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THE JESUITS THEIR SPIRITUAL DOCTRINE AND PRACTICE
... 3 For the Spiritual Exercises, see esp. Ignatius (1991), de Guibert (1964 and O'Malley (1993, pp. 37-50). ...
published version: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0039368107000179
... Pre nego što prezentujemo nekoliko ilustracija sa ovom temom iz istoånopravoslavne umetnosti, neophodno je napomenuti da je ona, na svom putu ka Istoku, bila vrlo åesto interpretirana u poqskim hramovi-* KOMPOZICIJA PRIGOVOR ISUSU HRISTU 227 ma, u okviru ciklusa Hristovih stradawa. 21 Poqska je, zahvaqujuãi misionarskoj angaÿovanosti jezuitskih sveštenika na širewu katolicizma, 22 postala plodno tlo popularizacije kontrareformatorskih, moralistiåko--didaktiåkih spisa i wihovih pozorišno-dramatizovanih likovnih izvoðewa. 23 U tom kontekstu razumqiva je uåestalost ilustrovawa poboÿnih marioloških tema, muåeništva svetiteqa a iznad svega -put stradawa Isusa Hrista. ...
... 3 For the Spiritual Exercises, see esp. Ignatius (1991), de Guibert (1964 and O'Malley (1993, pp. 37-50). ...
In this paper I endeavour to bridge the gap between the history of material culture and the history of ideas. I do this by focussing on the intersection between metaphysics and technology—what I call ‘applied metaphysics’—in the oeuvre of the Jesuit scholar Athanasius Kircher. By scrutinising the interplay between texts, objects and images in Kircher’s work, it becomes possible to describe the multiplicity of meanings related to his artefacts. I unearth as yet overlooked metaphysical and religious meanings of the camera obscura, for instance, as well as of various other optical and magnetic devices. Today, instruments and artefacts are almost exclusively seen in the light of a narrow economic and technical concept. Historically, the ‘use’ of artefacts is much more diverse, however, and I argue that it is time to historicize the concept of ‘utility’.
... 16 Spiritual Exercises is a book that ''has nothing of a character of a spiritual treatise [. . .it] is a book not to be read but, to be practised'' (de Guibert, 1964, p. 110–111; Dickens, 1968) and ''lived'' (O'Connell, 1974, p. 110). Its aims are clearly stated in its title: ''Spiritual Exercises to conquer oneself and to order one's life without coming to a decision through any affection which is disordered'' (as quoted in de Guibert, 1964, p. 111). ...
It is argued in this paper that the development of accounting and accountability practices within the Society of Jesus from the 16th to the 17th centuries cannot be reduced to an economic explanation that views them merely as tools for measuring and allocating economic resources thereby explaining the formation of hierarchies. Rather, their development and refinement were tightly linked to the absolutist ideology of the Roman Catholic doctrine of the Counter-Reformation, conceived of here as a complex work of compromise among theological, religious, political, institutional, and social instances, of which the hierarchical structure of the Order and its accounting records were only the visible traces.
... 3 Margaret Olsen points to Sandoval's contribution to the ''construction of a Jesuit corpus of knowledge,'' the fruit of his conscious imitation of José de Acosta's influential De procuranda indorum salute (1588). 4 Yet recent scholarship has completely overlooked Sandoval's contribution to a tradition of Jesuit spiritual writing that was reaching maturity around 1615. 5 This oversight reflects the fact that contemporary scholars have not always read the work on the author's own terms, a criticism leveled by historian Eduardo Restrepo. In his short According to Jesuit chroniclers, sons of Ignatius first visited the city en route to Lima in 1567. ...
The Spanish origins of the Society of Jesus entailed a sensitivity about the Jewish ancestry of many of its members. This article examines the decision taken by the Fifth General Congregation of the Society (1593–1594) to exclude persons of Jewish descent (conversos), in light of strong criticism voiced by three leading Jesuits: Robert Persons (1546–1610), superior of the English mission, Diego de Guzmán (c.1522–1606), a noted Spanish preacher and catechist, and Antonio Possevino (1533–1611), an Italian Jesuit involved in high-level diplomacy. This article analyses selected correspondence in which they confronted the superior general, Claudio Acquaviva (1543–1615, in office 1580–1615), questioning the argument that conversos inhibited the work of the Society. The writers’ rhetorical strategies include logical argument and practical demonstration as well as appeals to ethos and pathos through personal experience and dramatised precedent, hoping to shame the general into moderating the policy. Acquaviva’s resistance to their persuasion is explained by his need to retain the support of the Spanish royal court in asserting his authority over dissident Jesuits in Spain as well as to sustain his project to increase the effectiveness of the Society through internal coherence and tight organisation.Contribution: The article illustrates the use of rhetorical strategies to reinforce the biblical principle of racial equality within the Society of Jesus in the Reformation era.
