Article

The Heterogeneity of Competitive Forces: The Impact of Competition for Resources on United Way Fundraising

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  • Indiana Purdue University Indianapolis
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Abstract

How does competition for resources affect the fundraising performance of local United Way (UW) affiliates? Drawing upon population ecology, we hypothesize a nonlinear relationship between competition and organizational performance. Using a 21-year panel data set that includes UW campaign data, contributions to specialized fundraising organizations, and contributions to the general population of nonprofit organizations, we estimate a fixed effects regression model. We find that the effect of competition differs depending upon the degree of niche overlap. Contributions to organizations with greatest niche overlap have a negative effect on contributions to local UWs. Consistent with population ecology, other types of fundraising organizations that have less niche overlap show beneficial relationships at certain levels of giving. However, few communities reach the philanthropic level at which benefits of competition occur.

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... Merging jurisdictions, however, can be unconducive to collaboration despite willingness, incentives, and mandates. First, a larger scope of a mandated collaboration increases competition for limited resources (Paarlberg and Hwang 2017). Two organizations with niche missions could potentially survive in two geographically near but distinct jurisdictions; bringing them into the same collaboration could lead to the duplication of services and competitive actions to claim their market niche and limited resources. ...
... Two organizations with niche missions could potentially survive in two geographically near but distinct jurisdictions; bringing them into the same collaboration could lead to the duplication of services and competitive actions to claim their market niche and limited resources. For instance, only one grant may exist for a niche service provider within one collaboration, bringing the two organizations into direct competition for that grant (Paarlberg and Hwang 2017). Second, merging mandated collaborations forces participants to collaborate, creating a unique situation where expanding the collaboration can worsen performance as participants cannot freely exit (Chen and Sullivan 2023). ...
... Merging may also increase economies of scale by reducing duplicative services, leading to more efficient services collectively and being more competitive for grants (Paarlberg and Hwang 2017). ...
... The contribution of this article is to test the ecological propositions related to why nonprofits alter their niche (measured using the national taxonomy of exempt entity codes). While motivated by organizational ecology, we participate in the tradition of ecological studies that depart from population based inference (sometimes called "demographic analysis") and seek to understand the behavior of individual organizations (Baum & Singh, 1994Paarlberg & Hwang, 2017;Paarlberg et al., 2018;Sullivan et al., 2021). We posit that organizations alter their niche to increase access to resources (revenue), and the likelihood of an organization altering their niche is a function of selection pressure and structural inertia, where selection pressure represents the forces motivating adaptation and change among organizations, while structural inertia represents the forces that allow organizations to sustain their current structure (Baum & Singh, 1996;Hannan & Freeman, 1984, 1989. ...
... In contrast, the niche is a property of organizational populations, and is focused on the intersection of the resources the population requires to survive and reproduce their structure, as well as their productive capacities (Hannan & Freeman, 1977;McKelvey, 2020). The organizational niche has been used extensively in nonprofit research, as different niche segments respond differently to environmental conditions (Baum & Oliver, 1996;Jeong & Cui, 2020), competition in fundraising (Paarlberg & Hwang, 2017;Thornton, 2006), and retain different financial structures (Fischer et al., 2011). The organizational niche was formalized by Hannan et al. (2003), and it becomes clear that the organizational niche can be altered, just as the status of an organization in its environment changes. ...
... Carroll, 1984;Hannan & Freeman, 1977). Importantly, the organizational niche defines the boundaries of selection pressures (Hannan et al., 2003;Paarlberg & Hwang, 2017). Niche density describes the shared resource requirements among organizations providing similar services in a geographic region, which may foster competition or provide opportunities for collaboration (Baum & Oliver, 1996;McPherson, 1983). ...
Article
The organizational niche is a concept integral to organizational ecology, reflecting an organization’s mission, expertise, capacity, and resource requirements. The choice of niche is crucial to the viability of the organization; however, the reasons organizations alter their niche are poorly understood. We hypothesize that nonprofit organizations alter their niche to reduce environmental pressure and gain access to resources. The results indicate that niche alteration predicts increases in total revenue with average increases in revenue from program services and contributions (depending on measure). Additionally, nonprofits that are younger, larger, and have more concentrated revenue, are more likely to alter their niche.
