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... As I analyzed the two levels of empirical data, of oral history and life history interviews of participants as well as the historical data from federal and provincial archival repositories in Canada and the United States (see Chapter 4), the theoretical and conceptual framework emerged. To examine and explain how the transnational labour migration process of my participants was organized during the mid-twentieth century and influenced by the American colonial period in the Philippines, I applied five distinct theoretical foundations: (i) stratification theory (Castles, de Haas, and Miller, 2003;de Haas, 2007); (ii) historical-structural theory of immigration (Wood, 1982), particularly dependency theory (Frank, 1966a; and world systems theory (Wallerstein, 1974(Wallerstein, , 1979(Wallerstein, , 1980; (iii) social networks theory, as it pertains to migrant social networks (i.e., personal and professional networks) (Boyd, 1989) and migrant networks as a form of social capital (Coleman, 1988;Ryan et al., 2008;Paloni et al., 2001;Portes, 1988;Portes & Landolt, 2000); and (iv) systems theory of migration (Boyd, 1989;Fawcett, 1989;Kritz, Lim, & Zlotnik, 1992;Mabogunje, 1970;Zlotnik, 1992). In the following sections, I discuss each theory and how I applied them to understand the data and explain the findings of this study. ...
... To understand and explain how the transnational labour migration of my participants was organized during the mid-twentieth century and influenced by the American colonial period in the Philippines, I draw on five distinct theoretical foundations, which essentially "lay the groundwork for constructing an accurate and comprehensive theory of international migration" (Massey et al., 1993, p. 432) specific to this study. As I introduced in an earlier section of this chapter, the theories that enabled me to make sense of the data and from which I explicated the findings are: (i) stratification theory (Castles, de Haas, and Miller, 2013;de Haas, 2007); (ii) historical-structural theory of immigration (Wood, 1982), particularly dependency theory (Frank, 1966a; and world systems theory (Wallerstein, 1974(Wallerstein, , 1979(Wallerstein, , 1980; (iii) social networks theory, as it pertains to migrant social networks (i.e., personal and professional networks) (Boyd, 1989) and migrant networks as a form of social capital (Coleman, 1988;Ryan et al., 2008;Paloni et al., 2001;Portes, 1988;Portes & Landolt, 2000); and (iv) systems theory of migration (Boyd, 1989;Fawcett, 1989;Kritz, Lim, & Zlotnik, 1992;Mabogunje, 1970;Zlotnik, 1992). In the following sections, I discuss each theory and how I applied them to understand the data and explain the findings of this study. ...
... Further, the inherently exploitative and unbalanced nature of economic powers that shape global capitalism is delineated (Morawska, 2012 Using the historical-structural theory of immigration, I first draw on world systems theory (Wallerstein, 1974(Wallerstein, , 1979(Wallerstein, , 1980, which assists in the historical analysis of the development and expansion of the global capitalist system. According to this theory, countries are classified according to their positioning within the global market economy (Wallerstein, 1974(Wallerstein, , 1979. ...
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In this empirical study, I examine the transnational labour migration process of nurses who immigrated to Canada from the Philippines and via the United States during the 1950s and 1960s. Using institutional ethnography as a method of inquiry and historical research methods, I conducted in depth life history/oral history interviews with Filipino nurses who were recruited to work in hospitals in North America between 1957 and 1969. I also analyzed historical documents (i.e., correspondence between authorities at federal and provincial levels of government) obtained from archival repositories in Canada and the United States, including Archives of Ontario, Library and Archives Canada (LAC), and National Archives and Records Administration (NARA). Despite Canadian state securitization, strict border control, and the enforcement of restrictive immigration policies which prioritized white immigrants, I argue that nurses who had trained in elite private nursing schools in the Philippines attained lateral and/or vertical labour mobility in Canada between the late 1950s and the latter years of the 1960s. Notably, among the fifteen nurses I interviewed, a small number arrived prior to the commencement of the liberalization of Canadian immigration policy in 1962. Albeit Canada’s explicit prioritization and preference for white immigrants (i.e., British, French, and American citizens), as well as its imposed restrictions on and discrimination against Asian migrants during the post 1962 period, nearly half of my participants were appointed to supervisory positions (i.e., head nurse, nurse coordinator, nurse supervisor, director of nursing) or nurse educator positions (i.e., nursing instructor, clinical instructor, professor of nursing). I argue