Regional Security in the Middle East: A Critical Perspective

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REGIONAL SECURITY IN THE MIDDLE
EAST
In this new and fully revised edition Pinar Bilgin provides an accessible yet
critical analysis of regional security in the Middle East, analysing the significant
developments that have taken place in the past years. Drawing from a wide
range of critical approaches to security, the book offers a comprehensive study
of pasts, presents, and futures of security in the region.
The book distinguishes itself from previous (critical) studies on regional security
by opening up both ‘region’and ‘security’.Different from those approaches that
bracket one or the other, this study takes seriously the constitutive relationship
between (inventing) regions, and (conceptions and practices of) security. There is
not one Middle East but many, shaped by the insecurities of those who voice them.
This book focuses on how present-day insecurities have their roots in practices that
have, throughout history, been shaped by ‘geopolitical inventions of security’.In
doing so, the book lays the contours of a framework for thinking critically about
regional security in this part of the world.
This second edition of Regional Security in the Middle East is a key resource for
students and scholars interested in International Relations and Political Science,
Security Studies, and Middle East Studies.
Pinar Bilgin is Professor of International Relations at Bilkent University, Ankara.
She is the author of The International in Security, Security in the International and co-editor
of The Routledge Handbook of International Political Sociology and Asia in International
Relations: Unlearning Imperial Power Relations.

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REGIONAL SECURITY IN
THE MIDDLE EAST
A Critical Perspective
Second Edition
Pinar Bilgin

Second edition published 2019
by Routledge
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© 2019 Pinar Bilgin
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by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and
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trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
First edition published by Routledge 2005
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Bilgin, Pinar, 1971- author.
Title: Regional security in the Middle
East : a critical perspective / Pinar Bilgin.
Description: Second edition. | Milton Park,
Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018040218 (print) |
LCCN 2018045324 (ebook) | ISBN 9781351790086 (web pdf) |
ISBN 9781351790079 (epub) | ISBN 9781351790062 ( mobipocket) |
ISBN 9781138701335 | ISBN 9781138701335(hardback) |
ISBN 9781138701342(pbk.) | ISBN 9781315204123(ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Security, International–Middle East. |
National security–Middle East. | Middle East–Foreign relations.
Classification: LCC JZ6009.M628 (ebook) |
LCC JZ6009.M628 B55 2019 (print) |
DDC 355/.033056–dc23
LC record available at
https://lccn.loc.gov/2018040218
ISBN: 978-1-138-70133-5 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-70134-2 (pbk)
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by Taylor & Francis Books

CONTENTS
Preface and acknowledgements to the second edition vi
Preface to the 2004 edition viii
Introduction 1
PART I
Pasts 21
1 Cold War pasts of security thinking 23
2 Cold War representations of the Middle East 41
3 Practices of security during the Cold War 61
PART II
Presents 95
4 Post-Cold War presents of security thinking 97
5 Post-Cold War representations of the Middle East 126
6 Practices of security in the post-Cold War era 148
Conclusion: futures of the Middle East 188
Index 207

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
TO THE SECOND EDITION
The first edition of this book came out in 2004. So much has changed in the Middle
East since then. This second edition reflects the need for an update as well as revisiting
some of the arguments to reflectthechangesintheworld‘out there’and my thinking
about the world ‘in here’.Asignificant amount has been published on critical approa-
ches to security in the passing years. Yet, there are precious few books that study security
in the Middle East from critical perspectives. This book remains the only monograph on
regional security in the Middle East from a critical perspective. I chose to produce a
second edition of this book so that the empirics would be updated and the theoretical
discussions would be revisited in light of the changes ‘out there’and ‘in here’.
More specifically, the second edition delves deeper into the literature on Middle
East studies to reflect the valuable insights it offers. It is perhaps an instance of the
limits of communication between Middle East studies (read: area studies) and
Security Studies (read: the disciplines) that the richness of the material offered by the
former does not always make it into the latter to allow for its prevalent concepts,
categories, and theories to be rethought. I spent the best part of the period between
the two editions thinking about such limitations of International Relations and
Security Studies. The results of my thinking came out in book form in 2016 entitled
The International in Security, Security in the International (Routledge). Just as the puzzles
offered by the Middle East had previously led me to think more deeply about the
limitations of International Relations and Security Studies, the insights I gained while
writing that book helped me rethink the arguments I offered in the first edition.
My preface to the first edition began with a quote from Stefan Zweig. The
author is well known for his biographies of historical personalities. The quote I
used is from his biography of Magellan. In the introduction, Zweig talks about
how he was able to find relatively little in the existing literature to satisfy his
reader’s curiosity on Magellan’s life and therefore decided to write his own
account. This was not because there were no writings on Magellan. Rather, Zweig

felt that they did not capture the complexity of Magellan’s life and times. I read
Zweig’s book as I was finalising the first edition. Zweig’s explanation for why he
wrote this particular book reflected my thinking about my own subject matter: ‘As
had happened to me several times before, I found that to tell the story to others
would be the best way of explaining the inexplicable to myself’.
This is not to invoke a trope about the Middle East dynamics being ‘inex-
plicable’. Rather, I wish to capture the complexity of regional security
dynamics in the Middle East in a way that the existing literature does not. The
complexity of regional security dynamics is not captured by the otherwise very
rich body of scholarship on regional security in the Middle East, I think,
because there is a need for a fresh perspective that is cognisant of the experi-
ences and perspectives of multiple actors and their ‘entangled and connected
histories’.Needlesstosay,thelatterisnotalwaysapartofour‘shared
knowledge’in present-day discussions (see Conclusion).
This book is a thoroughly revised and updated edition. The number of chapters
has stayed the same as before, but the substance of all of the chapters and the
organisation of the book has changed. There is a new ‘theory’chapter (Chapter 4).
The part on ‘futures’has been folded into the concluding chapter. There are now
three chapters (representations, thinking, practices) in each of the two parts (pasts
and presents) and a new introduction and conclusion.
I remain grateful, as ever, to all those individuals whose contributions I had
acknowledged then. Here, I would like to express my appreciation and thankfulness to
the following friends, colleagues, and mentors from whom I have learned a great deal
in the intervening years: Anna Agathangelou, Meliha Altunıs¸ık, Costas Constantinou,
Rafaella Del Sarto, Siba Grovogui, Stefano Guzzini, Waleed Hazbun, Monica Herz,
Vivienne Jabri, Bahgat Korany, Stefania Panebianco, Stephan Stetter, and Morten
Valbjorn. Additionally, I would like to express my indebtedness to two persons and
institutions. First, Dietrich Jung invited me to spend one year as a visiting professor
at the Centre for Middle East Studies of the University of Southern Denmark.
During the year I spent there, I taught, for the first time, a postgraduate-level
course based on the first edition of this book and used the opportunity to try out
some new ideas that went into the second edition. I would like to say thank you to
my University of Southern Denmark colleagues Martin Beck, Peter Seeberg, Ümit
Necef, and Kirstine Sinclair, as well as Dietrich Jung for offering such a hospitable
and intellectually stimulating environment. Second, since 2008, I have been a
recipient of various kinds of support offered by the Turkish Academy of Sciences,
which meant I could afford setting aside time to work on this book. I would like
to express my gratitude to Metin Heper, who introduced me to TÜBA and has
provided valuable mentorship over the years.
Parts of the argument in this book appeared in ‘Arguing against security
communitarianism’,Critical Studies on Security, 3:2 (2015). Copyright 2018.
Preface and acknowledgements to the second edition vii

