Response Options
Social Connectedness .86; .84 8 I felt close to people.
I felt distant from people. (R)
I didn't feel related to people. (R)
I felt like an outsider. (R)
I saw myself as a loner. (R)
I was in tune with the world.
I saw people as friendly and approachable.
I felt disconnected from the world around me. (R)
1eStrongly disagree
7eStrongly agree
Sense of Community .94; .94 6 I can get what I need from the UBC community.
The UBC community helps me fulll my needs.
I have a good bond with others in the UBC community.
I belong to the UBC community.
I feel like a member of the UBC community.
I feel connected to the UBC community.
1eStrongly disagree
7eStrongly agree
Trust .60; .71 3 Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted, or that you cannot
be too careful in dealing with people?
1eYou cannot be too
careful in dealing with
people
2eMost people can be
trusted
How much do you trust strangers? 1eCannot be trusted at all
5eCan be trusted a lot
If you lost a wallet or purse that contained two hundred dollars, how likely is it to be
returned with the money in it, if it was found by a stranger?
1enot at all likely
2esomewhat likely
3every likely
Affect: Valence (Mood) .92; .87 6 (pleasant þgood þpositive) e(unpleasant þbad þnegative) 0enot at all; 6every much
Affect: Tense Arousal .90; .84 6 (calm þrelaxed þat rest) e(tense þjittery þrestless) 0enot at all; 6every much
Affect: Energetic Arousal .87; .80 6 (awake þwakeful þalert) e(tired þdrowsy þsleepy) 0enot at all; 6every much
Self-sufciency .84; .58 2 Self-sufcient; independent 0enot at all; 6every much
Agency .79; .75 6 active; competent; self-condent; dynamic; assertive; efcient 0enot at all; 6every much
Communion .79; .78 6 friendly; empathetic; likable; understanding; helpful; reliable 0enot at all; 6every much
Notes. We computed an overall trust composite by rst standardizing each of the three items and then computing the mean of the resulting z-scores.
Table 2
Effects of relying on smartphones for information.
Study 1 Study 2 Meta-Analysis
Phone
M (SD)
Phoneless
M (SD)
Cohen's d[95% CI] Phone
M (SD)
Phoneless
M (SD)
Cohen's d[95% CI] Cohen's d[95% CI]
Central
Measures
Difculty 1.54 (1.63) 3.18 (1.86) e.95 [e1.30; .59]
*
1.15 (1.31) 3.13 (1.86) 1.24 [e1.47; 1.01]
*
1.14 [e1.39; .88]
*
# Social Interactions .29 (.68) 2.36 (1.30) 2.00 [e2.22; 1.78]
*
.30 (.82) 2.29 (1.25) 1.90 [e2.05; 1.75]
*
1.93 [e2.22; 1.64]
*
Connectedness 4.55 (1.18) 5.03 (1.00) e.44 [e.66; .22]
*
4.62 (.95) 5.02 (.98) e.42 [e.56; .28]
*
e.43 [e.67; .19]
*
Mood 3.03 (2.26) 2.80 (2.42) .10 [e.38; .57] 3.33 (1.53) 2.74 (1.99) .33 [.08; .59]
*
.25 [.01; .49]
*
Exploratory
Measures
Tense Arousal 1.18 (2.60) e.67 (2.77) e.19 [.73; .35] 2.01 (2.07) e.75 (2.40) e.57 [.89; .24]
*
e.44 [e.68; .20]
*
Energetic Arousal 2.57 (2.05) 2.83 (2.18) e.13 [.56; .30] 2.19 (2.02) 2.64 (2.06) e.22 [e.52; .07] e.19 [e.43; .05]
Trust e.17 (.78) .17 (.66) e.48 [e.63; .33]
*
.002 (.72) e.003 (.87) .01 [e.11; .12] e.15 [e.39; .09]
Sense of Community 4.63 (1.20) 4.96 (1.38) e.26 [e.52; .01] 4.81 (1.16) 4.84 (1.86) e.02 [e.19; .15] e.10 [e.34 .14]
Agency 3.83 (1.06) 3.93 (.89) e.10 [e.30; .10] 3.78 (.88) 3.90 (.95) e.13 [e.26; 0] e.12 [e.36; .12]
Communion 3.26 (.91) 3.46 (1.00) e.21 [e.40; .01] 3.36 (1.04) 3.34 (.82) .02 [e.12; .15] e.06 [e.30; .18]
Self-Sufciency 4.64 (1.05) 4.39 (1.28) .22 [e.02; .45] 4.56 (.92) 4.17 (1.24) .36 [.21; .52]
*
.31 [.08; .55]
*
Prosocial Behavior 48.9% 53.5% NA NA NA NA NA
Interest/Enjoyment NA NA NA 4.77 (1.16) 4.90 (1.20) e.11[e.28; .06] NA