that historical, structural, and social influences prefigured the labour mobility of these nurses to and within Canada during the mid-twentieth century. Using a meso-level analytical approach, I illustrate how their appointment in Canadian hospitals was organized by social institutions (i.e., government, education, healthcare, family), state policies in the Philippines, United States, and Canada (i.e., immigration, labour, and healthcare), and influenced by the American colonial history of the Philippines. Moreover, the data reveal that a lack of uniformity existed in the manner by which the credentials, skills, and employment experience of my participants were evaluated. Instead, the evaluation and admissions process was individualized and Canadian immigration authorities maintained flexibility in their assessment practices in accordance with economic and labour need in the country. Although this study points to the exemptions that Canadian immigration officials made on behalf of Filipino nurses and illustrates the flexibility they employed in their practices for this particular ethnic group of nursing professionals, it still, however, represents a racialized system. The Canadian state continues to privilege local labour market needs and seek immigrants or racialized groups who are equipped with various or specific forms of capital (i.e., economic, social, human, cultural). Although the nurses I interviewed attained occupational mobility, their successful career trajectories do not suggest a labour or immigration policy that is post racial. The findings of this study confirm that the practice of identifying and hiring ‘ideal immigrants’ for labour market shortages and demands nonetheless continues in a racialized manner.
... An important contribution was made by scholars of the Marxist school who established a direct connection between regionalisation and capital allocation. 13 A remarkable proponent of this school of thought was the founding father of the world-system theory, Immanuel Wallerstein, who proposed the division of geographical space into core, periphery and semi-periphery according to the established capitalist relations [27]. ...
... Balticconnector is a bi-directional natural gas pipeline between Finland and Estonia.27 NordBalt is the submarine power cable laid across the Baltic Sea to connect the Estotnian and Swedish power grids.28 ...
Article
This paper explores the Estonian vision of Baltic identity. Estonia’s authorities have repeatedly articulated their scepticism towards the concept of a stand-alone ‘Baltic region’ and the inclusion of Estonia in it, preferring to position their state as a Nordic country. Yet, in numerous cases, they have clearly labelled Estonia as a Baltic State. To identify the contexts and meanings labelling the country as a Baltic State, this contribution provides a content analysis of official speeches given by Estonia’s political leadership. It is concluded that, despite the visibility of socioeconomic issues in the discourse, the most comprehensive image of Estonian ‘Balticness’ is constructed by interconnected narratives built around the Soviet past and the ‘security threats’ associated with Russia. The theoretical framework of regionalism, which allows one to consider the Baltics as a social construct rather than a set of material factors, provides an additional explanatory model.
... This work brings the World-System literature and its insights into the global division of labour (Wallerstein, 1979) into conversation with the World City Network literature (Taylor and Derudder, 2016), the Global City literature (Sassen, 2013) and other theorists of global capitalism such as Sklair (2001Sklair ( , 2017, Selwyn (2019) and Harvey (2012), who have focused on cities in understanding the capitalist system. ...
Article
This work pursues a new explanatory framework for understanding some of the variance and homogeneity of informal work between cities in the Global South. Rooted in a materialist approach to informality, it seeks to explain the dynamics of informal work in different urban contexts via a novel application of the global division of labour, termed the global division of urban informal labour. Through a comparative analysis of the urban labour regimes of Freetown, Sierra Leone, and Mexico City, Mexico, the work argues that each city’s respective location within the global capitalist system largely determines the nature of their informal economies. It posits that a city’s informal labour regime is shaped by whether a city’s economy is predominantly defined by financial, industrial or extractive capital, and explores the ramifications of the financialised economy of Mexico City and the extractivist economy of Freetown for shaping informal work in each city. Such an approach attempts not only to explain urban and labour regime variance but also to highlight the essential and foundational nature of informal work in global capitalism today. It also seeks to aid in the task of recentring capitalism and class considerations into understandings of the internal and external dynamics of Global South cities in general.