PREFACE TO THE 2004 EDITION
Stefan Zweig once wrote that he found the best way to explain a difficult subject
was to seek to understand it through telling about it to others. This book could be
viewed as an attempt to gain greater understanding of regional (in)security in the
Middle East through telling about it to others. Contesting such approaches that
present the Middle East as only amenable to realist readings, the book argues that
critical approaches to security are indeed relevant in the Middle East, while accepting
that some of the items of the traditional agenda also retain their pertinence and
should be addressed, but within a comprehensive framework cognisant of the
dynamic relationships between multiple dimensions of regional security.
Although I have been an observer of this conflict-ridden part of the world for more
than a decade, it is my interest in critical approaches to security that led me to embark
on a research project of which the end result is this book. The appeal of critical
approaches to security for me could partly be explained by my aversion to all that was
presented under the title International Security when I was an undergraduate student
of International Relations. A lot has changed since then, but during the early 1990s,
what was on offer under the label International Security was nuclear strategy and, in
particular, nuclear deterrence. Turkey being a non-nuclear state beleaguered by per-
ceived conventional threats, the emphasis put on nuclear deterrence only added to my
puzzlement as to the way courses on international security were set up. Special thanks
go to my professors at Middle East Technical University in Ankara: Mahmut Bali
Aykan and Süha Bölükbas¸ıintroduced me to Middle East politics and Hüseyin Bag
˘cı
to new approaches to security.
As a master’s student at Bilkent University I was introduced to critical theories of
International Relations and gradually began to make more sense of what I had
been studying in the previous four years. During my master’s studies I remember
dropping a course on crisis management, not being able to grasp the exclusive
focus given to superpower conflict, and feeling uncomfortable with the lack of critical

reflection in the ‘problem-solving’approaches to conflict resolution, the course I took
in its place. My thesis supervisor at Bilkent University, Nur Bilge Criss, deserves special
thanks for encouragement and support beyond the call of duty.
When writing up my master’s thesis I began working for a government department
as a junior researcher on Middle Eastern affairs. It was during that brief period that I
began thinking more deeply about the need to broaden our conceptions of security,
problems involved in zero-sum thinking and practices, and the ways in which security
thinking was constitutive of the very ‘reality’to which it sought to respond. However,
I did not know how to put such thoughts into words. To learn that, I had to wait until
I found out more about Critical Security Studies.
I am grateful to the British Council for awarding me the Chevening Scholarship,
which enabled me to do an MSc in Strategic Studies at the University of Wales,
Aberystwyth. The 1995–6 academic year was the first time a postgraduate course on
Critical Security Studies was offered by Ken Booth and Richard Wyn Jones, who
later became the co-supervisors of my PhD dissertation. Their enthusiasm inspired
and encouraged me to undertake further studies on critical approaches to security.
Upon completion of my master’s studies, the Department of International Politics at
Aberystwyth awarded me a PhD scholarship, which allowed me to lay the groundwork
for this book. My gratitude is due to the Department of International Politics, Uni-
versity of Wales, Aberystwyth for an E.H. Carr Studentship (1996–9) and the Overseas
Research Awards Scheme for an Overseas Research scholarship (1996–9). I would also
like to thank the British International Studies Association and European Consortium
for Political Research for travel grants and numerous workshop/conference organisers
for providing me the space to present my work and receive feedback.
During my years at Aberystwyth many people contributed to this study in
numerous ways and I am grateful to them all. Particular thanks go to my two
supervisors Ken Booth and Richard Wyn Jones, who have provided invaluable
intellectual insight, support, and guidance over the years. I am especially grateful to
Ken Booth for his perfect mix of incisive critique and encouragement. He will
always be my teacher. Thanks also go to Bill McSweeney and Michael Williams,
who were my PhD committee, and Adam David Morton, Pauline Ewan, and
Tarak Barkawi, who commented on draft papers and chapters.
Since February 2000, the Department of International Relations at Bilkent Uni-
versity has been my new intellectual home. At Bilkent my first debt of gratitude goes to
our head of Ali Karaosmanog
˘lu, who welcomed me to the Department of Interna-
tional Relations. My colleagues and especially my students in the courses War, Peace
and Security, and New Directions in Security Studies stimulated me to rethink my
ideas about the relevance of critical approaches to world politics. I am equally grateful
to our Dean Merih Celasun for his encouragement and support. I would also like to
thank my assistant Berivan Elis¸ for her help on compiling the bibliography. My family
deserves a special mention; they shared the high moments as well as the low ones.
Parts of the argument appeared in ‘Alternative Futures for the Middle East’,
Futures: Journal of Policy, Planning and Future Studies, 33, pp. 423–36, copyright
2001. This material is printed here with permission from Elsevier.
Preface to the 2004 edition ix

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INTRODUCTION
In the early twenty-first century, 30 years after the end of the Cold War, the Middle
East comes across as an arena of incessant conflict attracting global attention. As
evinced by accelerating South-to-North human mobility in the Mediterranean and
the rise (and fall) of ISIS in Syria and Iraq, it is difficult to exaggerate the centrality of
Middle Eastern insecurities to world politics. By adopting a critical approach to
thinking about security in the Middle East, this study addresses an issue that continues
to attract the attention of students of world politics.
Students of critical approaches to security have focused on the constructedness of
insecurities, highlighting the ways in which one’s‘basic ideas about what makes the
world go round’shape his/her conceptions of security (Booth, 2007: 154). Thinking
about security in a world characterised by multiple inequalities and differences entails
reflecting on others’insecurities as shaped by those ‘basic ideas’(Bilgin, 2016b). For
different people, social groups, and states have different ideas as to how they want to
live, what they find threatening, and whose security they want to pursue. When the
concept of security is opened up to consider insecurities experienced by various
referents, it becomes difficult to sustain the (Cold War Security Studies) idea that
security is foremost about states defending themselves against military threats that stem
from outside their boundaries. This is a definition that is shaped by contingencies of a
particular place in time. Security is a ‘contingently contested concept’,arguedKen
Booth (2007: 101); while the concept is ‘not difficult to define, but how it is con-
ceptualised and operationalised in the contingent contexts of world politics is not’.
This insight (that Cold War Security Studies denied its particularity as shaped by its
temporal and spatial contingency) has become the opening salvo for critical approaches
to security (see Chapters 1 and 3).
Beyond opening up the concept of security, another significant feature that distin-
guishes critical approaches is their awareness of and reflexive engagement with their
own limits (and not only those of Cold War Security Studies). More specifically,

