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In and out from the European margins: reshuffling mobilities and legal statuses of Romani minorities between the Post-Yugoslav space and the European Union
Abstract
This paper traces the mobilities of Romani minorities between the ‘old’ EU Member States and the non-EU Post-Yugoslav space. It unravels how the mobilities of Romani individuals, who are Non-EU Post-Yugoslav citizens, were different from the mobilities of Roma coming from other post-socialist spaces, now EU Member States. Instead of focusing on motivations for mobility of Romani individuals as some previous work has done, this paper investigates the treatment of these mobilities by different states and the legal statuses these states ascribe to those labelled as Romani migrants. By using the combination historical and sociolegal analysis, this paper diachronically examines the precarious migrant statuses of Post-Yugoslav Romani minorities in the old EU,
such as Yugoslav labour migrants, Post-Yugoslav forced migrants and subsequently the ‘bogus’ asylum seekers. The paper points to the interconnectedness of these statuses, but also to their interminable liminality: they are constantly on the verge of being rendered ‘illegal’ and are hence subject to deportability. I claim
that while their legal statuses are being reshuffled, their liminality
and interconnectedness also contribute to circular mobilities
between the Post-Yugoslav space and the EU. I investigate how
these mobilities are not only socially produced, but are also
legally and politically conditioned by the hierarchical relationship
between the Post-Yugoslav space and the EU. As a side effect of
this relationship, Roma are positioned as a racialized minority,
treated only as temporary migrants in their ‘host country’ and
without prospects of inclusion in their ‘country of origin’ as
minority citizens.
... Aradau, Huysmans, Macioti, & Squire, 2013;Çağlar & Mehling, 2009;Guild & Carrera, 2013), which have been celebrated as distinguishing features of this citizenship. Of course, these migratory dynamics have never been contained exclusively within the parameters of the EU as such, but rather exceed the space and boundaries of the EU to encompass the uneven 'postsocialist' geography of an extended (eastern) 'Europe', where Roma people (as minoritised communities) quite consistently came out the 'losers' of the various tumultuous neoliberal capitalist and neo-nationalist transitions (Bhabha, 1999;Fekete, 2016;Sardelić, 2015;Stewart, 2012; see also Sardelić, 2017;Solimene, 2017). Hence, the contemporary re-racialisation of 'the Roma' across Europe is inseparable from their emergence over the last two decades as a premier, if often neglected, exemplar of new formations of trans-European cross-border mobilitywhich is to say, the contemporary configuration of their racialisation is increasingly inextricable form their status as 'migrants'. ...
... Here, of course, it is imperative to also note the productivity of both sporadic pogroms and systematic violence perpetrated by racist mobs or neo-fascist gangs that complement and exacerbate the handiwork of the police (Clark & Rice, 2012;Fekete, 2016;Mirga, 2009). Hence, Roma communities have been widely subjected to statist as well as extrastate strategies of both coercive immobilisation (through segregated ghettoisation and encampment) (see Sardelić, 2017) and forced mobilisation (through various forms of expulsion and displacement) (see Solimene, 2017;van Baar, 2017). ...
... In the context of official ideologies dedicated to reaffirming the spectral figure of Roma nomadism (Hepworth, 2015;Sigona, 2010; van Baar, 2011b; see also Kóczé, 2017;Solimene, 2017) and subjecting Roma mobilities to various strategies of securitisation (see van Baar, 2017), it is therefore all the more crucial to nonetheless discern and foreground the autonomous subjective dynamics of Roma mobility as practices of collective self-determination and even resistance to the sociopolitical orders that they desert by migrating (see Solimene, 2017), in some instances even formally seeking asylum as refugees fleeing these regimes of discrimination and violence (see Sardelić, 2017). It is indeed the renewed problematisation of the Roma as migrantstheir production and representation as a precisely 'European problem' of indisciplined and disruptive mobilitythat has emerged in recent years as the premier manifestation of their (re-)racialisation. ...
This special issue showcases work that theorises and critiques the political, economic, legal, and socio-historical (‘ethnic’ or ‘cultural’) subordination of the European Roma (so-called ‘Gypsies’), from the specific critical vantage point of Roma migrants living and working within and across the space of the European Union (EU). Enabled primarily through ethnographic research with diverse Roma communities across the heterogeneous geography of ‘Europe’, the contributions to this collection are likewise concerned with the larger politics of mobility as a constitutive feature of the sociopolitical formation of the EU. Foregrounding the experiences and perspectives of Roma living and working outside of their nation-states of ‘origin’ or ostensible citizenship, we seek to elucidate wider inequalities and hierarchies at stake in the ongoing (re-)racialisation of Roma migrants, in particular, and imposed upon migrants, generally. Thus, this special issue situates Roma mobility as a critical vantage point for migration studies in Europe. Furthermore, this volume shifts the focus conventionally directed at the academic objectification of ‘the Roma’ as such, and instead seeks to foreground and underscore questions about ‘Europe’, ‘European’-ness, and EU-ropean citizenship that come into sharper focus through the critical lens of Roma racialisation, marginalisation, securitisation, and criminalisation, and the dynamics of Roma mobility within and across the space of ‘Europe’. In this way, this collection contributes new research and expands critical interdisciplinary dialogue at the intersections of Romani studies, ethnic and racial studies, migration studies, political and urban geography, social anthropology, development studies, postcolonial studies, and European studies.
... As per the specifics of Roma migration, research underlined the heterogeneity of migration strategies and reflected on the complex relations that migrant Roma develop with home and host countries (Durst & Nagy, 2018;Matras & Leggio, 2018). Roma returns to the post-Yugoslav space attracted less attention but were nonetheless addressed by works (Krasniqi & Stjepanović, 2015;Sardelić, 2018) that evidenced the impact of poverty and anti-Gypsyism on Roma returnees. Scholars also researched the nexus between Roma migration and the making of houses in the home country (especially from the female perspective); they thus conceptualized houses as processual entities that express both attachment to the place of origin and upward socio-economic mobility (Benarrosh-Orsoni, 2019;Tesar, 2016). ...
... I met and heard of many other Bosnian Roma who now live in Italy and the Western EU and have made similar investments. The Xomá intermittent presence in the Tuzla area is thus part of larger transnational flows of diasporic Roma (see Sardelić, 2018), which in turn are embedded in the wider and much debated politico-economic transformations that occurred after the 1990s wars in the name of peace and neoliberal democracy (Donais, 2005;Jansen, 2007;Pugh, 2002;Stefansson, 2010). In Tuzla, the advent of the market economy materialized in the opening of shiny malls ("like in America," the Xomá comment) and chains such as Bingo and Konsum, the flourishing of the tourism industry and the arrival of big and small foreign investorsincluding members of the diaspora based abroad (Forti, 2021; see also Halilovich & Efendić, 2019). ...