... In the 1960s, historical sociologists developed an analysis of state formation, focusing on the relationship between landed classes and the formation of particular states (Moore 1993;Polanyi 1957;Sewell 1992;Skocpol 1979). World systems theorists (Arrighi 1994;Wallerstein 1979) drew on the broad historical sociology tradition, focusing on the relations between nation-states in the development of a world-historical geo-polity and "geoculture" organized around a global market; this global market consisted of core nations and peripheries that had begun as colonies and then transitioned to third world countries after the Second World War. World systems analyses, from those of Immanuel Wallerstein to Jason Moore, allow us to see national territories as mutually competitive but connected to a global whole, such that one nation's quest for resources pushes it deeper into a frontier seen as "empty," cheap, and there for the taking (Moore 2015). ...
Chapter
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... In this way, Quijano, whose thought aligns with the Marxist perspective until then, assumes a theoretical inflexion about the explanation of the world-system where the notion of "race" displaces the category "class" of the centrality awarded by Immanuel Wallerstein (1974Wallerstein ( , 1979. The same Wallerstein confirms this perspective when he published in collaboration with Quijano that same year Americanity as a concept, or the Americas in the modern world-system (see Quijano & Wallerstein, 1992). ...
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This essay addresses the growing interest in the spatial dimension of coloniality. It argues that such an interest is out of step with other fields of Social Science not only because of the coloniality of knowledge that still operates in the disciplines responsible for designing human environment — Architecture, Urban Design and Spatial Planning —, but also the absence of a voice representing these areas inside the first generation of decolonial thinkers. In that sense, the essay vindicates young voices that had studied different manifestations of coloniality in the last ten years based on the concept of "territorial coloniality". To reach those goals, a self-reflexive analysis is used on personal experience linked to decolonial criticism in Architecture, as well as a review of the writings of some other invisible authors. Additionally, the concept of "architectural coloniality" is proposed as a category that describes the systemic nature of the spatial dimension of coloniality.
... To do this, the way proposed in the second section of this paper is bringing into dialogue the concepts of advanced marginality and territorial stigmatization processes (Wacquant 2008), with the concepts of colonial sociability and abyssal social exclusion (see also Clerici 2022, Ricotta 2023. Linking the effects in terms of socio-spatial exclusion caused by neo-liberal policies together with the decolonial and postcolonial critique of the longstanding nature of inequality in the modern world-system (Wallerstein 1979), we can read more clearly the dynamics of exclusion from the right to health in COVID-19 pandemic. We will deepen these arguments in the light of some data on the spread of contagion and deaths due to COVID-19 in the contexts of Brazil and the United States of America (Ricotta 2022). ...
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The paper deepens the right to health in COVID-19 pandemic, analyzing its impact in terms of social inequalities. The first section introduces concepts drawn from the global risk society approach, pointing out some of its limitations for an effective analysis of the forms of social exclusion during the pandemic. The main statement is that the logic of inequalities emerged in COVID-19 pandemic can be interpreted more effectively in the light of postcolonial and decolonial sociology, with reference to the concepts of coloniality of power (Quijano) and – specifically – colonial sociability (Santos). The way proposed is bringing into dialogue these concepts along with those of advanced marginality and territorial stigmatization (Wacquant). These approaches are useful in understanding some data on the spread of contagion and deaths due toCOVID-19 in the contexts of Brazil and the United States of America, contagion and deaths that have particularly critically affected specific territories of advanced marginality and exposed to stigmatization processes. Analyzing specific pathways for territorial de-stigmatization – the paper also discusses the emancipatory task of a sociological analysis of inequalities in COVID-19 pandemic era Este artículo profundiza en el derecho a la salud durante la pandemia de COVID-19, analizando su impacto en términos de desigualdades sociales. La primera sección introduce conceptos extraídos del enfoque de la sociedad de riesgo global, señalando algunas de sus limitaciones para un análisis efectivo de las formas de exclusión social durante la pandemia. La principal afirmación es que la lógica de las desigualdades surgidas en la pandemia de COVID-19 puede ser interpretada más eficazmente a la luz de la sociología poscolonial y decolonial, con referencia a los conceptos de colonialidad del poder (Quijano) y, concretamente, de sociabilidad colonial (Santos). El camino propuesto es poner en diálogo dichos conceptos junto con los de marginalidad avanzada y estigmatización territorial (Wacquant). Dichos enfoques son útiles para comprender algunos datos sobre la propagación de contagios y muertes por COVID-19 en los contextos de Brasil y Estados Unidos de América, contagios y muertes que han afectado de manera especialmente crítica a territorios concretos de marginalidad avanzada y expuestos a procesos de estigmatización. Analizando caminos concretos para la desestigmatización territorial, el artículo también reflexiona sobre la tarea emancipadora de un análisis sociológico de las desigualdades en la era de la pandemia de la COVID-19.