Notes. The scores for affect vary from 6toþ6 because composite scores are calculated by subtracting the reverse items of each scale from the other items (e.g., feeling bad is
subtracted from feeling good). Meta-analytic effects were calculated with a xed effect method using Cumming's ESCI software for conducting meta-analyses of Cohen's
d based on two independent groups (Cumming, 2013). Percentages for prosocial behavior indicate percent of people who offered help with picking up the pens.
*
indicates a
signicant effect at two-tailed
a
¼.05 or lower. The raw data for both studies can be obtained at http://tinyurl.com/Directions-Study-Data.
K. Kushlev et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 76 (2017) 68e74 71
and condence intervals). Participants relying on their phones also
located the buildings faster (M¼12.28 min, SD ¼4.32) than those
who left their phones at the lab (M¼16.44 min, SD ¼7.31),
t(122.29) ¼4.44, p<.001, Cohen's d¼.71, 95%CI [e1.01; .39].
4.3.2. Pre-registered hypotheses
We expected to replicate the signicant effects of condition on
social interactions, social connectedness, and trust that we
observed in Study 1. As in Study 1, participants who used their
phones talked to fewer people to obtain directions than partici-
pants who could not depend on their phones, t(153.94) ¼12.67,
p<.001. Again, over 80% of people in the phone condition searched
for the building without ever talking to anybody, while less than
10% did so in the phoneless condition. Replicating our central
nding from Study 1, we found that people in the phone condition
felt less socially connected than those in the phoneless condition,
t(180) ¼2.80, p¼.006. There was, however, no effect of condition
on trust, t(172.67) ¼.05, p¼.96 (Table 2).
4.3.3. Countervailing effects of technology on mood
Participants in the phone condition reported more positive mood
compared to those in the phoneless condition, t(167.14) ¼2.21,
p¼.03 (Table 2). Still, using mediational analyses through PROCESS
for SPSS21 (Hayes, 2013), we explored whether the social costs
associated with relying on phones may have limited the emotional
benets that phones conferred. Replicating the ndings of Study 1,
we found that relying on phones had both a negative effect on mood
through lower social connectedness and a positive effect on mood
through reduced difculty (see Fig. 2). After accounting for the role
of social connectedness and difculty, condition did not signi-
cantly predict mood.
4.3.4. Exploratory measures
We found no signicant effects of condition on our exploratory
measures of agency, communion, sense of community, energetic
arousal, or interest/enjoyment p's >.14 (see Table 2). Compared to
those in the phoneless condition, participants who could rely on
their phones felt less tense arousal, t(180) ¼3.80, p<.001, and
more self-sufcient, t(163.71) ¼2.43, p¼.02.
4.3.5. Meta-analysis of studies 1 and 2
Next, we conducted a meta-analysis across Studies 1 and 2 (see
Table 2). This meta-analysis conrmed that participants in the
phone (vs. phoneless) condition were less likely to interact with
other people and ended up feeling less socially connected. At the
same time, relying on phones made it much easier to nd the
building, resulting in a small net positive effect on mood across the
two studies. Out of our exploratory measures, we found two sig-
nicant meta-analytic effects of condition, whereby people who
relied on their phones felt less tense and more self-sufcient.