... The continuous approach produces a more sensitive relational description between network actors than the dichotomous one. However, the approach does not seem to allow the coexistence of Focus Scale of relational frame Dichotomous Continuous Discrete Friend Dichotomy of collaboration or not, as IV (Boenigk and Schuchardt, 2015) n/a Actions of collaboration, as IV and DV (Emerson et al., 2012) Correlation b/w distrust and characterization frame (Lee and Lee, 2017) Four discrete dyadic relationships b/w friend and foe, as DV; contact and power imbalance, as IV (Lee and Lee, 2022) Two discrete network structures, as DV; influence/power, as IV (Lee et al., 2018) Foe Dichotomy of competition and cooperation, as IV (Lee et al., 2011) Degree of competition, as IV (Hefetz and Warner, 2011) Degree of conflict, as DV (Berardo et al., 2014) Degree of conflict, as IV (Grissom, 2012;Sanzo et al., 2015) Categories of competition over funding, as IV (Paarlberg and Hwang, 2017) Definitions/frames of conflict, as DV (Mikkelsen, 2012) Research gap opposing relationships, such as friends and foes, as well as adversaries and allies. Also, it is not descriptive enough for viable strategies to manage delicate relationships between two opposite relationships (e.g. ...
... Emerson et al., 2012), categories of competition (e.g. Paarlberg and Hwang, 2017), and frames of conflict (e.g. Mikkelsen, 2012). ...
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... For those organizations that have either a clear niche or sit in a dominant position relative to other organizations, resource acquisition may be relatively consistent and different from settings where organizational niches are less clear, at least provided that the composition of the market is relatively stable (Paarlberg & Hwang, 2017). In the settings where competitive pressures may be minimal, an organization in a dominant position may not need to focus much on differentiating itself from other organizations but rather on maintaining its dominant position (Gayle et al., 2017). ...
... First is a focus on the nature of the market itself, typically in consideration of how broad community characteristics affect the population of nonprofits and the nature of the markets that they work within (Gronbjerg & Paarlberg, 2001;Koch et al., 2015). Secondly, there are studies that assess how market competition affects outcomes like grant acquisition or financial stability (Faulk et al., 2016;Paarlberg & Hwang, 2017). Our interest is similar, but rather than focus on outcomes we are more interested in the interplay between competition and strategy-or more generally speaking, we are interested in the moderating effect that strategy plays on both organizational outcomes and the competitive environment itself (Harrison & Thornton, 2022). ...
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... Consideration of organizational field, Barman (2007) argued, allows researchers to study the social embeddedness of charitable giving and nonprofit and donor behavior. Researchers have examined the effect of organizational competitors on workplace fundraising organizations (Paarlberg & Hwang, 2017) and how local context might mediate field-level pressures on workplace campaigners (Paarlberg & Meinhold, 2012), but these usually do not include individual level analysis. ...
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... However, as community grant-making organizations, they legally must meet the public support test, and they are heavily dependent upon local contributions from individual and corporate donors to support their operations. The mandate to engage in ongoing fundraising inherently creates competition among CPOs within the defined local market for donor contributions (Paarlberg & Hwang, 2017). ...
... Many nonprofits did so by embracing more entrepreneurial approaches including heightened marketization. There is a considerable body of literature on the integration of businessoriented ethics, values, and practices into the nonprofit world, especially regarding fiscal health, performance measurement, and staff control through approaches such as the New Public Management model (Harrison and Thornton 2022;Maier, Meyer, and Steinbereithner 2016;Paarlberg and Hwang 2017;Robichau, Sandberg, and Russo 2023;Smith 2018;Smith and Phillips 2016;Turpin, Shier, and Handy 2021). ...
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... These organizations raise funds within their immediate communities to distribute back into these communities to benefit the public good. United Ways are one of, if not the, largest community funding organization in the United States (Paarlberg & Hwang, 2017) and raised over $3.6 billion dollars in private donations as of 2020 (Barrett, 2020). Given this dedicated relationship with their immediate geographic communities, the attitudes and characteristics within these locations may relate to the recruitment of women to their boards of directors. ...
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... Despite a recent push to acknowledge the role of competition in nonprofit environments (Paarlberg & Hwang, 2017), collaboration has been the modus operandi in the nonprofit context since the early 1980s (Gazley & Guo, 2020). However, competition has distinct benefits and can lead to more effective and better performing organizations (Barman, 2002;Chetkovich & Frumkin, 2003). ...