In An Overview of the Pre-Suppression Society of Jesus in Spain , Patricia W. Manning offers a survey of the Society of Jesus in Spain from its origins in Ignatius of Loyola’s early preaching to the aftereffects of its expulsion. Rather than nurture the nascent order, Loyola’s homeland was often ambivalent. His pre-Jesuit freelance sermonizing prompted investigations. The young Society confronted indifference and interference from the Spanish monarchy and outright opposition from other religious orders. This essay outlines the order’s ministerial and pedagogical activities, its relationship with women and with royal institutions, including the Spanish Inquisition, and Spanish members’ roles in theological debates concerning casuistry, free will, and the immaculate conception. It also considers the impact of Jesuits’ non-religious writings.
Camilla Battista da Varano (1458–1524), a mystic and Franciscan nun, spent most of her life in Camerino in east-central Italy. Now a saint—since 17 October 2010—she composed two autobiographical treatises across a ten-year period mid-way through a literary career that spanned the end of the fifteenth and the early part of the sixteenth centuries. In one, La vita spirituale (My spiritual life, 1491), she delivered a complete spiritual life story, tracing her religious devotion from the ages of eight to thirty-three. She described her relationship with a number of men, including her father and several clerics who—to one degree or another—inspired and guided her devotional life. By the time she wrote, she had been a professed Franciscan nun for seven years. She presented herself at that point as one who had undergone visionary, mystical experiences and as a woman who had both benefitted and suffered under the control of men like her father and her spiritual directors. In the other, Istruzioni al discepolo (Instructions to a disciple, 1501), she told the story of her affectionate relationship with a male disciple she was directing spiritually but used a literary conceit to hide her own identity. She wrote about the spiritual director the male disciple loved and admired in the third person, apparently in a self-deprecating manner inspired by humility but thinly veiling her obvious self-confidence. In these texts, and in other of her devotional treatises, she claimed the ability to provide spiritual direction of her own and wrote in bold imagery, creatively manipulating scripture at times. She exercised a do-it-yourself approach to discernment of God’s will and even to the process of confession. She criticized inattentive spiritual directors and asserted that both her visions and the impetus for her devotional writings came directly, unmediated, from God. But Camilla also exhibited deferential attitudes and strong connections to traditional Franciscan theology while including female authors in that tradition she apparently admired, like Caterina da Bologna (1413–1463). She also wrote at times with vivid expressions of obedience to the variety of men who held some authority over her. She was, apparently, not an individual easily understood through the standard images usually associated with late medieval and early modern women. A fuller portrait of Camilla is emerging as scholars today seek to recover her original voice.
The title of this paper is taken from a work written in 434 A.D.: the Commonitorium of Vincent of Lerins. Leech considered this a ‘golden book’; we will see later the significance of Vincent for Leech, while Leech's life will perhaps illuminate his own age. Calling himself ‘Peregrinus’, Vincent wrote: ‘whereas I was at one time involved in the manifold and deplorable tempests of secular warfare, I have now at length, under Christ's auspices, cast anchor in the harbour of religion’. His aim was to pass on the teaching of the Fathers and to give guidance ‘for distinguishing the truth of the catholic faith from the falsehood of heretical pravity.’
p>The Society of Jesus is an apostolic religious order involved in many different activities and missions. Jesuits live far away from monasteries and strict contemplative life. Nevertheless, one of the most well-known peculiarities of the Ignatian Spiritual Exercises is that a complete and absolute silence is required during the time of the retreat. Where and how should we place “silence” in the life of an Ignatian spiritual and mystical experience?</p
At the close of the nineteenth century, W. E. B. DuBois put the world on notice that “the color line” would be the defining issue of the twentieth century.3 It may not be too early to prophecy that issues of “religion” and “faith” will be critical issues for the twenty-first century. In his proposal for new approaches to studies of the colonial past, David Scott argues that if our task at present is to understand “the conceptual and institutional dimensions of our modernity” then we ought also to bear in mind “a fundamental crisis in the Third World in which the very coherence of the secular-modern project … can no longer be taken for granted”4 How does this affect our view of colonialism? What shape should colonial studies take in order to understand the history of our present? The crisis of secularism provides both the urgency and the conceptual space for studies that push the limits of current postcolonial criticism that has been stopped dead in its tracks at the specter of questions of religion and faith.