This article draws on materials collected during ethnographic fieldwork among Bosnian Roma refugees who reconstructed homes in an urban shanty at the periphery of Rome (Italy). In the last two decades, many of these Roma started building or refurbishing houses in villages in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, close to the Serbian Republic (where their former home village is now situated). The construction, refurbishing, and maintenance of these houses played (and still play) a role in the local economy; they also changed the local landscape and became the mark of a new but intermittent presence in post‐Dayton Bosnia. The houses and the transnational practices connected to them have become tokens of economic success and aspirations that revolve around both the Bosnian context and the Roman one. They also express nostalgic attachments to a lost homeland radically transformed by war, foreign interventions, and the advent of the market economy and eventually turned into an unfamiliar place. This article builds on the literature on transnational migration and material culture and explores the ambivalence and complexity of transnational trajectories that stretch between an urban context in the EU and a rural one in non‐EU and reveals complex scenarios of identity, movements, and unlikely returns.
... The note on experiential time as linked to the quality of the experiences in the different Western EU member states comes with two caveats. First, Roma attitudes towards temporality and the creation of an expansive present is already documented and is due to the experience of extreme marginalisation and social exclusion and the high level of symbolic violence that is involved in the process (Day et al., 1998;Sardelić, 2016Sardelić, , 2017. Secondly, the level of structural racism against the Roma in some Western states is not lower than in the Balkans. ...
Using the innovative concept of cognitive remittances, this paper looks at the transformation of the self-perception and positionality of Roma returned asylum-seekers. The empirical evidence, in the form of interview narratives and focus group quotes, is drawn from two research projects based in Albania and Kosovo and the wider Western Balkan region. The findings show that the migration and asylum-seeking experience, in Germany and other EU countries, provide the Roma with a new lens through which they can view and appreciate their historical and contemporary belongingness in the Western Balkan countries. Having been exposed to different lifestyles and values, they face real challenges upon return, where they have to confront anew very low living standards, socio-economic marginalisation and unfavourable positioning in the social hierarchy. We label this the reintegration ‘hump’. A cognitive shift occurs and their self-perception changes, including a greater sensitivity to experiences of discrimination. Reintegration is both hampered and potentially enabled by their enhanced political literacy and agency.
... What is more, the latest research on the discourse surrounding Romani migrants shows that they are being framed not simply as an ethnic group, but as a "racialized minority" in Europe (Yildiz and Genova 2017;Kóczé 2017;Van Baar 2017;McGarry 2017;Sardelić 2017b). They are visible despite the fact that the available numbers (or better yet, estimates) show they are not one of the most dominant migrant groups in Europe. ...
This chapter reveals the experiences of Roma from Serbia who sought and have been denied asylum protection in some EU countries. The seeking of asylum by the Roma from Serbia, as one of the main patterns of their migration, has come to the centre of debated about the rights of obtaining asylum within the existing EU asylum policies, while enforcing the discourse of “false asylum seekers” and “welfare migrants”. By revealing the complex reality within which Roma from Serbia choose to migrate in the form of asylum seeking, the study challenges the discourse of “false asylum seekers” and overcomes the simplification caused by this labelling, through looking at intricate relations between the decisions to seek asylum on the one hand and welfare benefits from getting into asylum procedure on the other. Furthermore, the study sheds light on various ways in which Roma asylum seekers from Serbia exert their power as social actors, thus contesting the tendency to “victimize” Roma populations. The study is based on several months of fieldwork carried out in three different municipalities in Serbia, with Roma whose asylum claims in countries of EU have been denied. This chapter aims to add to the analysis of how existing EU migration policies affect Roma populations by particularly focusing on actor perspective. It moves beyond theoretical analysis and looks at how social actors perceive their own experiences and understand the labels that are being imposed on them.
... What is more, the latest research on the discourse surrounding Romani migrants shows that they are being framed not simply as an ethnic group, but as a "racialized minority" in Europe (Yildiz and Genova 2017;Kóczé 2017;Van Baar 2017;McGarry 2017;Sardelić 2017b). They are visible despite the fact that the available numbers (or better yet, estimates) show they are not one of the most dominant migrant groups in Europe. ...
Different public debates discuss the position of Roma in Europe as if they were one of the most mobile populations in Europe. The position of mobile Romani individuals became especially visible after the 2004 and 2007 European Union (EU) Enlargements. However, only a certain type of mobility of intra EU Romani migrants became particularly highlighted by the headlines of European Media: the one that more or less corresponded to a stereotypical image of a “Roma nomad” and depicted Roma as a potential threat to the social welfare systems of host states. This chapter argues that the reasons why Romani individuals become mobile are more complex and diverse than of those presented in the European public domain. The chapter traces life histories of Slovenian citizens who identify as Roma and have been mobile for work between Slovenia and Austria. It offers counter-narratives on how differing mobility practices of different Romani individuals are.
... On the one hand, the intra-European mobility of Romani people has been proven to have consequences for national and international politics (Sigona and Vermeersch 2012;Yildiz and De Genova 2017), as well as for the social life of Roma and non-Roma communities in both countries of origin and of destination (Vullnetari 2012;Maestri 2017). On the other hand, throughout European cities Romani ethnics have been subjected to different forms of forced (im)mobility, both at local and international levels (Piemontese 2015;van Baar 2015;Sardelić 2017). ...
This chapter engages with the current debate on Romani mobility and Spanish state practices of implementing socio-educational programs and camp housing to migrant EU citizens. Taking the Madrid city as a case study, this chapter documents and analyses temporary devices of governance that both limit and force the mobility of Romani families from Romania. Implemented by local authorities through specific policies, temporary devices of governance deliver an enforced pressure on Romani migrants who are seen as prospective “failed” subjects of integration and potential returnees. While deterring migrants from accessing territorial social benefits, local authorities and private companies acting as state proxi assign Romani families a “social contract” that aims for their integration. The authorities not only implement problematic policies, but they interpret and label the mobility of Romani as a characteristic of their “provisional” way of living and dwelling. Following Cabot (2012) and Ringel (2016) on the temporality of governance and scholarship on the anthropology of time (Munn 1992; Fabian 2014), I aim to show two entangled processes in local governance: the subject formation of Romani migrants as an ethnicized mobile minority, and the long-term adverse results of project-based, profit-oriented social work. Romani migrants have become the target of a new type of social engineering by bringing into question the establishment of citizenship: agreeing to the social contract not only presumes that Romani migrants are not members of the same community, but also suggests that their lives have a different temporality.