5. General discussion
In an initial study and a larger direct replication, we found the
rst experimental evidence that relying on smartphones for infor-
mation may compromise opportunities for social connection.
Compared to people who were not allowed to use their phones to
nd a building, those who could rely on their phones talked to
fewer people and ended up feeling less socially connected. Of
course, phones also conferred an important benet by reducing the
difculty of this everyday task, with positive downstream conse-
quences for participantsoverall mood. This benecial effect on
mood, however, was partially undercut by the insidious effect of
phone use on social connection.
5.1. Implications
Social connection has earned a prominent place in the pantheon
of essential psychological needs (e.g., Baumeister &Leary, 1995;
Ryan &Deci, 2000), but theory and research have traditionally
focused on the role of close relationships in promoting this basic
human need (e.g., Nelson, Kushlev, &Lyubomirsky, 2013; Reis et al.,
2000; Ryff, 1989). Our ndings add to a growing body of research
documenting the surprising power of casual interactions with ac-
quaintances and strangers to make people feel more socially con-
nected (Sandstrom &Dunn, 2014a &2014b; Wesselmann, Cardoso,
Slater, &Williams, 2012). Interestingly, both theory (e.g., media
richness theory, media naturalness theory; Daft &Lengel, 1986;
Kock, 2004) and research (e.g., Kross et al., 2013; Park et al., 2016;
Verduyn, Ybarra, R
esibois, Jonides, &Kross, 2017) suggest that
computer-mediated communication does not provide an
Fig. 1. Indirect effects of relying on phones on emotional well-being through social
connectedness and difculty of nding the building (Study 1).Notes. All b's repre-
sent unstandardized regression coefcients obtained through bootstrapping using
50,000 resamples (Hayes, 2013). The range in brackets represents the 95% condence
interval of the indirect effect.
*
p<.05;
**
p<.01;
***
p<.001.
Fig. 2. Indirect effects of relying on phones on emotional well-being through so-
cial connectedness and difculty of nding the building (Study 2).Notes. All b's
represent unstandardized regression coefcients obtained through bootstrapping us-
ing 50,000 resamples (Hayes, 2013). The range in brackets represents the 95% con-
dence interval of the indirect effect.
*
p<.05;
**
p<.01;
***
p<.001.
K. Kushlev et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 76 (2017) 68e7472
equivalent substitute for real, face-to-face social interactions. Going
beyond past research, our ndings demonstrate that when tech-
nology supplants even trivial face-to-face social interactions, peo-
ple can miss out on opportunities to satisfy their basic need for
connection.
This nding is important given that new technologies are
increasingly poised to replace casual social interactions. In 2016, for
example, Starbucks added a feature to its app that enables cus-
tomers to place orders through their smartphones, rather than
waiting in line and placing an order with the barista. While this
new method of obtaining one's morning dose of caffeine is more
convenient and efcient, it potentially obviates the need to talk to
any actual people. Our ndings suggest that this might lead cus-
tomers to miss out on an easy opportunity to cultivate a sense of
connection while getting their coffee. By appreciating the value of
social connection, organizations and designers can consider how to
deploy new technologies in ways that are sensitive to psychological
needs. For example, although Starbucks could maximize conve-
nience by placing mobile orders near the entrancedallowing cus-
tomers to grab their drinks and go without talking to anyonedour
research points to the value of placing the drinks near a friendly
barista who could briey greet customers, thereby balancing con-
venience with connection.