students of critical approaches to security reject the common-sense belief that ‘threats’
to security exist ‘out there’independent of ‘our’efforts to know about and respond to
them. As we seek to respond to those insecurities that ‘we’identify, we produce
security as well as insecurity, rethinking who ‘we’are and how we want to live (Bur-
gess, 2011). There are two interrelated dynamics here that call for reflection. On the
one hand, our attempts to secure ourselves may render ‘others’insecure. While this
may seem like the intended outcome of the Cold War Security Studies stance of
seeking security against ‘others’,studentsof‘stable peace’and ‘common security’have,
for long, cautioned that security based on fear often turns out to be less than stable
(Boulding, 1978, Palme, 1982). Put differently, our attempts to seek security by ren-
dering ‘others’insecure may not prove sustainable in the long run. On the other hand,
the attempts we undertake to secure ‘us’may produce unintended consequences
(Bigo, 2013). The liberties some governments have taken with individual rights and
freedoms as part of the Global War on Terror have shown how the search for security
against potential terrorist attacks have rendered their own citizens insecure in unfore-
seen ways (Burgess, 2011, Bigo et al., 2010). In view of these and other limitations of
non-reflexive approaches to security, the book adopts a critical approach that is cog-
nisant of the ways in which our security practices (the things that ‘we’do in the name
of security) produce security as well as insecurity for ‘us’and for ‘others’.
The book also distinguishes itself from previous (critical) approaches to regional
security (Waever and Buzan, 2003, Lake and Morgan, 2010) by opening up both
‘region’and ‘security’.Different from those studies that bracket one or the other, this
study takes seriously the constitutive relationship between (inventing) regions and
(conceptions and practices of) security. In doing so, I follow the lead of Ole Waever
(1987) and Ken Booth and Nicholas Wheeler (1992), who considered multiple
visions of security in ‘Europe’as productive of multiple ‘Europes’. Similarly, there is
not one Middle East but many, shaped by the insecurities of those who voice them.
While mainstream and critical approaches alike reflect the insecurities of those who
are interested in what they define as the ‘Middle East’, this book focuses on how
present-day insecurities have their roots in practices that have, throughout history,
been shaped by its various spatial representations—what I term the ‘geopolitical
inventions of security’(Bilgin, 2004). In doing so, the book lays the contours of a
framework for thinking critically about regional security in the Middle East.
At a moment in time when Middle Eastern insecurities are portrayed as con-
sequences of the ‘artificiality’of the ‘Middle East’as a region and/or the borders of
Middle Eastern states, inquiring into the relationship between (inventing) regions
and (conceptions and practices of) security offers an appropriate starting point (see
Chapter 1 for further discussion). Taking issue with popular media portrayals that
oftentimes find their reflection in scholarly studies, I argue that the current state of
insecurities in the Middle East do not merely flow from an infamous secret war-
time agreement from 1916: the Sykes-Picot. This is not only because it was not the
Sykes-Picot but the San Remo agreement of 1920 ratified by the League of
Nations that turned out to be decisive in shaping regional boundaries. The differ-
ence between the two is that while the former is a secret wartime deal struck by
2Introduction

two colonising powers, the latter was a League of Nations conference attended by
the representatives of Britain, France, Italy, and Japan. By the beginning of the
twentieth century, the League of Nations membership went beyond the European
great powers, comprising independent states from South America, Africa, and Asia,
including Persia (Iran). That is to say, it was not only two European colonisers who
struck a secret deal that bore responsibility for the regional insecurities that fol-
lowed, but also (perhaps more so) the international society of the time that
approved of the way in which some (existing members) could decide on the way
in which others (not yet members) should live, i.e. under mandate regimes within
boundaries drawn by the former (Bilgin, 2016d). In line with the practices of the
time that governed the colonised through constructed categories of ‘natives’and
‘settlers’through direct or indirect rule (Mamdani, 2001), this part of the world
was carved out by the international society to the mandate powers until a time
when its peoples were deemed ‘ready’to self-govern.
Here lies the origin of insecurities in this part of the world, a particular approach
to securing the ‘Middle East’as envisioned by the international society of the
time—and not in a secret wartime agreement that was never put into practice.
Thinking past the Middle East approach to regional security
What I term the Middle East approach to regional security is warranted by a particular
concept of security that shaped and was shaped by Cold War Security Studies—a
concept that is decidedly state-centric, military-focused, and directed outwards (see
below). Over the years, the Middle East approach to security shaped regional
dynamics with a view to addressing insecurities experienced initially by the United
Kingdom as a colonial power and later by the United States (US) as a superpower.
Notwithstanding the rise and fall of alternative approaches to regional security in
this part of the world, the Middle East approach has remained prevalent.
The Middle East approach to regional security has its origins in the security
concerns and interests of external actors. The ‘Middle East’as a term and as a spa-
tial conception is a product of the British search for security in this part of the
world before and during World War I (Bilgin, 2000). Britain’s role was gradually
assumed by the US during and after World War II (Vitalis, 2004). One major
implication of Anglo-American prevalence has been that much of the thinking
done on regional security in the Middle East has been based on particular con-
ceptions of ‘security’and ‘region’, both of which have been shaped by British and
US insecurities and interests.
With the rise of the superpower conflict, securing the Middle East came to
mean maintaining the security of US interests in this part of the world and its
defence against potential Soviet intervention or communist influence. US security
interests in the Middle East during the Cold War were fourfold: maintaining
unhindered flow of oil at reasonable prices, keeping the Arab–Israeli conflict in
check, regional stability (understood as the prevention of the emergence of a
regional hegemon), and regime security of ‘friendly’states that are receptive to US
Introduction 3

interests.
1
The Middle East approach to regional security, as it has evolved during
an era of Anglo-American prevalence in this part of the world, is a top-down
approach to security that is directed outwards and military-focused. Let us take a
brief look at each of these three characteristics.
During the Cold War, the Middle East approach to regional security was top
down because threats were defined largely from the perspective of external rather
than regional actors. In the eyes of US defence planners, communist influence and
potential Soviet intervention constituted the greatest threats to security in the
Middle East. Regional leaders with an autonomous streak, such as the Iranian
prime minister Mosaddegh (1951–3) who sought to nationalise oil production, or
the Egyptian president Nasser (1956–70) who nationalised the Suez Canal, were
deemed as security risks partly because it was feared that their free manoeuvring
would render the region vulnerable to Soviet influence. The way to enhance
regional security, US defence planners argued, was for regional states to put aside
their (ostensibly) ‘naïve’approach to security (i.e. non-alignment) and enter into
alliances with the US (Stevens, 1957). Two security umbrella schemes, the Middle
East Defense Organization (1951) and the Northern Tier (which later became the
Baghdad Pact in 1955) were designed for this purpose. Although there were
regional states such as Iraq (until the 1958 coup), Iran (until the 1978–9 revolu-
tion), Saudi Arabia, Israel, and Turkey that echoed US concerns (albeit for their
own reasons, see Chapter 3), many regional actors begged to differ.
2
In the wake of the Cold War, such a top-down approach to regional security
was still prevalent in US security policy making toward the Middle East. During
the 1990s, as they followed a policy of ‘dual containment’, US policy makers
portrayed Iran and Iraq as the main threats to regional security, largely due to their
military capabilities and the independent streak of their foreign policies, which
meant they were not subservient to US interests. In 2003, as the Saddam Hussein
regime was brought down following the US-led war, the need for democratic
transitioning was declared as what regional security in the Middle East required.
Yet, in the aftermath of the 2003 war, calls for transition to democracy in Iraq as a
catalyst for regional security were eclipsed by the military and political support
received by less-than-democratic local allies of the US (such as Saudi Arabia and
Egypt) (see Chapter 6).
True to the nature of their top-down approach to regional security, US policy
makers failed to inquire into insecurities as experienced by regional states, let alone
peoples. For top-down perspectives, while revealing certain insecurities, obscure
others. Consider one issue that currently tops the agenda of the Middle East
approach to regional security: the potential for Iran to weaponise its nuclear pro-
gramme. It is not only the US but also its local allies such as Israel and Saudi Arabia
that has prioritised this issue. Be that as it may, the lives of people in Saudi Arabia (and
Iran) are rendered insecure not only by the potential for Iran to weaponise its nuclear
programme, but also because of the conservative character of local regimes that restrict
human rights in the name of sacred cultural traditions. The tradition of Wahabism
sacralises the gendered political practices of the Saudi regime by portraying its policy
4Introduction