This chapter explores how the process of European integration has influenced collective memory in the countries of the Western Balkans. Whether it is coded as “reconciliation”, “good neighbourly relations”, or “cooperation with the ICTY”, dealing with the past remains a formal–informal condition for EU membership. However, divergent interpretations of history, including the Second World War and the Yugoslav wars, continue to trigger confrontations between neighbouring countries and hinder their EU perspective. We show that these “memory wars” also have a European dimension, and have become a tool to either support or oppose Europeanisation. Politics of memory is thus used not only to foster EU identity and endorse so-called EU values, but also to support nation- and state-building agendas. The tensions that derive from the past, however, continue to persist even after achieving the strategic goal of entering the European Union. In this chapter, we take stock of the ways in which Europeanisation processes have interacted with memory politics in the region, and suggest new ways of capturing how and why memory is negotiated, exhibited, adjusted, or ignored in the process of Europeanisation.
“This volume is an important contribution to debates about Europeanization, showcasing how European memory politics are appropriated and incorporated into local and national memory discourses. It sheds light not just on the Western Balkans, but Europeanization more broadly.”
– Florian Bieber, Jean Monnet Chair in the Europeanization of Southeastern Europe, Professor of Southeast European History and Politics, University of Graz, Austria
“This is an impressive book that demonstrates how crucial the study of memory politics is for understanding European politics. Providing us with a complex understanding of Europeanization, the authors show how far-reaching the political effects can be of something as seemingly apolitical as ‘memories’.”
– Peter Vermeersch, Professor of Politics, Leuven International and European studies (LINES), KU Leuven, Belgium
“This excellent and timely volume addresses truly transnational memory processes in the interplay between European institutions and memory entrepreneurs in new or prospective member states. This is a stimulating read and an important contribution to the research fields of memory politics, Europeanisation, and contemporary South Eastern Europe alike.”
– Tea Sindbaek, Associate Professor at the Department of Cross-Cultural and Regional Studies, University of Copenhagen, Denmark
This volume explores how the process of European integration has influenced collective memory in the countries of the Western Balkans. In the region, there is still no shared understanding of the causes (and consequences) of the Yugoslav wars. The conflicts of the 1990s but also of WWII and its aftermath have created “ethnically confined” memory cultures. As such, divergent interpretations of history continue to trigger confrontations between neighboring countries and hinder the creation of a joint EU perspective. In this volume, the authors examine how these “memory wars” impact the European dimension - by becoming a tool to either support or oppose Europeanisation. The contributors focus on how and why memory is renegotiated, exhibited, adjusted, or ignored in the Europeanisation process.
Ana Milošević is Researcher at the University of Leuven (KU Leuven), Belgium.
Tamara Trošt is Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of Ljubljana, Slovenia.
This article tackles contradictions of social housing in contemporary Serbia. It shows how residualised social housing does not bring justice to marginalised groups affected by capitalist expropriation. In this article, the term (anti-)social(ist) housing will be introduced to describe the historically grounded, incomplete, and contradictory solutions that social housing is currently offering in Serbia, as well as its antisocial nature. By focusing on a particular case study, the Kamendin project situated in Zemun Polje, one of the very few social housing projects in Belgrade, the article explores debt crises produced by mechanisms of social housing; the production of racism, segregation, and responsibilisation; and mechanisms of passing responsibility on all levels in an attempt of the state to spend as little money as possible. (Anti-)social(ist) housing is further assessed as a space of struggle that includes different survival and resistance tactics that are used in order to oppose social housing violence. Following that, the article will focus on the possibilities of the activist art project Kamendynamics and the theatre peace How does fascism not disappear? Zlatija Kostić: I sued myself to confront the racialisation and culturalisation of problems by introducing collaborative visual, class-based, and historical-materialist analyses. By documenting and conceptualising mechanisms of social housing and reflecting on the role of activist art within housing struggles, I aim to contribute to anti-segregation and anti-racist housing struggles in Eastern European cities and beyond.
Building on the literature on transnationalism, return and home, this paper explores the relationship that young generations of Roma in Rome (Italy) develop with their parents’ and grandparents’ land of origin: Bosnia. This relationship is shaped by older generations’ memories of the ‘good old days’ in Bosnia; it also builds on first-hand experiences of contemporary Bosnia; moreover, it is embedded in the everyday experience of the Roman peripheries and of ‘nomad camps’ where the Roma live. Distinctions within the Roma community, based on the town of origin, migration trajectory, family belonging and generation translate into complex, multifaceted and sometimes ambivalent relations with Bosnia. I argue that young Roma's emotional attachment to their alleged homeland intersects with both a feeling of estrangement from contemporary Bosnia and their attachment to the Italian context and especially the Roman peripheries, where despite xenophobia and anti-Gypsyism, the Roma, and particularly the younger generations, feel at home.
This article explores recent shifts in the governance of British migration and welfare regimes, considering how far a so called 'authoritarian turn' (Tyler, 2018) in immigration policy has reached into the everyday lives of Polish migrants – a population nominally protected by mobile EU citizenship status in the UK. Theoretically framed by debates about racialised governmentality, everyday bordering and conditionality, the discussion draws on a series of in-depth interviews undertaken with Poles in late 2017 into early 2018. Firstly, the article makes important contributions to understanding how broader hostile environment and welfare bordering policies are affecting people who hold more secure migration statuses – not only those deemed 'illegal' – and how this is in turn shaped both by whiteness and by socio-economic position. It also documents the relevance Brexit has to these developments and the future security of EU citizens. But it also underlines how the protections that freedom of movement extend are currently still significant, despite efforts to erode them. Hostile environment, welfare reforms, even Brexit – these were all present in our respondents' narratives, but not dominant. The discussions analysed here then bring a more nuanced appreciation of how different people come up against the state and the everyday border, as well as how these encounters are made sense of in an interview setting. They highlight the importance of acknowledging a wider range of the sources of power which shape everyday lives, from relationships to experiences in the workplace, in which hostile environment encounters and Brexit anxieties are contextualised.
This paper examines how territorial rescaling and ensuing citizenship realignment in Europe affect marginalised minorities. It focuses on the case of Roma and calls for a new perspective on this minority: instead of viewing Roma as an exceptional non-territorial minority and migrants, it investigates their position primarily from a citizenship perspective. While examining different examples of the citizenship position of Roma, the paper argues that their positions represent the margins, which become central in defining what citizenship entails at different levels. The margins are usually not directly visible, yet they define the ‘boundaries’ of citizenship salient during episodes of territorial rescaling.