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Research on fundraising performance links organizational size, professional donor engagement, and legitimacy with fundraising outcomes. But can we assume the same factors will positively impact fundraising performance in light of increasing competition among nonprofits? This study explores whether and how traditional factors known to impact fundraising performance perform in the context of online fundraising tournaments: an environment that is explicitly competitive as those who lose drop out. Our analysis draws on data from 596 US nonprofits that participated in such tournaments. This inquiry addresses increasing competitive pressures placed on nonprofits as they likely cannot avoid competition in the future.
... Despite increased giving in 2019, competition for donations among nonprofits remains high, especially when a charitable organization's niche overlaps with that of others'. Paarlberg and Hwang (2017) put it simply, the greater the overlap, the greater the competition for resources and donors. Consequently, nonprofit charitable organizations must tell stories that persuade donors to support their mission and contribute, and nonprofits are relying increasingly on having an online presence (Shier & Handy, 2012) as a platform for their stories. ...
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... Transparency may be necessary for restoring trust, so nonprofit scholars' interest in disentangling the antecedents and outcomes of transparency has increased (e.g., Harris & Neely, 2021). Second, the growing instability of public funding for NPOs and the arrival of many for-profit firms in sectors traditionally occupied by NPOs have sharpened NPOs' competition for funding (Hung & Hager, 2019;Paarlberg & Hwang, 2017;Topaloglu et al., 2018). They also have strong incentives to demonstrate their competitive advantage by openly reporting on their performance and effectiveness (Charles & Kim, 2016;Fonseca et al., 2021;Woodroof et al., 2020). ...
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Over the past 20 years, as the study of transparency has evolved into a burgeoning multidisciplinary field, nonprofit scholars have developed an impressive body of research on the antecedents and outcomes of the transparency of nonprofit organizations (NPOs). From both theoretical and practical purposes, it is necessary to develop an overall picture of such antecedents and outcomes, to allow scholars and NPOs to understand why, when, and how transparency should be implemented. Current studies provide a fragmented view, focused on specific elements of NPO transparency; with a systematic literature review of 76 articles, this article offers both an integrative framework of the antecedents and outcomes of NPO transparency and an agenda for research, based on a critical analysis of the integrative framework. Four relevant research orientations emerge: (1) direction of NPO transparency, (2) distinguishing actual from perceived transparency, (3) the dark side of NPO transparency, and (4) NPO transparency contingency factors. Research along these four orientations could add nuance to existing knowledge of transparency and provide key insights with regard to why, when, and how transparency works.
... While the environment influences organizations, managers make decisions to respond to this competitive environment. First, organizations looking for new resources may innovate to become more successful, such as entering a less-served and less-competitive area, mainly when there is a heterogeneous demand for services (Jeong and Cui 2020;Kim 2015); doing so allows these organizations to differentiate themselves and potentially receive more funding and provide a more comprehensive array of services in the sector (Paarlberg and Hwang 2017). Second, organizations may be more competitive for funds, such as government grants and private contributions, if they provide services more efficiently than other organizations (Charles and Kim 2016;Lecy and Searing 2015). ...
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... In 2014, nonprofit organizations with less than $50,000 in annual revenue are not required to file a 990 form with the IRS, but in 2003, nonprofit organizations with more than $25,000 were required to file a 990 form. Our dependent variable is a per capita measure of the sum of monetary contributions to nonprofit organizations nested in counties (Beaton and Hwang, 2017;Paarlberg and Hwang, 2017). ...
... Given that DAFs are much more flexible than foundations and enable gifts to be anonymous (for donors who do not wish to be 'cultivated' by many other organizations when their gifts are public), they have boomed in popularity in recent years, becoming the fastest growing destination for charitable giving in the US and Canada (Rooney, 2017). At the same time, the federated United Way campaigns are in trouble in the US and to a lesser extent in Canada, and giving to social services has flatlined (Blum, 2017;Paarlberg and Hwang, 2017). ...
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... Median household income is a widely used determinant for the size of the nonprofit sector (Lecy and Van Slyke, 2012), and is correlated with the mobilization of community resources for collective action. Third, annual private nonfarm payroll is employed to control for the size of the local market; the variable is divided by the total population as per capita (Paarlberg and Hwang, 2017). Fourth, the local government revenue variable is employed to measure the size of local government institutions because the existing literature emphasizes that strong local public institutions positively influence social integration within the community (Paarlberg et al., 2018). ...