choices as sacred cultural prerogatives.
3
It is women who suffer disproportionately as a
result of the rise of militarism and the channelling of valuable resources into defence
instead of education and health (Mernissi, 1992). Yet, the gendered character of inse-
curities experienced in the region are almost never considered as an aspect of the
Middle East approach to regional security (but see Enloe, 2010).
The way in which Afghan women’s freeing from the restrictions imposed by the
Taliban regime was made central to the US discourse during the war on Afghanistan
does not, in any way, disprove the point here. Consider, for example, the following
excerpt from a speech by Laura Bush, then first lady of the US:
Because of our recent military gains in much of Afghanistan, women are no
longer imprisoned in their homes. They can listen to music and teach their
daughters without fear of punishment …The fight against terrorism is also a
fight for the rights and dignity of women.
(Cited in Abu-Lughod, 2002)
The insecurities women experienced in Afghanistan were made central to US dis-
course in a particular manner, without exploring the roots of those insecurities or
US complicity in their (re)production. Women’s insecurities were brought up
insofar as they fit the official US narrative on the Afghan war, but not by con-
sidering those insecurities as voiced by Afghan women themselves. For the Afghan
women, even as they were vocal about Taliban misogyny, nevertheless maintained
their anti-war stance (Abu-Lughod, 2002; see also Lee-Koo, 2008).
Consider also the sanctions regime imposed upon Iraq throughout the 1990s,
which hurt women and children disproportionately, giving rise to food insecurity.
Ten years into the programme, it was estimated that if it were not for the monthly
baskets distributed as part of the United Nations’(UN) ‘Oil for Food’programme,
‘approximately 80 percent of the Iraqi population would become vulnerable to
food insecurity’(Hurd, 2003). Yet even such UN programmes were hampered by
US concerns regarding a revival of the Iraqi nuclear weapons programme, leaving
regional peoples largely sceptical of the US-led coalition’s professed commitment
to Iraqi peoples’security (Bahdi, 2002). Regional peoples’insecurities and the
gendered character of the violence inflicted by the sanctions regime are regularly
overlooked by those who propound a top-down approach to security in the
Middle East.
This is not to pit non-military and military insecurities against each other. What
is at stake here is garnering regional support for addressing multifaceted problems—
such as the dynamics behind the emergence of ISIS. US defence planners have
frequently lamented the lack of a region-wide response to the challenge of ISIS ter-
rorism, notwithstanding stark insecurities caused by the group to regional peoples and
social groups (Ryan, 2015). Arguably, the background to such lack of consensus and
cooperation among regional actors could be sought in human insecurities that are
overlooked by the top-down perspective of state elites. Indeed, the fact that
regional peoples popularly view ISIS as a foil for US interventionism cannot be
Introduction 5

explained away with reference to some local actors’proclivity to conspiracy theorising.
At least two alternate sets of inquiry come to mind. Our inquiry into regional inse-
curities could begin by tracing the history of US material and ideational support for an
international ‘culture of jihadism’in Afghanistan (Mamdani, 2004) while remaining
aware of the collusion between ‘liberal’global actors and regional states (such as Saudi
Arabia) in producing ‘palace fundamentalism’(Mernissi, 2003). Alternatively, we
could focus on the relationship between the politics of humiliation, emotions, and
violence in the Arab world (Fattah and Fierke, 2009) or the post-colonial leaders’
disillusionment with the promises of the UN Charter against the background of great
power interventionism in the Middle East (Grovogui, 2016). Human insecurities
experienced by those ‘on the ground’may not always be visible from a top-down
regional security perspective.
During the Cold War, the top-down approach to regional security in the
Middle East was compounded by a conception of security that was directed out-
wards. That is, threats to regional security in the Middle East were assumed to stem
from ‘outside’. Given the number of inter and intrastate wars experienced in the
Middle East throughout the twentieth century, it might seem an exaggeration to
suggest that ‘inside’was secure. Rather, the point here is that so long as the Soviet
Union was kept out and the potential for communist infiltration was kept under
check, the status quo was considered as satisfactory for the US and its allies. In
those rare instances when ‘internal’dynamics were studied, the intellectual frame-
work adopted was a ‘regionalised version of the global strategy/security paradigm’
(Klein, 1994: 14) that focused on balance-of-power strategies and the military
dimension of the Arab–Israeli conflict. Even Malcolm Kerr’s (1965) characterisation
of the 1950–1960s as the ‘Arab Cold War’, which stressed the different insecurities
at stake for Arab conservative monarchies versus the radical republics, was often
read through the inside/outside binary (c.f. Barnett, 1998). Accordingly, Nasser’s
radicalism is explained away with reference to ‘communist influence’, without
inquiring into inter-Arab rivalries. Consequently, in the Middle East, as in some
other parts of the world, insecurities stemming from inside (as opposed to outside)
were rendered less than visible in the literature on regional security (see, for
example, David, 1991, Acharya, 1992).
For a moment following the end of the Cold War, the outwards-directed
orientation of the Middle East approach to regional security seemed to dissolve
with US defence policy makers focusing on the prevention of the rise of a regional
hegemon. It is no coincidence that the most serious (to date) attempt at resolving
the Israel/Palestine conflict came in the immediate aftermath of the Cold War, at a
time when some Israeli policy makers did not feel confident in their ability to
sustain US commitment to Israel’s security (Barnett, 1999). While the Oslo process
had its flaws from the very beginning (Said, 1995), it was the 9/11 attacks and
Global War on Terror which decisively marked a return to an outwards-directed
approach to regional security in the Middle East, with a special focus on Israeli
security within the context of the problem of ‘global terror’. Since then, the out-
wards-directed vision that locates the roots of the problem of terrorism as external
6Introduction

to one’s own efforts remained intact, even as Hamas is known to be previously
supported by the Israeli government against Fatah, and a significant number of the
9/11 attackers were known to be Saudi citizens who were products of the Afghan
jihad vis-à-vis the Soviet Union, as organised by Saudi Arabia and Pakistan’s Inter-
Services Intelligence in collaboration with the US Central Intelligence Agency
during the final decade of the Cold War (Mamdani, 2004). Saudi interest in such a
collaboration, in turn, was shaped by the seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca
by extremists for several days in 1979. Afterwards, Saudi leadership found the
radical elements a new task in Afghanistan to keep them busy away from home
(Paul, 2016). That the outwards-directed Middle East approach to regional security
is sustained even in the face of contrary evidence is one manifestation of the
stronghold of the warrant of Cold War Security Studies (see Chapter 1).
The military-focused character of the Middle East approach to regional security
during the Cold War manifested itself with US and its regional allies’reliance on
practices such as heavy defence outlays, concern with orders of battle, joint military
exercises and the formation of defence pacts. For example, US practices during this
period took the form of defending regional states against potential Soviet inter-
vention by way of helping them to strengthen their defence and acquiring military
bases in the region as well as bolstering ‘friendly’regimes’stronghold over their
populace (including overt and covert operations). During this period, regional states
rose high on the list of world arms importers (Sadowski, 1993).
In the post-Cold War era, as reliance on the military instrument in addressing
inter and intrastate conflicts ceased to be the norm in the global North, the Middle
East seemed destined to remain in the global South as evinced by multiple actors’
overt reliance on the military instrument in addressing a variety of insecurities,
including the US-led war on Iraq, NATO-led Libya intervention, the bombing of
ISIS by a loose coalition of actors including the US, Turkey (a local US ally), and
Russia (a global US foe), and increasing reliance on drone warfare (Niva, 2013). That
such a diverse group of actors could coalesce around military-focused solutions when
it comes to Middle Eastern insecurities is, arguably, an indication of ‘temporalising
security’vis-à-vis the Middle East—an act that temporalises difference and spatialises
time, rendering the Middle East a ‘backward’region that is considered most suitable
for military solutions at a time when other parts of the world are considered to have
‘evolved’beyond the need for military solutions (Jabri, 2013, Bilgin, 2016c).
Stephen Walt’s study, The Origins of Alliances (1987) is a good example of how Cold
War Security Studies has shaped the study of regional security in the Middle East,
exhibiting aforementioned characteristics. Focusing on alliance patterns in the Middle
East, Walt sought to show that to maintain security in the Middle East, the alliance
behaviour of regional states had to be understood. Walt was particularly critical of US
policy toward maintaining security in the Middle East via the construction of anti-
Soviet alliances (‘pactomania’, he termed it; see Walt 1987: 3), for he observed that
regional policy makers were not as concerned with the threat posed by the Soviet
Union as were their US counterparts. Rather, they were more concerned with the
Israeli threat to balance against which they formed inter-Arab alliances. Walt’smain
Introduction 7