Based on a critical ethnographic research, this paper aims to reflect on the role of welfare surveillance and outsourced social services in migration procedures of Central European Roma. After the fifth EU Enlargement in 2007, transnational mobility has become a significant challenge for all western governments. As full EU citizens, large Roma populations now enjoy freedom of movement in Europe. The long standing prejudiced perception of Roma as profiteers unwilling to integrate became a basis for concerns about a “threatening flood” of Roma westward. As a result, several old Member States have introduced different control strategies allegedly to ensure security, legitimating excessive policing and surveillance of migrants in order to isolate them from national consensus. The “mechanisms” applied for sorting and excluding unwanted Roma communities are grounded in a set of punitive rules enacted through national and local legislation with the purpose of expulsion. Accordingly, limiting access to social services gradually replaced migration policies as a new process of selection regarding undesired European migrants from A8 countries. Service providers in the neoliberal bureaucratic social fields introduced new modalities of surveillance and restrictions to deny income assistance, benefit entitlement and legal aid. This chapter provides an empirical analysis on the effects of these sorting measures and on how the targeted groups either comply or circumnavigate these regulations in London.
This chapter provides a critical overview of research trends on “Roma migration” as they developed over the last decade, contextualizing the issue and setting the stage for the following chapters. Due to the alleged increase in the number of Roma individuals exercising their mobility rights from Eastern European countries to Western Europe –mainly after the 2004 and 2007 EU accession – researchers’ interest has shifted towards this new topic. Many scholars have started focusing in the past decade on the causes and consequences of Roma’s migration patterns, their life in the new countries, and the legal, citizenship and policy questions posed by the appearance of non-Western Roma in Western Europe. Although Romani studies have long been in the constructivist paradigm, “Roma migration” has spurred new tendencies to essentialise Roma groups, at least in political and public debates. This chapter reflects on the conceptual and methodological aspects of researching “Roma migration”. This main question will be addressed through the following sub-questions: What kind of analytical and conceptual tools do researchers employ in order to understand the current migration trends of Roma citizens? What approaches do we adopt, and how do we use ‘old’ concepts, such as “Roma” or “migrant”? In this chapter I also raise the issue of research ethics and of the responsibility of researchers during the processes of knowledge-production on “Roma migration”.
The increase in migration flows within and into Europe has been accompanied by a growing policy focus on migration management. As in any policy debate, actors mobilise both factual claims and assumptions about the problems to be tackled and the population groups involved, in turn fashioning narratives that shape concrete policies. The article focuses on the policy narratives that developed in the UK around the migration of Roma groups between 2009 and 2014. I will show how the mobilisation of narratives on the criminal nature of Roma migration and about a sudden influx of Roma matched stereotypical images about the ‘Gypsies’. This made both narratives convincing as they fitted expectations about the Roma, to the point that their weak factual basis was ignored. This, in turn, contributed to refocusing the UK debate on migration from the need to reform the benefit system, to the need to reduce migration overall and eventually challenging the EU principle of freedom of movement. I will highlight the role of scholarly research in contributing to the development of policy narratives, calling for scholars to avoid sensationalising our findings, even if this is seen as an attempt to gain support for inclusive migration policies.
The focus of this paper is the migration from and return of the Roma to the Western Balkan. This minority is distinctly marginalised and discriminated against across the region, and its return and (re)integration pose critical questions for migration and ethnic diversity scholars and policy makers. At the same time, Roma returns to the Western Balkans are part of a historical moment in the EU, characterised by high immigration and political pressure to respond to intense refugee flows. In this context, the problem with the 'economic asylum' of the Roma in different EU member states appears to be the access to the welfare system, not migration per se. The findings of this paper further suggest that the expectation towards the Roma to (re)integrate while they have a high tendency to be mobile and experience discrimination is linked to a hegemonic view of societies on minorities' integration as the end-result of their movements. While the recent focus on vulnerability of returnees is a positive development, the data also indicate within-group differences that call for a needs-based approach to be adopted in policy and service provision. Nonetheless, across the board, transnational comparison is the lens through which (re)integration is seen, especially in the initial stages post-return. A crucial challenge for the Roma is adaptation after having experienced different lifestyles and a sense of dignity in the host countries in the EU, and reconciling their expectations with the standards they re-experience upon return to the Western Balkans. Time appears as a qualitative construct as it is the experience abroad rather than chronological time that impacts returnees' attitudes towards (re)integration. In the context of a scarce state and fragmented non-governmental service provision at local, national and transnational levels, the idea of social entrepreneurship is an emerging one, with high potential to address (re)integration in a more holistic manner.
This book discusses how Europe’s Roma minorities have often been perceived as a threat to majority cultures and societies. Frequently, the Roma have become the target of nationalism, extremism, and racism. At the same time, they have been approached in terms of human rights and become the focus of programs dedicated to inclusion, anti-discrimination, and combatting poverty. This book reflects on this situation from the viewpoint of how the Roma are often ‘securitized,’ understood and perceived as ‘security problems.’ The authors discuss practices of securitization and the ways in which they have been challenged, and they offer an original contribution to debates about security and human rights interventions at a time in which multiple crises both in and of Europe are going hand-in-hand with intensified xenophobia and security rhetoric.
Huub van Baar is Assistant Professor of Political Theory at the Justus Liebig University Giessen, Germany, and Senior Research Fellow of the Amsterdam Centre for Globalisation Studies at the University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands.
Ana Ivasiuc is Researcher at the Justus Liebig University Giessen, Germany.
Regina Kreide is Professor of Political Theory at the Justus Liebig University Giessen, Germany.
Asylum-seeking and significant out-migration have been the response of many Roma communities who continue to face multiple insecurities in their everyday lives, leaving them to their own survival devices. This work seeks to understand how we approach and categorize realities of such internal and cross-border displacements of Roma in current day Hungary. Drawing from an interdisciplinary field of mobilities and borders scholarship, this paper advances the concept of border regimes to approach intersecting regimes of movement control and the dynamics of mobility and enclosure at local and transnational levels. This lens is translated in the case of protracted Roma family evictions, and their struggles with an externalized border regime in the city of Miskolc, Hungary. Fieldwork accounts and snapshots, deriving from on-going ethnographic research in the city's 'Numbered Streets', Roma-populated, residential neighborhood will provide the premises for empirical investigation. © 2018, Intersections. East European Journal of Society and Politics.
Contemporary state and extra-state coercive practices dedicated to both the encampment and ghettoization of the Roma, as well as their eviction and displacement, are inextricable from long-standing processes of Roma racial subordination. Inasmuch as many Roma people have been juridically re-inscribed over recent years as ostensible EU-ropean citizens, however, the securitization of their mobility within and across the space of EU-rope supplies a premier instance of their precisely abject relation to EU-ropean citizenship. The abjection of the mobility of the Roma thus contributes to a more wide-ranging process of ‘neo-nomadization’. Simultaneously ‘citizens’, ‘migrants’, and ‘refugees’, Roma people emerge repeatedly as a kind of limit figure, and their mobilities therefore provide a particularly revealing site for the interrogation of the re-bordering of ‘Europe’ as such.