More broadly, our research underscores the importance of
considering what might be lost in the immediate (i.e., non-digital)
social environment when people engage in digital activities. Recent
research has shed light on the psychological consequences of
engaging in specic activities from Facebook to email (e.g., Kross
et al., 2013; Kushlev &Dunn, 2015; Park et al., 2016), but almost
no research has examined how these activities affect and are
affected by the immediate social context. Checking Facebook dur-
ing a business trip, for example, might make a working mother feel
more connected to her family and friends back homedbut check-
ing Facebook during a family dinner might produce the opposite
effect. Thus, future research should examine when digital behav-
iordfrom information consumption to computer-mediated com-
municationdcomplements or interferes with the psychological
benets people can gain from their nondigital environment. This
research goal is particularly pressing given that improvements in
sensor technology may soon enable smartphones to automatically
adapt their settings according to the social context (e.g., disabling
notications during family meals).
5.2. Limitations and future directions
We rst address two potential limitations of our methodology,
and then consider several key questions that remain to be
addressed by future research. First, given the intense cultural
speculation surrounding smartphones, our studies could have been
subject to possible demand characteristics: Participants in the
phone condition may have reported lower social connection due to
their beliefs about the detrimental effects of technology. But when
we presented a separate sample of 102 participants with a
description of the task faced by participants in either the phone
condition or the phoneless condition, no differences emerged in
how socially connected they expected to feel.
3
These ndings cast
doubt on the possibility that our main ndings could be explained
by demand characteristics. Second, although we only included
participants who reported following our instructions to use (or not
use) their phones, we lacked an objective measure of compliance.
Of course, because we locked participants' phones away in the
phoneless condition, we can be certain that they did not access
their own phones. Still, it is conceivable that participants could
have borrowed someone else's phone, but such noncompliance
would have only diluted our effects.
The present research has several additional limitations,
providing important directions for future research. First, our reli-
ance on convenience samples of younger users limits our conclu-
sions mostly to people who grew up with smartphones. Future
research should examine whether people who grew up in a world
without smartphones would be more likely to seek information
from strangers even when they have access to their phones. Second,
our conclusions are limited to situations in which people are
looking for concrete information, such as the location of a building.
It would be interesting to explore whether people are more likely to
rely on others when looking for more subjective information, such
as recommendations for restaurants, caf
es, or bars. Third, in
contrast to our other measures, our measure of trust showed low
internal consistency (perhaps due to the small number of items).
This might help to explain our inconsistent results on trust across
the two studies; it would therefore be worthwhile for future
research to include longer measures of trust. Fourth, we did not
include personality measures such as extraversion, which could
have moderated the effects of experimental condition. Interest-
ingly, recent research shows that even introverts benet from
acting in extraverted ways (e.g., Fleeson, Malanos, &Achille, 2002;
Sandstrom &Dunn, 2014b), but that introverts may underestimate
these benets (Zelenski et al., 2013). This points to the hypothesis
that introverts may be especially inclined to relyon their phones for
information, making them especially vulnerable to declines in so-
cial connectedness due to missed opportunities to engage with
others.
Finally, in interpreting our results, it is important to note that we
intentionally conducted these studies in a context where people
could safely and effectively navigate the situation either by relying
on technology or other people. We would not expect our results to
extend to situations in which other people are unavailable or un-
willing to help. That said, recent research suggests that people may
often underestimate strangerswillingness to engage in casual so-
cial interactions. Far from the idyllic setting of a college campus,
people taking public transit in Chicago were instructed to try
talking to a stranger on their commute (Epley &Schroeder, 2014).
Although participants predicted that less than half of their fellow
commuters would be willing to talk to them, no one actually re-
ported getting snubbed. Chatting with strangers also provided an
emotional boost that people failed to foresee. Likewise, Flynn and
Lake (2008) found that individuals systematically underestimated
how willing strangers would be to help them in response to a va-
riety of in-person requests for information or other assistance.
Because seeking information from phones (vs. other people)
eliminates the perceived risk of social rejection, individuals may be
overly inclined to rely on technologydthereby missing out on op-
portunities for social connection across a broad range of contexts.
6. Conclusion
Over 100 years ago, French philosopher Guillaume Ferrero
postulated the Principle of Least Effort: Organisms tend to seek the
easiest way to achieve the greatest outcome (Ferrero, 1894). Our
ndings provide evidence for the social costs of the Principle of
Least Effort. By easily accessing information on smartphones, peo-
ple may forgo opportunities to foster a sense of connection through
casual social interactions.