argument in his 1987 study was that the balance-of-power theory is less powerful than
a theory of balance of threats in explaining interstate dynamics in the Arab world.
‘Although the distribution of power is an extremely important factor,’argued Walt
(1987: 5), ‘the level of threat is also affected by geographic proximity, offensive cap-
abilities, and perceived intentions’.
Although critical of US policies and its predilection with ‘pactomania’without
due concern for Arab states’concerns, Walt’s conception of regional security
remained top down, outwards directed, and military focused in that he presumed
the need for making the region inviolable to Soviet intervention and communist
infiltration—contrary to the priorities of regional leaders, of which he showed
significant awareness. Walt’s critique was primarily shaped by his rejection of the
search for anti-Soviet alliances to secure US interests in the region. Given most
Arab leaders’preoccupation with Israel and with each other (as opposed to the
Soviet Union, which was the main preoccupation of the US), the best the US
could do, Walt argued, was to seek to understand the alliance patterns of Arab
leaders and shape them in accordance with US interests.
True to his structural realist predilections, Walt’s approach to regional security
presumed that international anarchy conditions regional states to seek to balance
each other in search for security. Yet, Walt failed to explain how it is that inter-
Arab alignment behaviour addressed non-military insecurities vis-à-vis each other
as well as countering the military threat posed by Israel. Walt’s underemphasis of
non-military concerns may come across as paradoxical in that elsewhere in his
study he underscored the role played by non-military factors in shaping inter-Arab
alliances. He noted, for instance, how non-military dimensions of power had an
impact on the threat perceptions and alliance behaviour of Arab leaders. He also
noted that ‘adifferent form of balancing …occurred in inter-Arab relations’(Walt
1987: 149). What Walt (1987: 149) meant by ‘adifferent form of balancing’was
that Arab leaders did not only invest in the military in an attempt to balance each
other but sought to ‘attract as many allies as possible in order to portray oneself as
leading (or at least conforming to) the norms of Arab solidarity’. For this was how
Arab regimes gained and lost power and legitimacy in the Arab world, observed
the author. Among Arab leaders, noted Walt (1987: 149), ‘the most important source
of power has been the ability to manipulate one’s own image and the image of one’s
own rivals in the minds of other Arab elites’. That said, the author’s structural realist
framework did not provide him with the tools to analyse the ways in which military
and non-military factors play out in shaping interests and behaviour (and vice versa).
The paradox, in other words, was rooted not in Arab leaders’balancing behaviour but
the limitations of the theoretical construct and the conceptual tools utilised by the
author to understand such behaviour. As such, Walt’s (1987: 149) main contribution
to the literature on regional security in the Middle East was to highlight how ‘adif-
ferent form of balancing …occurred in inter-Arab relations’.
The limitations of Walt’s framework was diagnosed by Michael Barnett (1998),
who noted that although the author was able to point to an ‘anomaly’in inter-
Arab politics, he could not explain it from within a structural realist theoretical
8Introduction

framework that takes identities and interests for granted and does not allow the
analyst to consider relations of mutual constitution. Adopting a constructivist
approach in its stead, Barnett did away with the military focus of the structural
realist framework and pointed to processes through which Arab leaders sought
security through ‘representational politics’—that is, through bolstering their pan-Arab
image to garner legitimacy. In doing so, argued Barnett (1998: 2), ‘Arab leaders
deployed “symbolic power”, not military power, to enhance their security and to
control each other’sforeignpolicies’. Such practices included the Voice of Arabs
broadcasts by leaders such as President Nasser who ‘took to the airwaves to portray
their adversaries as outside the Arab consensus as a result of policies that had recently
enacted or proposed’(Barnett 1998: 2). As such, Barnett’s constructivist framework
allowed him to analyse how Arab leaders shaped their identities and interests as they
responded to challenges to their leadership (be it domestic or regional), depending
on the degree of their sensitivity to ‘Arab national security’.
The very notion of ‘Arab national security’, in turn, revealed the limitations of
Barnett’s own framework. ‘Arab national security’as a notion was offered during the
1950s by pan-Arabists who insisted on the indivisibility of insecurities experienced by
‘Arabs’vis-à-vis ‘non-Arabs’. For Barnett, ‘Arab national security’highlighted the ways
in which a common Arab identity shaped the interests as well as practices of Arab
leaders. As such, Barnett emphasised the national identity dimension in his analysis of
Arab national security. However, the eventuality that pan-Arabism might entail a
different conception of ‘security’as well as ‘region’did not feature in Barnett’sanalysis.
I will elaborate on the notion of ‘Arab national security’in Chapter 3 (see also Bilgin,
2012). Suffice it to note here that Barnett’s analysis focused on the ideational threats
faced by Arab leaders (often from each other) and the need to adopt a constructivist
framework in understanding the dynamics of inter-Arab politics. The author chal-
lenged the explanatory capacity of Walt’s structural framework insofar as the latter
failed to analyse how Arab leaders responded to non-military as well as military threats
through ‘representational politics’. Yet, Barnett did not take issue with the top-down
and outward-directed conception of security that shaped the Middle East. By way of
bracketing ‘security’as such, Barnett’s analysis overlooked how Arab actors approa-
ched ‘security’and ‘region’,whattheyidentified as threats to ‘regional security’.
Students of critical approaches to security (broadly conceived) have sought to
remedy the limitations of mainstream approaches to regional security in the Middle
East by considering the security concerns of a broad range of regional actors.
Consider, for example, Tami Amanda Jacoby and Brent Sasley’s (2002) edited
volume Redefining Security in the Middle East, where the editors underscored the
need for a critical perspective that seeks to enter into people’s‘common sense’
and poses questions about ‘what it means to be “secure”in the Middle East’.
Critical of single-factor accounts of Middle Eastern affairs, Jacoby and Sasley
chose to include non-military concerns such as the environment, gender, or
Islamism in their analysis. Yet, this volume’s contribution to redefining security
remained limited insofar as the state-centric character of the mainstream approach
to security remained unaddressed.
Introduction 9

A similar limitation shaped Lenore Martin’s (1998) edited volume entitled New
Frontiers in Middle East Security and Bassam Tibi’s (1998) Conflict and War in the
Middle East: From Interstate War to New Security that was published in the same year.
In both volumes, the authors adopted broad definitions of security to study the
Middle East while reserving the state a central place in their respective normative
and analytical agendas. The point here being that adopting a ‘critical’approach to
regional security in the Middle East is not only (or primarily) about broadening the
security agendas of regional states to include more issues that would be governed
by the same-old state-centric military-focused practices.
Let me highlight two reasons. First, Cold War security agendas of regional states
were never totally neglectful of the non-military dimension of security. Water
scarcity was always considered a security issue by regional governments. Ensuring a
stable flow of oil at reasonable prices has also topped the security agendas of
external actors interested in security in the Middle East. What were often neglected
were the insecurities experienced by referents other than states. Second, broader
security agendas, when they are not coupled with security policies sensitive to
insecurities experienced by individuals and social groups, could have unintended
consequences for the latter. Aforementioned texts that consider the non-military
issues as additions to the regional security agenda seldom questioned the
traditionalist presumption that ‘threats’exist ‘out there’independent of ‘our’efforts
to know about and respond to them. Accordingly, while seeking to do away with
the military focus of the Middle East approach, they failed to adopt a reflexive
stance to consider how we got where we currently are—i.e. the ways in which the
prevalence of top-down, state-centred, military-focused, and outward-directed
approach to regional security in the Middle East have produced security and
insecurity.
The critical approach adopted in this book does not seek to adopt a broader
definition of security for its own sake, but to consider insecurities experienced by
myriad referents including (but not limited to) states. Opening up regional
security to analyse the constitutive relationship between ‘region’and ‘security’
allows considering myriad insecurities and referents as prioritised by different
approaches to regional security. The problem with the Middle East approach to
regional security was not only that its proponents emphasised the military
dimension of security to the neglect of other dimensions, but also that they
focused on military and non-military issues from a state-centred perspective
whilst failing to reflect upon the constitutive relationship between thinking/
writing about security and practising security. Then, although those approaches
that adopted ‘new’perspectives seeking to rethink security have challenged the
military focus of the traditional approach to security, they failed to ask ‘whose’
security was being pursued and ‘at what cost’as viewed through the lenses of
myriad state and non-state actors in the region. Such failure to consider the
‘region’and ‘security’as viewed by local actors has limited the explanatory
capacity of the Middle East approach; it also narrowed the ethical and political
horizon of its aforementioned critics.
10 Introduction