... Kendi işgücü piyasalarında sömürü düzeninin egemen olduğu çevre ülkelerde toplumsal sınıf çatışmaları ve politik kargaşalar sürekli gündemdedir. Yarı çevre ülkeler ise her iki grupta yer alan ülkelerin karakteristiklerine sahiptir(Wallerstein, 1979). Ekonomik ve politik eşitsizliklerle ulus ötesi göçlerin şekillendiğini açıklayan Dünya Sistemleri Teorisi, göç hareketliliğini, emek gücünün sermayeyi takip etmesi olarak görmektedir. ...
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... Desde la perspectiva del mundo anglosajón, el enfoque de la dependencia como crítica de la teoría de la modernización se relaciona a menudo con los escritos de André Gunder Frank (1966). Lo cierto es que este autor sólo estaba vagamente asociado con la escuela de la dependencia, tenía más en común con el enfoque de los sistemas mundiales (Wallerstein, 1979) que con el emergente. Aunque acuñó algunas de las frases más memorables de este periodo -como el «desarrollo del subdesarrollo»-, influyó más en su crítica de la teoría de la modernización que en el desarrollo de un paradigma alternativo de la dependencia. ...
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This article follows the substantial shift in the position of Karl Marx from a somewhat evolutionist conception of development to one that aligns more with our understanding of combined and uneven development. Lenin’s epistemological break from an orthodox or evolutionist view of development, to a view of the global economy via the hinge of imperialism then ushers in a new view of capitalism as non-homogenous, where part of the world develops and another «under-develops». Does the later neo-Marxist conception of ‘under-development’ represent a continuation of Marx’s concept of capitalist development, or does it represent something completely different? My argument is that we need a return to Marx despite the ambiguities in his own analysis to have a useful guide to development in the 21st Century.
... Connecting to the tradition of world-systems analysis, I interpret capitalism as a global system of division of labor for the accumulation of capital. There is a consensus in the literature that the East European region, including Hungary, occupies an intermediate -that is, semi-peripheral (Arrighi 1985;Wallerstein 1974Wallerstein , 1979) -position in the international division of labor in capitalism. A semi-peripheral region can be defined as a mix of core (capital-intensive) and peripheral (labor-intensive) forms of production within the same area, or characterized by medium capital-intensive/labor-intensive forms of production. ...
... У цей період з'явилися тенденції до зближення теорій модернізації, залежності та світ-системного аналізу (Knöbl, 2017). Теорію модернізації було істотно переглянути з урахуванням нових реалій та палких дискусій щодо коренів і характеристик модерну та переходу до постмодерну (Beck, 1992;Bauman, 2000;Habermas, 1984;Gid dens, 1990;Therborn, 1995;Lyotard, 1979), включно з питанням про те, чи існував мо дерн взагалі (Wallerstein, 1979;Latour, 1993). ...
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Теорія модернізації від моменту свого виникнення зазнавала стількох трансформацій, що є сенс говорити про «модернізаційний дискурс», а сам концепт під кутом зору) соціальної епістемології як «соціальне уявне». Обґрунтуванню цього підходу і присвячена ця робота. Концепт модернізації цікавий тим, що він містить у собі не лише герменевтичні, а й прескриптивні елементи — ставлячи суспільство в ширші історичні рамки минулого, теперішнього і майбутнього, він створює нормативний горизонт саморозуміння та соціальної трансформації. Він дає нам змогу уявити наше суспільство як історичне ціле, уявити суспільний ідеал і суспільний розвиток як шлях до нього. Водночас він апелює до образів соціальної уяви — суспільного уявного залежно від контексту. Тому окреме питання полягає в тому, якого смислового навантаження набуває цей концепт, коли опиняється в іншому соціокультурному та політичному контексті. Робота складається з трьох підрозділів: перший присвячено огляду теорій модернізації та їх трансформації під впливом соціальної епістемології; у другому йдеться про уяву як антропологічне апріорі та соціальне уявне; нарешті, в останньому підрозділі, що слугує також як висновки, обґрунтовується, чому, з огляду на мету дослідження, доречніше розглядати концепт модернізації в контексті соціального уявного, аніж як ідеологію.