Acknowledgments
Funding: This work was supported by the Social Sciences and
3
Data available at: http://tinyurl.com/Directions-Forecaster-Data.
K. Kushlev et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 76 (2017) 68e74 73
Humanities Research Council [grant number H08e02739] awarded
to Elizabeth Dunn.
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  • ... Moreover, research documents mobile technology's negative impact on face-to-face communication (Rotondi et al. 2017;Turkle 2015;Przybylski and Weinstein 2013). In experimental settings, the very sight of a mobile phone on a desk, for example, affects the quality of a conversation in face-to-face settings (Dwyer et al. 2018;Misra et al. 2016), while smartphone usage reduces the opportunities for social interaction as people no longer ask others for directions or information in general (Kushlev et al. 2017). In contrast to these bleak portrayals of technology disrupting face-to-face interaction, Manzo (2014Manzo ( , 2015 in two Canadian-based studies of independent artisanal coffeehouses (four in Calgary, one in Toronto) concluded that face-to-face sociability ''thrives'' in so-called third wave coffeehouses. ...
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    Phenomenologists argue that place is central to human existence and that much of human behavior is habitual. A person who regularly visits a coffeehouse is likely to meet others engaged in a similar routine, over time they feel at ease and develop a sense of attachment to the space; a so-called third place—where people meet and engage in conversation. Since the early 1980s, the number of coffeehouses in North America has soared, but despite their ubiquity researchers have largely ignored whether they are third spaces. In the United States, critics charge that they have become places to be alone together, while in Canada, some research indicates that face-to-face conversation still flourishes in independent coffeehouses. This paper attempts to reconcile these competing perspectives by examining 30 coffeehouses in two neighborhoods in Seattle and Vancouver. Since design can affect social interaction, the coffeehouses are assessed on their spatial structure, how patrons use that space and how that space is assessed on social media. No difference was found between the coffeehouses in terms of their locational characteristics and how their physical environment was structured. However, a statistically significant difference was found in patron behavior. A majority of Vancouver customers engaged in face-to-face conversation, while Seattle patrons preferred to sit alone. Finally, Seattleite patrons were more likely to emphasize a coffeehouse’s workplace function in their online reviews than their Vancouver counterparts. In sum, despite the two cities close proximity there appears to be a difference between their residents in how they perceive coffeehouses, a workspace versus a social space.
  • ... Smartphones have become an integral part of our lives without considering the cognitive and social consequences that the problematic use of smartphones, often not reasoned, can produce already from the pediatric age (Hwang & Jeong, 2015;Moon, Kim, & Moon, 2016;Kushlev, Proulx, & Dunn, 2017). ...
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    The aim of this study was to explore the relationship between Problematic Smartphone Use (PSU), dissociative experiences and some characteristics of personality. The sample consisted of 400 Italian college students aged between 20 and 24 (M = 21.59, SD = 1.43). The materials included: a questionnaire on the use of smartphones, the Smartphone Addiction Scale (SAS-SV), the Dissociative Experience Scale (DES), and the Ten Item Personality Inventory (TIPI). Results showed that the college students in our sample used their smartphones mainly for messaging (50%), calling (42.5%), accessing the internet (38%), connecting via social networks (33.5%), taking photos (26.5%), gaming (8.5%) and using applications (.5%). According to the results of the SAS-SV, 70% of our sample showed PSU, without gender differences. Regarding the correlation with personality factors, intensive use of smartphones corresponds to lower emotional stability and the extraversion or 'energy' factor is predictive near the significance cutoff (p = .06), while among the dissociative experiences, passive influence and dissociative amnesia are the best predictors of smartphone addiction. The other variables are less significant (p = .07). The results underline the importance of detecting the PSU predictors in college students, in order to prevent psychopathological consequences.