Arguing against Middle East exceptionalism
When viewed against the backdrop of increasing regionalisation, the Middle East
indeed looks like a ‘region without regionalism’(Aarts, 1999). Yet, what is sig-
nificant to note is that the problem in the Middle East is not necessarily a lack of
interest in regionalism per se, but rather the presence of a multitude of approaches to
‘region’and ‘security’. Then, instead of taking the relatively little evidence of
enthusiasm for addressing the problem of regional insecurity for granted, an essential
place for critical approaches to begin is a recognition of the presence of contending
perspectives on regional security. Each one of these perspectives derives from differ-
ent conceptions of ‘security’that have their roots in alternative world views, shaping
different conceptions of ‘region’.
The ‘Middle East’is a geopolitical invention of external actors (Britain in the
nineteenth and the US in the twentieth century). It is a spatial representation that
has been adopted to represent this part of the world when thinking about and
organising action for security. In other words, the ‘Middle East’as a geopolitical
invention is used not because this part of the world exhibits the characteristics of a
‘single system’, but because ‘Middle East’serves as shorthand to describe a part of
the world that has been crucial to Anglo-American security interests throughout
the twentieth century and beyond.
This, however, is not to argue that the ‘Middle East’is somehow unique or
different from other regions. As the literature on political geography reminds us,
there is nothing ‘natural’or ‘neutral’about geographical assumptions or language.
Throughout history, the driving purpose behind the identification and naming of
geographic sites has almost always been military strategic interests. Indeed, as
Martin Lewis and Kären Wigen (1997: xiii) note, ‘some of the most basic and
taken-for-granted “regions”of the world [such as Southeast Asia and Latin Amer-
ica] were first framed by military thinkers’. In other words, the origins of regions
have had their roots in the security thinking and practices of their inventors
(Lacoste, 1998). The reason why the lands to the southwest of Asia and north of
Africa have been lumped together in the mind’s eye and labelled as the Middle
East is because this particular representation helped British (and later US) strategists
think about and organise action for security in this part of the world.
4
Although the ‘Middle East’has maintained its position as the dominant representa-
tion of this part of the world, alternative spatial representations emerged during this
period as well. The book will look at three other representations of this part of the
world, namely the ‘Arab world’,‘Muslim world’,and‘Euro-Mediterranean’.Eachof
these representations has given primacy to different kinds of threats depending on the
security conceptions of their proponents.
5
It will be argued that when rethinking
regional security in the ‘Middle East’, students of critical approaches should pay
attention to regional peoples’conceptions of security; what they view as the referent/s;
and how they think security should be sought in this part of the world. The aim is to
show how difficult it is to generalise about questions of security; how peoples’ideas
about security differ from one another; how they changed in the past and might
Introduction 11

change in the future. Within the context of the ‘Middle East’this amounts to ampli-
fying the voices of those whose views have been left out of security analyses and point
to possibilities for change that exist.
The significance of questioning what Simon Dalby (1991: 274) has referred to as
the ‘politics of the geographical specification of politics’becomes apparent once we
recognise that the current state of regional insecurity in the Middle East has its
roots in practices that have been informed by this representation. To quote John
Agnew and Stuart Corbridge (1995: 48), ‘to designate an area as “Islamic”or
“Western”is not only to name it, but also brand it in terms of its politics and the
type of foreign policy its “nature”demands’. Presumptions regarding the ‘nature’
of the ‘Middle East’(i.e. ‘backward’) and responses that were deemed ‘appropriate’
(language of brute power) have flowed from the adoption of ‘Middle East’
designation.
Reflecting upon the history of US engagement with the Middle East, Douglas
Little identified ‘Orientalist’representations of the region as the problem behind
policy failures. According to Little, it is ‘American Orientalism’defined as ‘a ten-
dency to underestimate the peoples of the region and to overestimate America’s
ability to make a bad situation better’that has often misled US policy makers in
their dealings with the region. Regarding the future Little (2002: 314) wrote:
Although there is greater appreciation for the complexities of the Muslim
world than a generation ago, most Americans still view radical Islam as a
cause for instant alarm. Having been fed a steady diet of books, films and
newsreportsdepictingArabsasdemonicanti-WesternothersandIsraelisas
heroic pro-Western partners and having watched in horror the events of 11
September, the American public understandably fears Osama bin Laden and
cheers Aladdin.
Little’s argument was built upon that of Edward Said’s 1978 book Orientalism,
where the author focused on the relationship between representations and practice.
Said’s point was that the academic discourse of Orientalism (defined as ‘a style of
thought based upon an ontological and epistemological distinction made between
“the Orient”and [most of the time] “the Occident”’ (Said, 1978: 2)) had not only
helped to make the Middle East what it has become, but also made it difficult to
become something else. Said wrote:
a book on how to handle a fierce lion might …cause a series of books to be
produced on such subjects as the fierceness of lions, the origins of fierceness,
and so forth. Similarly, as the focus of the text centers more narrowly on the
subject—no longer lions but their fierceness—we might expect that the ways
by which it is recommended that a lion’sfierceness be handled will actually
increase its fierceness, force it to be fierce since that is what it is, and that is what
in essence what we know or can only know about it.
(Said, 1978: 2)
12 Introduction

This is because Orientalist discourse does not merely represent the ‘Orient’but also
lays down the rules that enable one to ‘write, speak and act meaningfully’(Agnew
and Corbridge, 1995: 45). In his later works, Said (1979, 1981) went on to show
how contemporary representations of the Middle East (and Islam) in the media (as
well as academia) have reduced it to terrorism and very little else. Said’s argument
was in line with E.P. Thompson’s observation on the impact British historical
representations of India have had on Indian politics (see Said 2001: 44–5).
According to Thompson, writings on India in English ‘simply left out the Indian
side of things’, thereby deepening the irreconcilability between Indians and the
British. Thompson wrote:
Our misrepresentation of Indian history and character is one of the things that
have so alienated the educated classes of India that even their moderate elements
have refused to help the Reforms [of colonial policy]. Those measures, because
of this sullenness, have failed, when they deserved a better fate.
(Quoted in Said and Viswanathan, 2001: 45)
What Little, Thompson, and Said were pointing to are the different kinds of effects
representations have on those who produce the representations and those who are
represented. What is common to all is the damaging effect such representations
have had on both groups of actors. Said suggested studying ‘beginnings’as opposed
to the (presumed) origins of things as a remedy for the problem identified by
Thompson. Said favoured adopting a ‘contrapuntal reading’approach in the study of
world history toward being able to understand how things are ‘connected’(Bilgin,
2016a). As will be discussed in Chapter 6, such connections include insecurities and
practices adopted to address those insecurities in different parts of the world.
In contrast, the Middle East as a spatial representation has had ‘the kind of
authority …[that] doesn’t permit or make room for interventions on the part of
those represented’(Said and Viswanathan, 2001: 42). Hence my argument that the
current state of regional insecurity in the Middle East has its roots in practices that
have been informed by its dominant representation. By way of adopting this spatial
representation, the Middle East has been categorised in terms of its politics (the
region that ‘best fits the realist theory of international politics’(Nye, 2000: 163)) and
the type of foreign policy its ‘nature’demands (a newspaper columnist warned US
policy makers: ‘Middle East is not Europe’(Zaharna, 2003)). Such representations
have had the effect of privileging certain security practices (such as the 1998–9
bombing campaign directed at obtaining Iraqi cooperation with the UN team
inspecting the Iraqi weapons of mass destruction programme) whilst marginalising
others (such as the adoption of a more comprehensive long-term policy of creating a
nuclear-free zone in the Middle East).
Becoming aware of the ‘politics of the geographical specification of politics’and
exploring the mutually constitutive relationship between (inventing) regions, and
theories and practices of security is no mere intellectual exercise; it helps reveal the
role human agency has played in the past and could play in the future. Such
Introduction 13