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... In this way, our results concur with recent research on nonprofit competition concluding that nonprofit crowding is not leading to intense competition (Harrison and Thornton 2014;Seaman, Wilsker, and Young 2014). While some organizations may be losing revenue, total sector revenue is benefiting from specialization and legitimacy (Paarlberg and Hwang 2017). ...
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United Way (UW) organizations have long portrayed themselves as performing three core functions for local communities: fund-raising, community planning, and fund-allocation. Contradictory forces increasingly threaten the ability of UW organizations to perform all of these core functions. Some remain hidden and unacknowledged for some period of time. Many UW systems face the same challenges: how to raise funds, address needs, and respond to diverse constituencies; how to manage conflicts with adjacent United Ways; and how to create and maintain internal consensus to address these challenges effectively These are important questions for understanding how organizations relate to their environment and for understanding U.S. society. The scope of United Way systems is impressive and plays a key role both in shaping community perceptions of problems and as a major avenue through which the corporate sector takes an active role in local communities.
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Research on organizations is increasingly informed by analysis of community context. Community can be conceptualized as sets of relations between organizational forms or as places where organizations are located in resource space or in geography. In both modes, organizations operate interdependently with social institutions and with other units of social structure. Because such relationships channel flows of resources, opportunities are granted or withheld from social actors depending in part on their organization connections. Such considerations encourage analyses of organizations in ways that spread the relevance of results beyond organizationally defined research problem areas.
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Objectives. This article examines the extent to which nonprofit organizational foundings are determined by various forms of social capital. Our hypothesis is that, controlling for other relevant social, political, and economic factors, communities with higher levels of social capital should experience more extensive growth in their nonprofit sectors. Methods. Using data derived from the Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey and the IRS “charitable organization” Business Master Files, we test our hypothesis using a negative binomial event count regression on nonprofit organization foundings in 284 U.S. counties in the year 2001. Results. We find that two core dimensions of social capital—political engagement and “bridging” social ties—have a significant impact on county-level nonprofit foundings. Surprisingly, a key element of social capital in the literature, the level of interpersonal trust, does not lead to an increase in foundings of new not-for-profit organizations. Conclusions. This study provides further evidence of the strength of political engagement and bridging ties for the vitality of the community. It also shows that the different dimensions of social capital do not manifest a uniform effect on nonprofit sector growth. These results further demonstrate that the growth of a community's not-for-profit sector is dependent on a mix of ecological and environmental factors, especially preexisting organizational density, median household income, unemployment, and levels of governmental spending. Overall, social capital can usefully be seen as another key “environmental” factor in explanations of organizational foundings.
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This chapter briefly summarizes the implications of this educational approach for social initiatives by nonprofit organizations. These implications extend to both governmental organizations and NGOs. We begin by emphasizing the distinct aspects of our program in terms of a focus on the know-why followed by the know-how. We then discuss how consumer and entrepreneurial literacy programs can complement other initiatives. Another section highlights the need for nonprofit organizations to adopt marketplace literacy education for their employees and volunteers and view developmental approaches from the perspective of satisfying “customers.” We then discuss operational aspects of our program. The chapter concludes with a discussion of scaling and customization issues based on our experience to date.
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American philanthropy today expands knowledge, champions social movements, defines active citizenship, influences policymaking, and addresses humanitarian crises. How did philanthropy become such a powerful and integral force in American society?Philanthropy in Americais the first book to explore in depth the twentieth-century growth of this unique phenomenon. Ranging from the influential large-scale foundations established by tycoons such as John D. Rockefeller, Sr., and the mass mobilization of small donors by the Red Cross and March of Dimes, to the recent social advocacy of individuals like Bill Gates and George Soros, respected historian Olivier Zunz chronicles the tight connections between private giving and public affairs, and shows how this union has enlarged democracy and shaped history. Zunz looks at the ways in which American philanthropy emerged not as charity work, but as an open and sometimes controversial means to foster independent investigation, problem solving, and the greater good. Andrew Carnegie supported science research and higher education, catapulting these fields to a prominent position on the world stage. In the 1950s, Howard Pew deliberately funded the young Billy Graham to counter liberal philanthropies, prefiguring the culture wars and increased philanthropic support for religious causes. And in the 1960s, the Ford Foundation supported civil rights through education, voter registration drives, and community action programs. Zunz argues that American giving allowed the country to export its ideals abroad after World War II, and he examines the federal tax policies that unified the diverse nonprofit sector.