  • ... These findings suggest that people may be less likely to engage As well as providing a way to pass the time, phones enable people to accomplish tasks without relying on others. In a pre-registered experiment, we gave students (N=182) thirty minutes to find a campus building that was unfamiliar to them, enabling us to examine a prototypical situation in which phones provide valuable information (Kushlev, Proulx, & Dunn, 2017). Half the students left all their belongings-including their phones-in our lab's locked cabinet, while the others were allowed to hang on to their phones. ...
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    Smartphones provide people with a variety of benefits, but they may also impose subtle social costs. We propose that being constantly connected undercuts the emotional benefits of face-to-face social interactions in two ways. First, smartphone use may diminish the emotional benefits of ongoing social interactions by preventing us from giving our full attention to friends and family in our immediate social environment. Second, smartphones may lead people to miss out on the emotional benefits of casual social interactions by supplanting such interactions altogether. Across field experiments and experience-sampling studies, we find that smartphones consistently interfere with the emotional benefits people could otherwise reap from their broader social environment. We also find that the costs of smartphone use are fairly subtle, contrary to proclamations in the popular press that smartphones are ruining our social lives. By highlighting how smartphones affect the benefits we derive from our broader social environment, this work provides a foundation for building theory and research on the consequences of mobile technology for human well-being.
  • ... Some studies show that mobile devices and digital technologies have the potential to offer both economic and social benefits (Misra, et al., 2016), which could support public retail environments like QSM by improving the sociability of the retail experience. Studies investigating the effects of over-reliance on technology suggest that further research is needed to understand how people can best receive the social benefits possible from mobile phone use in non-digital environments (Kushlev et al., 2017). Given the wide-spread adoption of smart devices worldwide, further research into ways of supporting social behaviour in public spaces through mobile phone use should be conducted to better understand this increasingly relevant issue. ...
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    Seating is an important contributor to the social effectiveness of public spaces, due to its ability to support stay activities. This paper focuses on the contributions seating makes to sociability in Queen Street Mall in Brisbane, a public space where limited qualitative assessment has been conducted on seating use and social behaviour. Assessments were made on the sociability of Queen Street Mall through initial observations, online surveys and secondary observations. Common findings across all research methods suggest that the design of Queen Street Mall prioritises pedestrian movement pathways in the interest of adjacent retail centres, creating an environment that struggles to encourage social behaviour. To improve the social use of this space, seating environments should be redesigned to prioritise prolonged outdoor stay activity and increased provisions for shading and sheltering should be provided. Given the impending growth of the Brisbane population, it is important that public spaces in Queen Street Mall are designed to best serve an increasing number of local visitors.
  • ... People must adapt to these societal progresses quickly and, oftentimes, youths are leading this adaptation process. As modern devices allow individuals to stay connected continuously, find contacts across unprecedented distances, and even create virtual companionships, they are paradoxically becoming more disconnected from each other; This manifests in lessened face-to-face interaction with physical social connections [22], and allows for new types of social exclusion, such as cyber-bullying [23]. This societal change might further result in increased perceived loneliness, specifically among young individuals, to whom peer relationships are salient and exploring different social identities is relevant [24,25]. ...
    Preprint
    BACKGROUND In the ever-growing and technologically advancing world, an increasing amount of social interaction takes place online. With this change, loneliness is becoming an unprecedented societal issue, making youth more susceptible to various physical and mental health problems. This societal change also influences the dynamics of addiction. OBJECTIVE Employing the cognitive discrepancy loneliness model, this study provides a social psychological perspective on youth addictions. METHODS A comprehensive survey collected data from American (N=1,212, M=20.05, SD=3.19, 50.17% female), South Korean (N=1,192, M=20.61, SD=3.24, 50.42% female) and Finnish (N=1,200, M=21.29, SD=2.85, 50.00% female) youths aged 15–25. Perceived loneliness was assessed with the Three-Item Loneliness scale. Three addictive behaviors were measured, including excessive alcohol use, compulsive Internet use, and problem gambling. Two separate models using linear regression analyses were estimated for each country to examine the association between perceived loneliness and addiction. RESULTS Loneliness was found to be significantly related to only compulsive Internet use among youth in all three countries (P<.001 in the US, South Korea, and Finland). In the South Korean sample, the association remained significant with excessive alcohol use (P<.001) and problem gambling (P<.001), even after controlling for potentially confounding psychological variables. CONCLUSIONS The findings reveal existing differences between youths who spend excessive amounts of time online and those who engage in other types of addictive behaviors. Experiencing loneliness seems consistently linked to compulsive Internet use across the countries, while different underlying factors may explain other forms of addiction. These findings provide deeper understanding in the mechanisms of youth addiction and can help improve prevention and intervention work, especially in terms of compulsive Internet use.