This paper explores, from an ethnographic standpoint, the mobility of a Bosnian Romani community in relation to the xenophobic and anti-Romani discourses that are pervading contemporary Italian and European society in the time of the so-called migrant crisis. The analysis focuses on some so-called Xomá families who live dispersed among illegal shanties in the Rome and whose movements and social network protract into other Italian and European cities. The question of mobility is addressed both in terms of local movements within the Roman peripheries and of wider transnational trajectories. Romani mobility appears as a tactical response to processes imposed from above that challenges the forms of governmentality related to the policing of borders and the production of boundaries of the EU and its member-states.
This paper investigates the attitudes, motives and profiles of potential Romani and non-Romani migrants from six Western Balkan (WB) countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Albania, Montenegro, FYR Macedonia and Serbia. The wars in these countries created specific political, social and economic situations. They produced huge waves of migrants, including refugees. There is some continuity to- day regarding the actual outflows even years after the wars ended. That puts a lot of questions on the table. Among them are: What are the causes for such continuity? Are the reasons for migration different today? Do they differentiate between Roma and non-Roma? Are they specific for WB countries or common for the whole Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) region? The answers are searched for in the migration push factors among Roma and non-Roma potential migrants from WB and other CEE countries.
This paper starts from the observation that, since the collapse of eastern European state socialism, the Roma have become the subject and target of Europe-wide development programs and discourses, while, at the same time, they have been problematized in terms of social, public and national security. Due to the ways in which development and security have ambiguously come together in Europe’s recent history, I will argue that the living conditions of the poorest among the Roma have not only worsened, but also, and more fundamentally, the divide between Europe’s rich and poor has become seriously racialized and almost unbridgeable. I explain how the bio- and geopolitical conditions under which development and security have merged in Europe’s engagement with the Roma have led to a situation in which the official aim of Roma-related development programs – the improvement of their living conditions and life chances – tends to result in a dreadlock.
What does it mean to be a European citizen? The rapidly changing politics of citizenship in the face of migration, diversity, heightened concerns about security and financial and economic crises, has left European citizenship as one of the major political and social challenges to European integration. Enacting European Citizenship develops a distinctive perspective on European citizenship and its impact on European integration by focusing on 'acts' of European citizenship. The authors examine a broad range of cases - including those of the Roma, Sinti, Kurds, sex workers, youth and other 'minorities' or marginalised peoples - to illuminate the ways in which the institutions and practices of European citizenship can hinder as well as enable claims for justice, rights and equality. This book draws the key themes together to explore what the limitations and possibilities of European citizenship might be.
This paper discusses the position of Romani minorities in the light of the state dissolution and further citizenship regime transformations after the disintegration of the former Socialist Yugoslavia. While observing closely the repositioning of the Romani minorities in the post-Yugoslav space, it explicates that in the case of state dissolution, the unevenness of citizenship does not only manifest in the rights dimension, but also in uneven access to citizenship with regard to new polities.
The article focuses on the recent large-scale immigration of Romanian Roma to Italy and its impact on the city of Rome. This influx provoked widespread alarm, triggering xenophobic incidents by some Romans and repressive policies by the authorities. It also provoked a small ‘earthquake’ within the Romani world, since the newcomers started to occupy similar social, cultural and economic spaces to the other Roma groups already present in Rome; the result was a drastic alteration of the already delicate balance between Roma and the city of Rome. The article presents an analysis of the relations between a group of Bosnian Xoraxané Romá living in the Magliana district and the newly arrived Romanian Roma. These relations appear quite complex and ambiguous, oscillating between the unifying principle of being Roma and being categorized as Gypsies (Zingari)/Roma/nomads by Italian society, on the one hand, and the claim of specificity and differentiation between Roma groups on the other.
One of the dichotomies which has affected migration studies for some time is that between ‘forced’ and ‘voluntary’ movements. Yet there is a growing realisation of the importance of understanding how the two overlap. Focusing on the Albanian Roma, this paper adds weight to the argument that a ‘mixed migration’ approach is necessary to understand a number of migratory situations which do not neatly fit the forced/voluntary categorisation. The paper draws on empirical material collected through household questionnaires, in-depth interviews, group discussions and ethnographic observation during 2007–08 within the framework of a broader study on gender, remittances and development in Albania.
Drawing on qualitative interviews in six Roma communities from Transylvania (Romania), the paper examines women's histories of migration. It explores how gender norms and expectations intersect migration and what the perceived benefits and costs associated with mobility may be. Women's personal meanings of migration vary, from ensuring social mobility at home, to family survival. My research indicates that Roma women's migration is highly dependent on the ‘gender regime’ in their home communities. Whilst migration does not necessarily raise contestations of motherhood, migrants need to expend considerable effort to ensure a sense of respectability. The paper supports the argument that Roma women's migration is highly dependent on the ‘gender regimes’ in their home communities. Lastly, it calls for more refined policy interventions that consider the various ‘subgroups’ of women within Roma communities.
This article examines the effects of an uncertain legal status on the lives of immigrants, situating their experiences within frameworks of citizenship/ belonging and segmented assimilation, and using Victor Turner's concept of liminality and Susan Coutin's "legal nonexistence." It questions black - and - white conceptualizations of documented and undocumented immigration by exposing the gray area of "liminal legality" and examines how this in - between status affects the individual's social networks and family, the place of the church in immigrants' lives, and the broader domain of artistic expression. Empirically, it draws on ethnographic fieldwork conducted among Salvadoran and Guatemalan immigrants in San Francisco, Los Angeles, Washington, D. C., and Phoenix from 1989 to 2001. The article lends support to arguments about the continued centrality of the nation - state in the lives of immigrants.
This research examines how the internal social dynamics of Roma communities at home shape their propensity to migrate. It is theoretically grounded in the literature on social capital and focuses on two core concepts: ‘migration-rich’ and ‘migration-poor’ communities. The research is based on in-depth interviews and informal discussions with Roma from six (mainly rural) communities of Transylvania (Romania) and includes qualitative data gathered from migrants as well as from people who did not migrate. The findings challenge existing conceptualizations of Roma migration as either explained by poverty alone or by cultural arguments (such as nomadism). This paper indicates that even in the context of severe poverty, social networks are actually decisive for migration. It demonstrates that the patterns of migration tend to be community-specific and shaped by a locally shared culture (ethos) on migration. The research suggests policy choices according to the community profile and its internal dynamics.