Ignatius of Loyola Ignatius of Loyola's Spiritual Exercises Ignatian Mysticism? Teresa of Avila Teresa's Opponents and the Jesuits Teresa of Avila's Interior Castle John of the Cross John of the Cross 's “Dark Night” Conclusion References
The high frequency, intensity, and multi-functionality of the crying episodes in the life story of the Carmelite Neogranadine María de Jesús stand out: What kind of feelings accompanies the tears of this nun? What narrative function do the tears have in her writing? What is the relationship between her crying and her mystical experience? The main objective of this article is to analyze the role of weeping in the discourse of this nun, the only white-veiled nun, i.e., of low social status, known in Nueva Granada to whom her confessors had solicited registering her mystical experiences in writing. The life story of another visionary, Mother Jerónima Nava y Saavedra, contemporary and compatriot of María de Jesús, is also used, in order to make some comparisons that allow to explain how crying is used as a rhetorical exercise to mean similar phenomena, in a different manner.
It may be said that Emile Mâle's L'Art religieux après le Concile de Trente, published in 1932,1 is the essential iconographical study of early Jesuit pictorial art, a study which laid the foundation for later contributions; following his traditional approach, the authors who have succeeded him have partly restated and partly elaborated Mâle's viewpoints.
In this article I examine the theological milieu of the Society of Jesus during the early modern era. I argue that Spanish Jesuit theologians and chroniclers in the Americas and the Philippine Islands conceptualized Africans, whether enslaved or free, not so much as potential members of the Church but as threats to the Church. By identifying the Jesuits' latent theology about Africans during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, I attempt to move the scholarly conversation about Jesuit-African interactions beyond hagiographical accounts surrounding Alonso de Sandoval, S.J. and Pedro Claver, S.J.
Spirituality in general, and in the workplace in particular, has become an important topic in recent years. Spirituality in the workplace is more than a passing fancy; it is changing the fundamental nature of work. Individuals are searching for meaning in their work, a meaning that transcends mere economic gain. These individuals are looking to their organizational leaders to help them in their search, and organizations in turn are being challenged to maintain a spirituality. A study of the mission statements of the 28 US Jesuit universities reveals that maintaining an organizational spirituality is no easy task.
For scholars who wish to understand the African/European encounter in the early modern Atlantic world, Alonso de Sandoval's unique treatise is a must-read. Described by literary scholar Margaret Olsen as an “historical and geographic compendium of Africa, apology for Jesuit action in the New World, and practical missionary manual,” the work is marked by a complexity of motivations and discourses. In this article, I explore Sandoval's contribution to Jesuit spiritual writing, a dimension of that discourse that has been completely overlooked in the recent scholarship. Through a close reading of Book 4, which Sandoval views as a domestic, in-house discussion with his fellow Jesuits, I show that what some scholars have narrowly interpreted as sectarian posturing vis-à-vis rival ecclesiastical institutions is, to a large degree, an intra-Jesuit exploration of the Order's core values and priorities. As a spiritual writer, Sandoval's concern is much deeper than the mere defense of pastoral turf; he is clearly troubled by what he sees as mixed messages within his own religious community. In order to promote pastoral ministries among African slaves arriving in New World ports, he turns to the introspective question of what it means to be a Jesuit. That question takes him to the moment of the Order's spiritual inception, Ignatius Loyola's mystical vision at La Storta. In that vision, he will argue, lies the key to Jesuit self-understanding.
The first silent preached retreat in the Anglican Communion was held in 1858. The exercise quickly aroused suspicions because it appeared to be dangerously close to Roman Catholic practice. Based upon original printed sources, this paper reviews arguments put forward during the next ten years by three advocates of the led retreat, to counter such fears. Far from being part of a Roman plot, they claimed that the retreats were an expression of a fundamental spiritual principle, which was not limited to any particular denomination and party.
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