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    Social network sites are ubiquitous and now constitute a common tool people use to interact with one another in daily life. Here we review the consequences of interacting with social network sites for subjective well-being—that is, how people feel moment-to-moment and how satisfied they are with their lives. We begin by clarifying the constructs that we focus on in this review: social network sites and subjective well-being. Next, we review the literature that explains how these constructs are related. This research reveals: (a) negative relationships between passively using social network sites and subjective well-being, and (b) positive relationships between actively using social network sites and subjective well-being, with the former relationship being more robust than the latter. Specifically, passively using social network sites provokes social comparisons and envy, which have negative downstream consequences for subjective well-being. In contrast, when active usage of social network sites predicts subjective well-being, it seems to do so by creating social capital and stimulating feelings of social connectedness. We conclude by discussing the policy implications of this work. © 2017 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues
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    In an age already saturated with information, the ongoing revolution in mobile computing has expanded the realm of immediate information access far beyond our homes and offices. In addition to changing where people can access information, mobile computing has changed what information people access—from finding specific directions to a restaurant to exploring nearby businesses when on the go. Does this ability to instantly gratify our information needs anytime and anywhere have any bearing on how much we trust those around us—from neighbors to strangers? Using data from a large nationally representative survey (World Values Survey: Wave 6), we found that the more people relied on their mobile phones for information, the less they trusted strangers, neighbors and people from other religions and nationalities. In contrast, obtaining information through any other method—including TV, radio, newspapers, and even the Internet more broadly—predicted higher trust in those groups. Mobile information had no bearing on how much people trusted close others, such as their family. Although causality cannot be inferred, these findings provide an intriguing first glimpse into the possible unforeseen costs of convenient information access for the social lubricant of society—our sense of trust in one another.
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    Notifications on mobile phones alert users about new messages, emails, social network updates, and other events. However, little is understood about the nature and effect of such notifications on the daily lives of mobile users. We report from a one-week, in-situ study involving 15 mobile phones users, where we collected real-world notifications through a smartphone logging application alongside subjective perceptions of those notifications through an online diary. We found that our participants had to deal with 63.5 notifications on average per day, mostly from messengers and email. Whether the phone is in silent mode or not, notifications were typically viewed within minutes. Social pressure in personal communication was amongst the main reasons given. While an increasing number of notifications was associated with an increase in negative emotions, receiving more messages and social network updates also made our participants feel more connected with others. Our findings imply that avoiding interruptions from notifications may be viable for professional communication, while in personal communication, approaches should focus on managing expectations.
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    When we buy our daily cup of coffee, sometimes we engage in a social interaction with the barista, and sometimes we are in a rush. Every day we have opportunities to transform potentially impersonal, instrumental exchanges into genuine social interactions, and the happiness literature suggests that we may reap benefits by doing so; in other words, treating a service provider like we would an acquaintance (i.e., weak tie) might make us happier. In the current study, people who had a social interaction with a barista (i.e., smiled, made eye contact, and had a brief conversation) experienced more positive affect than people who were as efficient as possible. Further, we found initial evidence that these effects were mediated by feelings of belonging. These results suggest that, although people are often reluctant to have a genuine social interaction with a stranger, they are happier when they treat a stranger like a weak tie.