This paper analyzes the institutionalized production of precarious migration status in Canada. Building on recent work on the legal production of illegality and non-dichotomous approaches to migratory status, we review Canadian immigration and refugee policy, and analyze pathways to loss of migratory status and the implications of less than full status for access to social services. In Canada, policies provide various avenues of authorized entry, but some entrants lose work and/or residence authorization and end up with variable forms of less-than-full immigration status. We argue that binary conceptions of migration status (legal/illegal) do not reflect this context, and advocate the use of ‘precarious status’ to capture variable forms of irregular status and illegality, including documented illegality. We find that elements of Canadian policy routinely generate pathways to multiple forms of precarious status, which is accompanied by precarious access to public services. Our analysis of the production of precarious status in Canada is consistent with approaches that frame citizenship and illegality as historically produced and changeable. Considering variable pathways to and forms of precarious status supports theorizing citizenship and illegality as having blurred rather than bright boundaries. Identifying differences between Canada and the US challenges binary and tripartite models of illegality, and supports conducting contextually specific and comparative work.
Although the persons of Roma ethnicity who were deprived of the Czech citizenship upon the split of the Czech and Slovak Federation by controversial law No. 40/1993 were not in the end left stateless, the Commission can be reproached for not using the influential position it enjoyed in the course of the pre-accession process preceding the fifth enlargement of the European Union (1 May 2004) in order to insist that the Czech Republic alter its ethnically-biased citizenship policy. Although some steps in this direction were taken by the Commission, they fell short of addressing the whole range of discriminatory provisions of this Czech legislation preventing the former Czecho-Slovak citizens of Roma ethnicity from becoming citizens of the Czech Republic. In Addition to the overall ineffectiveness of its pre-accession promotion of equal access to Czech citizenship of all permanent residents of the Czech Republic their ethnic origin notwithstanding, the Commission made a controversial decision to treat the exclusion from citizenship which was de facto based on ethnicity as a ‘civil and political’ rights issue, rather than a minority rights issue. This dubious decision, allowed the Commission to distinguish its pre-accession involvement in the reforms in the Czech Republic on the one hand, and in Latvia and Estonia on the other, where the exclusion of ethnic minorities from the access to citizenship was regarded as a key issue pertaining to the protection of minority rights. The ill-articulated position of the Commission is due, this paper suggests, mainly to the limitations on the EU’s involvement in the Member States’ citizenship domain and de facto comes down to the application of different pre-accession standards to different minority groups in the candidate countries. To ensure genuine protection of ethnic minorities in the Member States-to-be, the EU has to alter its approach to the issues of ethnicity-based exclusion from citizenship in the course of the future expansions of the Union.
This interdisciplinary collection addresses the position of minorities in democratic societies, with a particular focus on minority rights and recognition. For the first time, it brings together leading international authorities on ethnicity, nationalism and minority rights from both social and political theory, with the specific aim of fostering further debate between the disciplines. In their introduction, the editors explore the ways in which politics and sociology can complement each other in unravelling the many contradictory aspects of complex phenomena. Topics addressed include the constructed nature of ethnicity, its relation to class and to 'new racism', different forms of nationalism, self determination and indigenous politics, the politics of recognition versus the politics of redistribution, and the re-emergence of cosmopolitanism. This book is essential reading for all those involved in the study of ethnicity, nationalism and minority rights.
In this fully updated edition with a new foreword by Andre Liebich, David M. Crowe provides an overview of the life, history, and culture of the Gypsies, or Roma, from their entrance into the region in the Middle Ages up until the present, drawing from previously untapped East European, Russian, and traditional sources.
This article discusses the position and agency of Romani migrants. It argues that different states often irregularize the status of Romani migrants even in cases where it should be regularized due to their de jure citizenship. This irregularization is possible because of their position as semi-citizens in their ‘states of origin’. Yet, Romani migrants are not mere passive observers of these practices, but react to their irregularized migrant statuses. In doing so, they redefine their national and European citizenships. This article centres around two case studies to analyse the position and agency of Romani migrants The first is Roma with European Union (EU) citizenship and the second is post-Yugoslav Roma without EU citizenship.
The situation of Roma in Europe is the subject of prominent discussions within the institutions of the European Union today proving those voices that expected the ‘Roma issue’ to fade away from the political agenda after EU enlargement wrong. Since the EU enlargement to include Central and Eastern European states, the European Parliament (EP) passes resolutions every year calling upon the European Commission and the Member States to improve the situation of Roma (EP 2005, 2006, 2007 and 2008).
The main objective of this paper is to map how Romani minorities were positioned in the context of post-Yugoslav citizenship regimes’ transformations and to observe possible trends throughout post-Yugoslav space regarding their positioning. The paper establishes that due to historical as well as contemporary hierarchical inclusions, many individuals identified as belonging to Romani minorities faced specific obstacles in access to citizenship in most Yugoslav states, where they de facto resided. Consequently, it gives an illustration of citizenship constellations in which many Romani individuals found themselves as non-citizens at their place of residence and usually without the status of legal alien with permanent residence as well as with ineffective citizenship of another post-Yugoslav state. Additionally, it also examines the hierarchical positioning of Romani individuals, who are citizens at their place of residence and, at least de iure, enjoy a certain scope of minority rights. Borrowing terms from postcolonial theory and following the latest developments in Romani studies, this paper argues that Romani minorities were caught in-between different processes of post-Yugoslav citizenship regimes’ transformation, and therefore cannot be considered as the ultimate Other, but as the post-Yugoslav Subaltern.
This paper looks at the case of citizenship in Kosovo and argues that the mismatch between the idea of a ‘liberal’ state and the practice of group differentiation, on the one hand, and the socio-political reality that emerged in the post-war period, on the other, has resulted in a citizenship regime that is hierarchical. It aims to demonstrate how despite the legally enshrined promise of equality, differentiated citizenship, together with a political context defined by an ethnic divide and past structural inequalities, as well as uneven external citizenship opportunities, contributed to the emergence of hierarchical citizenship, in which some groups (communities), or ‘rights-and-duty-bearing units’, are more equal than the others.
This article engages with current debates on the sociology of camps and camp-like institutions in contemporary society. Drawing on ethnographic material collected in Italy in ‘nomad camps’ where forcibly displaced Roma from former Yugoslavia were sheltered in the 1990s and 2000s, it argues that Agamben's conceptualisation of the camp as a space of exception, by constructing the camp as other to an idealised notion of citizenship and the rule of law, offers limited purchase for a sociological investigation of the complexity and ambivalence of social relations in and around camps as well as residents' everyday practices and experiences of political membership. Focusing on the resources, entitlements and ‘rights’ of camp residents and their interactions with state, regional and local authorities and non-governmental actors, this article invites to de-exceptionalise the camp and the experiences of its residents, and proposes the concept of ‘campzenship’ to capture the specific and situated form of political membership produced in and by the camp. Getting closer to the camp and its inhabitants through the adoption of an ethnographic gaze reveals the camp space as paradigmatic of the stratification and diversification of political membership in contemporary society, a social and political terrain where rights, entitlements and obligations are reshaped, bended, adjusted, neglected and activated by and through everyday interactions.