awareness, in turn, would enable one to begin thinking differently about regional
security to help constitute an alternative future whilst remaining sensitive to regional
actors’multiple and contending conceptions of security, what they view as referent
object(s), and how they think security should be sought in this part of the world.
Whilst admitting that the ‘Middle East’is a contested term, it will still be
employed throughout the study. Following Martin Lewis and Kären Wigen, I
acknowledge that such problems are inescapable in a project involving the decon-
struction of existing representations of world politics. In the words of Lewis and
Wigen (1997: 17), ‘in order to continue talking about the world, we must have the
cake of metageography while deconstructing it too’. As with the use of ‘women’in
some feminist writing (see, for example, Sylvester, 1994, Zalewski, 1994), the
purpose behind continuing to use the ‘Middle East’is to highlight the multiplicity
of meanings attached, its fluidity and indeterminacy, whilst searching for the roots
of its multiple representations. The goal, then, is not to present a new term to
replace that of the ‘Middle East’, but to draw attention to the relationship between
(inventing) regions, and theories and practices of security.
Even if a new term, such as Southwest Asia and North Africa, were chosen to
replace the ‘Middle East’, a key concern that animates this study would remain
untouched. To reiterate: my concern is with viewing insecurities in this part of the
world from a top-down perspective as prioritised by external actors. Contrary to
everyday portrayals, what is Eurocentric about the ‘Middle East’is not only the
label but also those insecurities that helped constitute this part of the world as a
region. If it was not for particular insecurities of the British Empire in India, it
would not have been obvious or inevitable that this particular geographical con-
figuration would constitute a ‘region’. The ‘Middle East’was constituted in an
attempt to secure India for Britain. What is Eurocentric, then, is British imperial
(and later US global) insecurities that lumped together this part of the world in the
mind’s eye and called it the ‘Middle East’. Switching to a new term such as
SWANA (Southwest Asia and North Africa), or any other alternative, would be
merely cosmetic and leave untouched the Eurocentric conception and practices of
security that have constituted and sustained the ‘Middle East’as an object of the
Middle East approach to regional security.
Aims and organisation of the book
The aim of this study is to provide an account of regional security in the ‘Middle
East’from a critical perspective. I have three more specific aims that correspond to
the three tasks of critical approaches to security as identified above. First, I aim to
present a critique of prevailing approaches to security in theory and practice with
reference to regional security in the ‘Middle East’and point to unfulfilled potential
imminent in regional politics. Second, I aim to explore the constitutive relationship
between (inventing) regions and (conceptions and practices of) security. Third, I
aim to show how critical approaches might allow one to think differently about
futures of regional security in the Middle East.
14 Introduction

These aims are achieved vis a threefold structure that looks at Cold War pasts
(Part I), post-Cold War presents (Part II), and possible futures (Conclusion). The
two main parts have a threefold structure comprising security thinking (Chapters 1
and 4), spatial conceptions (Chapters 2 and 5), and security practices (Chapters 3
and 6). The aim here is to show the constitutive relationship between security
thinking and geopolitical inventions and other practices of security. The point
being that each spatial conception gives primacy to and strives to address a different
body of threats depending on the security conceptions of its main proponents. My
intention here is to show how spatial conceptions shape practice; how they enable
some practices while marginalising others; and how they address insecurities of
some while constituting others. The concluding chapter offers a discussion on the
potential for creating a security community—however distant it may seem when
viewed from today’s vantage point.
The adoption of the Cold War/post-Cold War divide as a juncture where pasts end
and presents begin requires justification. Admittedly, this is a questionable choice, not
least because it reinforces the prevalent tendency to see an unproblematic dividing line
between Cold War and post-Cold War eras. As Fred Halliday (1990) noted, one’s
understanding of when the Cold War ended and the post-Cold War began depends
on his/her conception of what the Cold War was all about. Cynthia Enloe (1993)
echoed Halliday when she questioned whether the Cold War has come to an end at
all, say, for women who live next to military bases in the Philippines or for women in
Afghanistan doing daily ‘battle’. Her point is that some Cold War structures persisted
despite the end of the conflict between the US and (former) Soviet Union (see also
Booth, 1998). The Cold War is bound to have not one but ‘a multitude of endings’,
concluded Enloe (1993: 3), each ending resulting from the pulling down of yet
another structure (such as the Berlin Wall) that helped sustain the Cold War.
The adoption of the Cold War/post-Cold War divide as defining the juncture
between Part I and Part II, pasts and presents, is meant to reinforce the points made
by Halliday and Enloe and to provide a critique from within. Thus, the study will
seek to destabilise the prevalent tendency in Security Studies literature to present
the emergence of critical thinking about security issues as a post-Cold War phe-
nomenon, which seems to imply that what is being criticised was exclusive to the
Cold War and therefore long past and gone. Instead I will seek to present an array
of spatial conceptions, security theories, and practices adopted by different actors. It
will be argued that some critical thinking existed during the Cold War, and that
just as much Cold War thinking remains in the post-Cold War era.
Another aim of this study is to contribute to critical Security Studies by developing a
framework for studying regional security critically. I suggest that when studying regional
security from a critical perspective, both ‘region’and ‘security’should be opened up.
Those precious few studies that have looked at the Middle East from a critical perspective
have bracketed the ‘regional’component—save for offering a definition in the intro-
duction. This is rather unfortunate because, as the book will argue, regional insecurities
have their roots in its various spatial conceptions—the ‘Middle East’is one of several
alternatives. Accordingly, the study pays attention to the ‘regional’component in
Introduction 15