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In the contemporary United States, third parties are being relied upon to deliver social services that were once chiefly the responsibility of government. Among the new philanthropic associations that have arisen in this environment are voluntary groups known as giving circles. Their purpose is to bring people together to pool resources and then collectively decide how to distribute them. Giving circles have been seen as the most democratic of philanthropic mechanisms, working to meet social needs and solve community problems, while enhancing the civic education and participation of their members. Angela M. Eikenberry examines this new phenomenon and considers what role voluntary associations and philanthropy can or should play in a democratic society.
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Based on a comparative case study analysis, this paper suggests how preexisting organizations within an environment constitute resources for the genesis of new, similar organizations and how this process may expand the level of resources available from the wider environment, while the absence of similar organizations may hinder organizational genesis. As a result of the three central processes of resource exchange, legitimation, and domain definition, the emergence of new organizations can be facilitated rather than hindered by the presence of a greater number of preexisting similar organizations in the organizational field. The article raises significant questions about the conceptualization of resources and environments and contributes to the specification of the "liability of newness" hypothesis.
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The theory of population ecology (in contrast to economic theories of groups) is used to predict the number of interest groups in the United States. Interest-group density is a function of potential constituents, potential government goods and services, the stability of the political system, government age, and government size. Regression analysis of U.S. state data for interest groups in construction, agriculture, manufacturing, welfare, the environment, and local governments. Interest group density conforms to the predictions based on population ecology (constituents, government goods and services, and political stability), but not those based on economic theories of group mobilization.
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Description There has been a long-lasting debate between two schools of thought about whether community foundations should be community-focused or donor-focused (Carson, 2003; Gronbjerg, 2004; Hammack, 1989; NCRP, 1994). The former, embodied in the practices of the Cleveland Foundation and many of those established in Midwestern cities, emphasizes community leadership, participation in community collaborative initiatives, and raising unrestricted funds in order to target high priority needs. The latter, embodied in the practices of the New York Community Trust and many of those established in Northeastern cities, focuses on fulfilling the charitable interests of individual donors and on managing donor advised funds. The debate between the above two models poses important challenges on understanding and assessing the performance of community foundations. In line with the community-focused model, the performance of a community foundation may be understood and judged by its effectiveness in terms of raising and directing unrestricted assets in response to the community's common problems. In line with the donor-focused model, however, performance may also be evaluated by its efficiency in acquiring individual donor funds, accumulating financial capital, and facilitating each donor's individual charitable interests. This situation is exacerbated by the lack of consensus by nonprofit scholars and practitioners alike as to how to understand and measure the performance of nonprofit organizations (Forbes, 1998; Herman & Renz, 1999). In light of the call for a broader definition of nonprofit performance that takes into consideration the competing interests of multiple stakeholders or constituencies (Bradshaw, Murray, & Wolpin, 1992; Herman & Renz, 1999; Kaplan, 2001), we propose to understand the performance of community foundations along their dual function as both fundraisers and grantmakers; that is, performance should be indicated not only by organizational effectiveness in acquiring resources and meeting the needs of individual donors, but also by organizational effectiveness in allocating resources and meeting the needs of the community. Such a definition for community foundation performance is consistent with the unique role of community foundations as the bridge between community resources and needs. In fact, it echoes the observation of other scholars that the most successful community foundations incorporate both community-based and donor-based models (Leonard, 1989; cited in Gronbjerg, 2004). Based on the above definition, this paper discusses a national study of community foundations that examines factors associated with their performance. Specifically, the study examines the extent to which community foundations vary in their fiscal performance, grant allocations, and development of unrestricted assets; as well as the environmental (i.e., organizational density, compliance with industry standards), organizational (i.e., age, asset size, revenue, size of service area), and governance (i.e., board performance) factors that lead to such variations. Analysis is conducted on population-level data of 677 community foundations, a national survey of 117 organizations, and subsequent interviews with This study explores the environmental and organizational factors associated with the performance of community foundations. Results of population data analysis revealed that smaller community foundations are more financially efficient and more generous with grant-making. Increased organizational density was positively associated with fiscal efficiency but negatively associated to grant- making generosity. Regional, as opposed to local foundations, were more financially efficient, but local foundations were more generous with grant allocations.