Prior studies on Roma migration put much emphasis on either structural factors or networks that become key elements for explaining the growing migration flows of a population lacking economic resources and characterized by poor education. Although very relevant for explaining the perpetuation of migration, these studies posit the limit of downplaying migrants' agency and the role of identity markers mediating the influence of structural conditions in both destination and origin countries. Drawing on quantitative data from the Roma Inclusion Barometer (2006) as well as on in-depth interviews with Roma migrants from Eastern Romania, the paper provides a more comprehensive account of contemporary Romanian Roma migration towards Western European countries. The paper challenges the portrayal of the Roma migrant population, as conveyed by many scholars, as a rather passive one and argues that gender, religion and subgroup identities constitute key elements in explaining Roma migrants' agency.
The article examines the development of the Yugoslav state's policy of transnational political engagement of Yugoslav citizens on temporary work in the FR Germany during the late 1960s and 1970s. This politicization of labor migrations was shaped by the interplay of the internal turmoil in the Yugoslav federation and the conditions peculiar to West Germany of the time. The change of the state's perception of external migrations is being examined through the extension of the agitation apparatus of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia onto the territory of the FR Germany and the mobilization of economic emigrants against the “hostile” political emigrants residing in that country. The main goal of these measures was to maintain the emigrants' transnational links to their homeland and ensure that their political standing was kept in line with the official Yugoslav ideological tenets until the time of the prospective return migration cycle. The extraterritorial character of these measures, coupled with the specific position of Yugoslavia within the Cold War diplomacy, led to a peculiar ideological interplay and shifting web of cooperation and confrontation between various actors.
With the emergence of European Union citizenship as a formal legal category, many scholars from a variety of perspectives have considered its political and normative significance. This article seeks to demonstrate that the enactment of European citizenship through the movement across national borders of EU citizens exposes an inherent but frequently hidden tension within the category of citizenship: namely, in the relationship between mobility and integration. It is, we argue, the exposure of this tension and the concomitant re-politicisation of citizenship via this enactment which is of most ethico-political value in a European citizenship. We make this argument with reference to the politics of a multi-level European citizenship and, in particular, with reference to interactions between a particular nation—France—and the EU on the issue of “Roma” mobility. We argue that while French discourses have tended to interpret mobility and integration as in tension, EU discourses archetypically emphasise the ways in which mobility facilitates integration. That said, EU and national discourses are not easily separable. We demonstrate that each has impacted upon the other and highlight the ways in which this interaction exposes the tension in the mobility–integration relationship and in so doing problematises the meaning and limits of citizenship.
This paper examines the implications of the visa liberalisation dialogues which took place between the European Commission and national governments of the Western Balkans for the citizenship regimes of the countries concerned. The visa liberalisation process is approached as a tool of Europeanisation of the area of justice, freedom and security and as an exercise of EU conditionality. The analysis reflects on the negotiations for visa liberalisation as well as the mechanisms established for post-visa liberalisation monitoring. Looking both at the formal benchmarking process and through interviews with stakeholders at the national level, the paper traces how the visa liberalisation process affected the status and rights dimension of citizenship in the region.
After Slovakia joined the European Union in 2004, some of the East Slovakian Roma were among the first migrants to choose the labour migration path to the UK. This article explores connections between the various forms of mobility of these Slovakian Roma. It focuses on their attempts to engage in existential mobility—which condition their physical movement to the place of destination—and on their hopes for upward socio-economic mobility. The paper shows how the successful returning migrants have established new hierarchies and contributed to the crystallising of an imaginary of ‘England as a great splendour’. It examines the idiom of ‘going up’, and argues for seeing the Roma's recent migration as a potential means by which to carve out a sense of a viable life and of autonomy amidst the oppressive circumstances and the asymmetrical relations they have with non-Roma dominant groups and non-related Roma. The article also explores the unequally distributed possibilities and inequalities that migrants encounter on their journeys towards realising their hopes and dreams in migration. Finally, consideration is given to the embeddedness of recent migration in the Roma's daily modes of interaction, sociability of constant movement and reciprocal relations within kin and friendship networks.
This article strives to meet two challenges. As a review, it provides a critical discussion of the scholarship concerning undocumented migration, with a special emphasis on ethnographically informed works that foreground significant aspects of the everyday life of undocumented migrants. But another key concern here is to formulate more precisely the theoretical status of migrant "illegality" and deportability in order that further research related to undocumented migration may be conceptualized more rigorously. This review considers the study of migrant "illegality" as an epistemological, methodological, and political problem, in order to then formulate it as a theoretical problem. The article argues that it is insufficient to examine the "illegality" of undocumented migration only in terms of its consequences and that it is necessary also to produce historically informed accounts of the sociopolitical processes of "illegalization" themselves, which can be characterized as the legal production of migrant "illegality.".
Ethnic categories in Kosovo as well as in Italy have been shaped and reshaped according to public politics and local power relations. Focusing on the treatment of the Roma minority, this article examines the complexity of the relationship between labelling and policy in two different contexts: Kosovo and Italy. It highlights the impact that bureaucratic and institutional actors have on the process of iden- tity building of the Roma/Gypsies community. Labels not only contribute actively to the definition of collective identities, but, as instruments of a political system, they express and summarize its structure. The article concludes by emphasizing that labels and policies not only play a role and, in some ways, create the objec- tive of their action, but once they define a group of people as a community, through the allocation of resources, they actually create a community: from 'nomads' to nomads.
This article reflects on the politics of European Union citizenship – and the ethical possibilities and limitations of a cosmopolitan or ‘normative power’ EU – via an analysis of the situation of the Roma in France, which was widely mediatized in summer 2010. It argues in a first step that during this period the French government ‘securitized’ the Roma, ‘extra‐ordinarily’ casting them as collective threat and thereby justifying their deportation. The European Commission's outspoken response demanded that the French authorities refrain from discriminating against EU citizens on grounds of ethnicity; in so doing, the EU seemed to act as protector of minorities in accordance with its raison d'être as liberal peace project. However, in a second step, the article draws attention to the deportations perpetrated before these high‐profile events, highlighting that conditionality within the law pertaining to EU citizenship allowed for the securitization of Roma. Thus, in a third step, it is argued that the invocation of citizenship may be a useful but limited strategy of political resistance by and with excluded groups such as Europe's Roma. Rather, it is the inherently ambiguous nature of a multi‐level EU liberal or cosmopolitan government – and concomitant EU citizenship – which opens an important space for resistance.