‘regional security’and seeks to explore what Simon Dalby (1991: 274) has called the
‘politics of the geographical specification of politics’. The aim here is to question the
politics behind the invention of the ‘Middle East’as well as that of other alternative spatial
conceptions (such as ‘Arab world’,‘Euro-Mediterranean’,or‘Muslim world’)thathave
been propounded by different actors. Towards this end, I will build on the literature on
critical approaches to political geography (Agnew and Corbridge, 1995, Agnew, 1998)
that have emphasised the ‘invented’character of regions as opposed to some earlier
conceptions that viewed regions as ‘eternal’.
The Middle East is arguably a hard case for critical approaches to engage with. It has
for long been viewed as a region that ‘best fits the realist view of international politics’
(Nye, 2000: 163); or ‘an “exceptional”case eternally out of step with history and
immune to trends affecting other parts of the world’(Aarts, 1999: 911). Indeed, it has
been argued that whereas critical approaches to security may have relevance within the
Western European context, in other parts of the world—such as the Middle East—
Cold War Security Studies retains its validity (Ayoob, 1995: 8–12), albeit with an
admixture of subaltern concern with power inequalities (see Ayoob, 2002). The Gulf
War (1990–1), the US-led war on Iraq (2003), the end of Arab–Israeli peace making
and the seeming lack of enthusiasm for developing a regional response to the challenge
of ISIS, especially when viewed against the backdrop of increasing regionalisation in
security relations in other parts of the world (Rosecrance, 1991, Acharya, 1992, Ala-
gappa, 1995, Fawcett and Hurrell, 1995), does indeed suggest that the Middle East is a
place where Cold War practices of security still prevail.
The question is whether critical approaches can provide a fuller account of regio-
nal security in this conflict-ridden part of the world. The book will try to show that
they can. Contesting such approaches that present the Middle East as only amenable
to realist readings, it will be argued that critical approaches are indeed relevant in the
Middle East. While accepting that some of the items of the military-focused security
agenda of the Cold War years retain their pertinence and should be addressed, I
suggest that this should be done within a comprehensive framework cognisant of the
dynamic relationships between multiple dimensions of regional security.
Notes
1More recently, as part of the Global War on Terror, a fifth was added: keeping an eye on
the rise of terrorism across the region and beyond.
2Such difference was articulated at the Bandung Conference of 1955 by the founding
leaders of the ‘non-aligned’movement. However, as will be discussed in Chapter 4, their
ideas were not incorporated into Cold War Security Studies. On the challenge of Ban-
dung, see Pha
.m and Shilliam, 2016.
3On sacralisation, see Demerath III, 2007.
4See Chapter 2 for further discussion.
5These four perspectives are ideal types and were adapted from Ibrahim (1996). The terms
used to identify these perspectives are not necessarily the ones used by their proponents
but were adopted for the sake of clarity. The proponents of these perspectives prefer to
use the following terms: the ‘Arab world/homeland’, the ‘Arab regional order/system’,
the ‘Islamic/Muslim world’, and the ‘Euro-Med/Mediterranean region’.
16 Introduction

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Introduction 17

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18 Introduction

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Introduction 19

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Introduction
Aarts, Paul 1999. The Middle East: A Region without Regionalism or the End of
Exceptionalism? Third World Quarterly, 20, 911925.
Abu-Lughod, Lila 2002. Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving? Anthropological Reflections on
Cultural Relativism and Its Others. American anthropologist, 104, 783790.
Acharya, Amitav 1992. Regionalism and Regime Security in the Third World: Comparing the
Origins of ASEAN and the GCC. In: Job, B.L. (ed.), The Insecurity Dilemma: National Security
in the Third World States. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 143164.
Agnew, John A. 1998. Geopolitics: Re-visioning World Politics. London: Routledge.
Agnew, John A. and Corbridge, Stuart 1995. Mastering Space: Hegemony, Territory and
International Political Economy. London: Routledge.
Alagappa, Muthiah 1995. Regionalism and Conflict Management: A Framework for Analysis.
Review of International Studies, 21, 359387.
Ayoob, Mohammed 1995. The Third World Security Predicament: State Making, Regional
Conflict, and the International System. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.
Ayoob, Mohammed 2002. Inequality and Theorizing in International Relations: The Case for
Subaltern Realism. International Studies Review, 4, 2748.
Bahdi, Reem 2002. Iraq, Sanctions and Security: A Critique. Duke Journal of Gender Law and
Policy, 9, 237252.
Barnett, Michael N. 1998. Dialogues in Arab Politics: Negotiations in Regional Order. New York:
Columbia University Press.
Barnett, Michael N. 1999. Culture, Strategy and Foreign Policy Change: Israels Road to Oslo.
European Journal of International Relations, 5, 536.
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Introduction, 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 121133.
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Liberty and Security. In: Bigo, D. , Guild, E. , Walker, R. , and Carrera, S. (eds), Europes 21st
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Bilgin, Pinar 2000. Inventing Middle East? The Making of Regions through Security Discourses.
In: Vikor, K. (ed.), The Middle East in a Globalizing World. Oslo: Nordic Society for Middle
Eastern Studies, 937.
Bilgin, Pinar 2004. Whose Middle East? Geopolitical Inventions and Practices of Security.
International Relations, 18, 1733.
Bilgin, Pinar 2012. Security in the Arab World and Turkey: Differently Different. In: Tickner, A.
and Blaney, D. (eds), Thinking International Relations Differently. London: Routledge, 2747.
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Metaphor for Global IR. International Studies Review, 18, 134146.
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Routledge.
Bilgin, Pinar 2016c. Temporalizing Security: Securing the Citizen, Insecuring the Immigrant in
the Mediterranean. In: Agathangelou, A.M. and Killian, K.D. (eds), Time, Temporality and
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Bilgin, Pinar 2016d. What Is the Point about Sykes-Picot? Global Affairs, 2, 355359.
Booth, Ken 1998. Cold Wars of the Mind. In: Booth, K. (ed.), Statecraft and Security: The Cold
War and Beyond. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2955.
Booth, Ken 2007. Theory of World Security. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Booth, Ken and Wheeler, Nicholas J. 1992. Contending Philosophies about Security in Europe.
In: McInnes, C. (ed.), Security and Strategy in the New Europe. London: Taylor & Francis.
18 Boulding, K.E. 1978. Stable Peace. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
Burgess, J. Peter 2011. The Ethical Subject of Security: Geopolitical Reason and the Threat
against Europe. New York: Routledge.
Dalby, Simon 1991. Critical Geopolitics: Discourse, Difference and Dissent. Environment and
Planning D: Society and Space, 9, 261283.
David, Steven R. 1991. Explaining Third World Alignment. World Politics: A Quarterly Journal of
International Relations, 43, 233256.
Demerath III, Nicolas J. 2007. Secularization and Sacralization Deconstructed and
Reconstructed. In: Beckford, James A. and Demerath III, Nicholas J. (eds), The SAGE
Handbook of the Sociology of Religion. London: Sage 5780.
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Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

Fattah, Khaled and Fierke, K.M. 2009. A Clash of Emotions: The Politics of Humiliation and
Political Violence in the Middle East. European Journal of International Relations, 15, 6793.
Fawcett, Louis and Hurrell, Andrew (eds) 1995. Regionalism in World Politics: Regional
Organization and International Order. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Grovogui, Siba N. 2016. Remembering Bandung: When the Streams Crested, Tidal Waves
Formed, and an Estuary Appeared. In: Phm, Q.N. and Shilliam, R. (eds), Meanings of Bandung:
Postcolonial Orders and Decolonial Visions. London: Rowman and Littlefield, 115132.
Ibrahim, Saad Eddin 1996. Future Visions of the Arab Middle East. Security Dialogue, 27,
425436.
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Hurd, Nathaniel 2003. Iraqi Food Security in Hands of Occupying Powers. Middle East Report
and Information Project, 2.
Jabri, Vivienne 2013. The Postcolonial Subject: Claiming Politics/Governing Others in Late
Modernity. London: Routledge.
Jacoby, Tami Amanda and Sasley, Brent E. (eds) 2002. Redefining Security in the Middle East.
Manchester: Manchester University Press.
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Oxford University Press.
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Press.
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Martin, Lenore G. (ed.) 1998. New Frontiers in Middle East Security. Harlow: Palgrave
Macmillan.
Mernissi, Fatema 1992. Islam and Democracy: Fear of the Modern World. Reading, MA:
Addison-Wesley.
19 Mernissi, Fatema 2003. Palace Fundamentalism and Liberal Democracy. In: Qureshi, E. and
Sells, M.A. (eds), The New Crusades: Constructing the Muslim Enemy. New York: Columbia
University Press, 5167.
Niva, Steve 2013. Disappearing Violence: JSOC and the Pentagons New Cartography of
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