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We explore the concept of regional industrial identity as an important missing component in our understanding of the development of metropolitan regions and the spatial arrangements of industries. While economists and sociologists have explained the location of industry clusters on the basis of unevenly distributed resources, and historians have provided rich descriptive insight into the developmental dynamics of particular metropolitan regions, little systematic theory has been advanced to explain cross-regional inflows and outflows of resources, especially with respect to patterns in cluster development. This paper examines the concept of regional industrial identity as a social code that (1) arises from the shared understandings of residents and external audiences about the suitability of a region for particular kinds of business activity and (2) influences decisions about where to locate investments. We argue that such understandings are principally informed by configurations of industry clusters that have already formed in a region. Clusters, which are the results of historical investments, are also important signals about the types of business that can thrive in the future. We develop theoretical propositions linking characteristics of regional industry cluster configurations, in particular cluster dominance and cluster interrelatedness, to the strength and focus of regional identity and, as a result, to the types and amounts of resources that will develop within and flow into and out of regions.
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Using population data on six state populations of interest organizations from 1980 and 1990, the authors find that (a) organized interests frequently exit the lobbying community; (b) institutions exit at a higher rate than associations or membership groups; (c) exit rates potentially have great influence on the composition of interest organization populations; and (d) exit, but not entry, rates are greatly influenced by the density of interest organization populations. On the basis of these findings, the authors make a number of suggestions for the further study of the demography of interest organization communities.
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Scholars have explored the idea of the determinants of the size of the nonprofit sector as a linear relationship between supply of resources and the demand for nonprofit services. This in turn has fueled debate about whether there are too many nonprofits for available resources. In this article, we propose that the scarcity (or abundance) of resources does not inherently determine the limits of a community's nonprofit "carrying capacity". Rather, network exchanges between nonprofits and other organizations may exhibit positive synergistic effects that are associated with diverse outcomes. We therefore propose a model of nonprofit carrying capacity that shifts the discussion to the ability of a community to support network exchanges among independent agents.
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This study draws on organizational ecology perspective to explore the environmental and organizational factors associated with the performance of community foundations. Performance was conceptualized as fiscal efficiency and grant-making performance. Analysis was conducted on a national survey of 117 community foundations. Results revealed that increased organizational density was positively associated with fiscal efficiency but negatively associated to grant-making performance. Specialist foundations (i.e., foundations that serve a smaller sized community and those with smaller asset size) outperformed their generalist counterparts in fiscal efficiency and grant-making performance. The percentage of unrestricted funds was negatively associated with fiscal efficiency but not grant-making generosity. Board performance was positively associated with fiscal efficiency but not grant-making generosity.
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What accounts for the addition of new nonprofit organizations in different U.S. states? Do new nonprofit organizations answer calls for help (Band-Aid) or calls for proposals (bandwagon) at their inception? Are nonprofit entrepreneurs pushed by the failures of government and the market or pulled by the legitimacy of the organizational form? This comparative research models the level of nonprofit incorporation in different U.S. states given fragmented legal environments, variable organizational legitimacy, and different levels of social needs. Drawing from institutional, resource dependence, population ecology, and social movement theories and using data from state legal codes, judicial decisions, the U.S. census, the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and the Nonprofit Almanac, 1992-1993, we explore the environmental and interorganizational forces that influence the level of nonprofit incorporation by state.
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This paper departs from the common practice of focusing on large, generalist organizations and shows that new organizational insights are obtined by adopting a broader, ecological perspective. The newspaper publishing industry is examined as an illustration. The ecological focus shows that many small, specialized organizations operate successfully in this industry, despite apparently high levels of local concentration. A resource-partitioning model is advanced to explain the interorganizational relationships between generalist and specialist organizations. Statistical tests of the model using historical data on 2,808 American local newspaper organizations show the merit of using the ecological perspective for analyzing industries.