Throughout Central and Eastern Europe, the collapse of communism has led to an unleashing of ethnic strife and a worsening of the economic conditions of the Roma, who by any measurement occupy the lowest rung of the social ladder. In the former Yugoslavia, the situation has been aggravated enormously by war, rampant nationalism, forced emigration, ethnic cleansing, and economic sanctions. The nearly four-year war in the region took a heavy toll on all the successor states except Slovenia.
A review of recent research across several disciplines not surprisingly finds a wide variety of descriptions surrounding meanings, processes, scales and methods concerning the notion of 'transnationalism'. Here, several clusters or themes are suggested by way of disentangling the term. These include transnationalism as a social morphology, as a type of consciousness, as a mode of cultural reproduction, as an avenue of capital, as a site of political engagement, and as a reconstruction of 'place' or locality. These and other approaches to transnationalism are being explored in a newly commissioned ESRC research programme on Transnational Communities (see http:// www.transcomm.ox.ac.uk).
This article discusses the forced migration of Kosovo Roma in the context of the recent armed conflicts in the province. The fate of Roma in Kosovo has remained largely out of the public eye despite massive international media attention given to the conflict in general. The paper analyses the reception and treatment of Romani refugees in both neighbouring countries, such as Macedonia and Albania, and further afield, including instances of racially motivated violence perpetuated against Roma by ethnic Albanians. The article discusses the reasons why the return of Roma to Kosovo, or to other areas of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, remains, for the time being, impossible, and outlines the failure of international governmental and nongovernmental aid to reach the Kosovo Roma.
This article examines recent patterns of Romani westward migrations, challenging the notion of a ‘tidal wave’ of Roma migrants entering western Europe. The first part distinguishes migration from nomadism, rejecting the common proposition that Roma are inherently nomadic, and goes on to distinguish the particularities of Romani migrations compared to westward migrations of other groups. The article then looks at the causes of Romani migrations before analysing the special difficulties facing Romani migrants, particularly asylum seekers, in the countries which they migrate to. The response of western governments to Romani migrants, in particular attempts at curbing Romani immigration, is examined in detail. The article further outlines the impact of Romani westward migrations on the development of Romani non‐governmental organisations in both the East and the West.
This paper offers a critical analysis of ‘groupism’ and suggests alternative ways of conceptualizing ethnicity without invoking the imagery of bounded groups. Alternative conceptual strategies focus on practical categories, cultural idioms, cognitive schemas, discursive frames, organizational routines, institutional forms, political projects, and contingent events. The conceptual critique has implications for the ways in which researchers, journalists, policymakers and NGOs address ‘ethnic conflict’ and ‘ethnic violence’. The paper concludes with an analysis of an empirical case from Eastern Europe.
Abstract Although globalization has usually been associated with advanced communications technology, arguably nothing has facilitated global linkage more than the boom in ordinary, cheap international telephone calls. Low-cost calls serve as a kind of social glue connecting small-scale social formations across the globe. In this article I present recent data on the rapid growth and diffusion of telephone traffic and describe the proliferation of prepaid phonecards. Second, I outline the commercial, social and geographical ramifications of this explosion in transnational communication.
This article brings together the literature on European Union conditionality and transnational NGO advocacy by considering the fundamental role non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have played in the EU's efforts to bring about reforms in countries working to join the organization. Based in part on interviews in Romania, the Czech Republic and Brussels, and focusing on the case of anti-discrimination and the Roma (Gypsies), I consider both how the EU helped NGOs achieve their objectives and how NGOs influenced the creation and effect of EU requirements on candidate countries from Central and Eastern Europe (now new Member States). While problems for the Roma have certainly not disappeared, one cannot fully appreciate the development of either advocacy or conditionality regarding the Roma without considering the mutual dependence of NGOs and the EU. The NGO role is frequently disregarded in the top-down EU accession process, but I find that neither NGOs nor the EU would have been successful at advancing or sustaining domestic change on their own.
This article examines the key ethical questions in the design of labor immigration programs. We propose a two-dimensional matrix of ethical space that isolates a number of different ethical frameworks on the basis of the degree of consequentialism they allow and the moral standing they accord to noncitizens. We argue for the rejection of extreme ethical frameworks and propose criteria that should guide national policymakers in their choice and application of a framework within the ethical subspace of moderate consequentialism and moderate moral standing for noncitizens. To translate these "ethical guidelines" for the design of labor immigration programs into policy practice, we advocate new types of temporary foreign worker programs. In contrast to many existing and past guest worker policies, the programs that we propose would more actively promote the interests of migrant workers and sending countries by more clearly defining, and more effectively enforcing, certain core rights of migrant workers.
Constitutional ethnography is the study of the central legal elements of polities using methods that are capable of recovering the lived detail of the politico-legal landscape. This article provides an introduction to this sort of study by contrasting constitutional ethnography with multivariate analysis and with nationalist constitutional analysis. The article advocates not a universal one-size-fits-all theory or an elegant model that abstracts away the distinctive, but instead outlines an approach that can identify a set of repertoires found in real cases. Learning the set of repertoires that constitutional ethnography reveals, one can see more deeply into particular cases. Constitutional ethnography has as its goal, then, not prediction but comprehension, not explained variation but thematization.
It is often assumed that states within the same regime-type pursue similar policies towards minorities. An imperial state, for instance, which has already consolidated its rule over its territory and subject peoples (such as the Hapsburg Empire in the nineteenth century or the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century) tends to pursue restrained policies towards marginal groups. Ordinarily, one could expect such states not to enforce cultural or religious homogeneity, for instance, given the costs associated with communication, transportation, the maintenance of public order and other factors. This article argues that although the Hapsburg and Ottoman states belong to the same regime-type (that is, they were both empires), their specific policies and general approach to ethnic and other minorities diverged significantly. This argument is illustrated through the two empires' policies towards their Gypsy/Romani populations.
PIP
This is a general review of migration, including both international and internal migration, in the former Yugoslavia before its breakdown into constituent countries in the early 1990s. The author examines such topics as labor migration, the distribution of migrants from Yugoslavia in host countries, the characteristics of migrants from Serbia, the assimilation of immigrants, the economic effects of emigration on places of origin, and return migration.
Race, nation, class. London: Verso
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EU 'benefit tourism' ruling is common sense, says Cameron
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Recent migration of Roma in Europe
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Doubts about western Balkans as 'safe Countries of origin
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org/index.php?lang=en&id=451