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This paper develops an ecological model of the competition of social organizations for members. The concept of the ecological niche is quantified explicitly in a way which ties together geography, time, and the social composition of organizations. A differential equation model analogous to the Lotka-Volterra competition equations in biology captures the dynamics of the system. This dynamic model is related to the niche concept in a novel way, which produces an easily understood and powerful picture of the static and dynamic structure of the community. This new perspective provides a theoretical link between the aggregate macrostructural theory of Blau (1977a,b) and the microstructural dynamics of organizational demography (Pfeffer, 1983). The model is tested with data on organizations from a midwestern city.
Article
Organizations exist in a differentiated spatial ecology generated by past foundings and failures and affecting important organizational and individual outcomes. While ecological theory has traditionally emphasized the temporal evolution of organizational populations, this article considers their spatial evolution. Theories of spatial contagion, competition, and density dependence are used to make competing predictions on how geographically delineated subpopulations grow and interact with neighboring subpopulations. The hypotheses are tested on data from the early history of banking in Tokyo, with findings supportive of density dependence within areas and among neighboring areas. This suggests that the spatial evolution of organizational populations is a promising new area for ecological research, with opportunities for better understanding the theoretical and practical problems of spatial clustering and the boundaries of organizational populations.
Article
Like many nonprofit organizations, community development corporations (CDCs) rely on various sources of funding and support for their activities in poor and distressed neighborhoods. Funders often include the federal government, state and local government agencies, financial institutions, and philanthropic organizations. The author explains how community foundations are different from other philanthropic organizations and describes the various mechanisms that community foundations use to support community development. She suggests that there is a natural fit between the purpose of community foundations and the philosophy of community development, concluding that it is important for CDCs, as well as other nonprofit organizations, to understand how community foundations are different from other philanthropic organizations so that they may better position themselves to take advantage of the many resources that community foundations bring to their communities.
Article
Compares the organization of regional economies, focusing on Silicon Valley's thriving regional network-based system and Route 128's declining independent firm-based system. The history of California's Silicon Valley and Massachusetts' Route 128 as centers of innovation in the electronics indistry is traced since the 1970s to show how their network organization contributed to their ability to adapt to international competition. Both regions faced crises in the 1980s, when the minicomputers produced in Route 128 were replaced by personal computers, and Japanese competitors took over Silicon Valley's market for semiconductor memory. However, while corporations in the Route 128 region operated by internalization, using policies of secrecy and company loyalty to guard innovation, Silicon Valley fully utilized horizontal communication and open labor markets in addition to policies of fierce competition among firms. As a result, and despite mounting competition, Silicon Valley generated triple the number of new jobs between 1975 and 1990, and the market value of its firms increased 25billionfrom1986to1990whileRoute128firmsincreasedonly25 billion from 1986 to 1990 while Route 128 firms increased only 1 billion for the same time period. From analysis of these regions, it is clear that innovation should be a collective process, most successful when institutional and social boundaries dividing firms are broken down. A thriving regional economy depends not just on the initiative of individual entrepreneurs, but on an embedded network of social, technical, and commercial relationships between firms and external organizations. With increasingly fragmented markets, regional interdependencies rely on consistently renewed formal and informal relationships, as well as public funding for education, research, and training. Local industrial systems built on regional networks tend to be more flexible and technologically dynamic than do hierarchical, independent firm-based systems in which innovation is isolated within the boundaries of corporations. (CJC)
Article
Objective We examine the effects of interest community density on generalist interest organizations. A core element of population ecology theory is competitive exclusion, which suggests two hypotheses. First, through niche partitioning of the issue space among similar organizations and the comparative advantages of specialist organizations, generalists in heavily populated systems struggle to secure members more than their counterparts in less densely populated ones. Second, surviving generalists narrow the scope of their lobbying activities to fewer issues on which they hold comparative advantage. Methods We test both hypotheses through regression analysis of data on the mobilization and lobbying focus of U . S . state C hambers of C ommerce. Results Both participation in state C hambers and the number of bills that C hambers track decline as the business interest community becomes more densely populated. Conclusions We conclude that even state C hambers—the old bulls of the lobbying pasture—are powerfully influenced by competition among business interest organizations.
Article
This article provides case studies of the role of three community foundations in facilitating the establishment of community development collaboratives to galvanize support for local community development corporations (CDCs): the Cleveland Foundation, the Dade Community Foundation, and the Greater New Orleans Foundation. Sentiments about community foundation support or influence upon CDC activity captured from person-to-person interviews with CDC staff and community foundation personnel and board members are included, in addition to secondary data documenting the character and activity of community foundation assistance. The article offers lessons drawn from the three cases. Although it makes no broad generalizations, the article concludes with some recommendations for community foundations interested in community development collaboratives as a means of supporting local CDCs and identifies some areas for future research.
Article
growing body of research documents the role that organizational learning plays in improving firm performance over time. To date, however, this literature has given limited attention to the effect that the internal structure of the firm can have on gen- erating differences in these learning rates. This paper focuses on the degree to which interdependence—and in particular one structural characteristic that generates interdepen- dence, vertical integration—affects organizational learning. Firms face a trade-off. In stable environments, vertically integrating severely limits the organization's ability to learn by doing because boundedly rational managers find the optimization of operations difficult when making highly interdependent choices. As the volatility of the environment increases though, integration can facilitate learning-by-doing by buffering activities within the firm from instability in the external environment. Thus, firms with a high degree of interdepen- dence suffer less in these environments. Tests of these hypotheses on the growth and exit rates of computer workstation manufacturers support this thesis. (Vertical Integration; Organizational Failure; Organizational Growth; Computer Workstations)
Article
Economic geography during an era of global competition involves a paradox. It is widely recognized that changes in technology and competition have diminished many of the traditional roles of location. Yet clusters, or geographic concentrations of interconnected companies, are a striking feature of virtually every national, regional, state, and even metropolitan economy, especially in more advanced nations. The prevalence of clusters reveals important insights about the microeconomics of competition and the role of location in competitive advantage. Even as old reasons for clustering have diminished in importance with globalization, new influences of clusters on competition have taken on growing importance in an increasingly complex, knowledge-based, and dynamic economy. Clusters represent a new way of thinking about national, state, and local economies, and they necessitate new roles for companies, government, and other institutions in enhancing competitiveness.
Article
In this paper I critique the notion of ‘the creative class’ and the fuzzy causal logic about its relationship to urban growth. I argue that in the creative class, occupations that exhibit distinctive spatial and political proclivities are bunched together, purely on the basis of educational attainment, and with little demonstrable relationship to creativity. I use a case study of artists, one element of the purported creative class, to probe this phenomenon, demonstrating that the formation, location, urban impact, and politics of this occupation are much more complex and distinctive than has been suggested previously. The spatial distribution of artists is a function of semiautonomous personal migration decisions, local nurturing of artists in dedicated spaces and organizations, and the locus of artist-employing firms. Artists have very high rates of self-employment, boosting regional growth by providing import-substituting consumption activities for residents and through direct export of their work. Their contribution to attracting high-tech activity is ambiguous—causality may work in the opposite direction. Artists play multiple roles in an urban economy—some progressive, some problematic. I argue that artists as a group make important, positive contributions to the diversity and vitality of cities, and their agendas cannot be conflated with neoliberal urban political regimes. I show the potential for artists as a political force to lead in social and urban transformation and the implausibility of their common cause with other members of Florida’s ‘creative class’, such as scientists, engineers, managers, and lawyers.
Article
This study examined the organizational context in which medical societies composed of women physicians were formed in the last decade of the nineteenth century in America. The inquiry was centered on the relationship between the number of existing organizations and the formation of a particular category of association. Two explanations for a relationship between the number of organizations and the establishment of women's medical societies were investigated: (1) the opportunities existing organizations allow for individuals to acquire skills they can use to start other organizations; and (2) the importance of social networks built within existing organizations. The results showed more medical societies in the cities where women's medical societies emerged than in a matched set of cities. The results would seem to imply that it is the presence of organizations similar to the focal one that is related to the formation of a particular kind of organization not the overall level of organizational activity.
Article
This paper investigates the impact of international migration on technical efficiency, resource allocation and income from agricultural production of family farming in Albania. The results suggest that migration is used by rural households as a pathway out of agriculture: migration is negatively associated with both labour and non-labour input allocation in agriculture, while no significant differences can be detected in terms of farm technical efficiency or agricultural income. Whether the rapid demographic changes in rural areas triggered by massive migration, possibly combined with propitious land and rural development policies, will ultimately produce the conditions for a more viable, high-return agriculture attracting larger investments remains to be seen.
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