... Countries are structurally characterized as cores, semiperipheries, and peripheries (Wallerstein 1979). Since the politico-economic conditions of subnational units are heterogeneous and the division of labor creates domestic division, a single country can also have a three-level division. ...
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Using data collected from face-to-face interviews, on-site observations, and other archival records, this article builds upon the mixed embeddedness framework to develop four concepts— hyper- , hypo- , governed, and dis-embeddedness —to capture the varied depths of rural e-commerce entrepreneurs’ embeddedness within multiple levels of contexts in response to four different local politico-economic conditions in China. This study finds that entrepreneurs in coastal province interiors are hyper-embedded in multiple levels of contexts that are interlinked through personal ties, while in the Pearl River Delta area, entrepreneurs’ hypo-embeddedness within multiple levels of contexts both enables and constrains their abilities to develop rural e-commerce businesses. Moreover, in the Yangtze River Delta area, in addition to entrepreneurs making their own efforts, local governments mobilize a variety of resources to affect the size, depth, and dynamics of entrepreneurs’ embeddedness, while in central and western provinces, entrepreneurs have not completely embraced the e-commerce economy because they face weak politico-economic conditions. This article further explores policy changes that would help entrepreneurs take full advantage of rural e-commerce in China.
... The second critique relates to the hierarchical structure of the global monetary and economic system. While countries in the 'periphery' of the world system (Wallerstein, 1979) face a strict balance-of-payments constraint and are dependent on resource exports to fund imports of technology and capital goods, 'core' countries that issue or have privileged access to internationally acceptable currency may use their 2 Even proposals for funding a Green New Deal without growth (Mastini et al., 2021) can be reconsidered through this lens. For instance, shifting public expenditure away from fossil fuel subsidies and military spending is obviously reasonable, but strictly speaking, its effect is not to "free up room in the government's budget", but instead to reduce effective demand in sectors that should degrow, and therefore to create macroeconomic and ecological space for increased public spending in useful sectors. ...
... Hence, in contemporary urban Canada, discourses on the taxi driver represent a connecting link between the global forces (of capitalism, neo-liberalism, and White cultural hegemony) and a diversified social order of everyday life. In this respect, the typification of the over-educated, visibly transnationalized taxi driver, caught between the core and the periphery of global economy (Wallerstein, 1979(Wallerstein, , 1982 is no mere local affair or anomaly, but holds the promise for a critical understanding of social transformation. ...
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Canadian narratives on foreign credentials routinely refer to taxi drivers. This chapter engages some historical discourses on ‘pushing cab’ in order to illustrate how the taxi industry in contemporary urban Canada has evolved into a ‘brown collar ghetto.’ It argues that the 21st century big-city taxi driver as an ideal type must be understood in the context of global processes, as both a symbol of the foreign credentials gap and as an urban adaptation of people of colour living in the interstices of a dominant White cultural hegemony.
... Outra explicação muito comum é a questão econômica: países com maiores produtos internos brutos são aqueles que conseguem melhores condições de competição no mercado internacional. Assim, as relações centro periferia (WALLERSTEIN, 1977;FURTADO, 1996) seriam o fator explicativo ao fenômeno de adequação do futebol brasileiro a uma estrutura cujo centro dinâmico e centralizador de capital, incluindo jogadores. ...
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Esse trabalho visa discutir e refletir acerca das condições periféricas ao qual o futebol brasileiro está inserido na divisão internacional do trabalho. Dessa forma, é visado desmistificar a ideia de uma perenidade na condição periférica do futebol brasileiro, uma vez que o Brasil foi uma das maiores centralidades do futebol profissional masculino com os títulos mundiais da seleção nacional e grandes times como o Santos de Pelé e o Flamengo de Zico. Para tal, utiliza-se as reflexões acerca da globalização enquanto um novo período técnico e a formação de um mercado internacional de transferências de jogadores a partir da Lei Bosman e a maior circulação de jogadores na Europa. No Brasil, o trabalho analisa os efeitos das leis Zico e Pelé, referentes a liberalização econômica do futebol nacional com o fim da Lei do Passe e a maior mobilidade dos jogadores de futebol. O método de análise se baseia em relatórios da FIFA e da CBF, assim como valores financeiros anunciados na imprensa.
... In contrast, more critical scholarship-often pioneered by scholars in the Global South-views hegemony as inextricably tied to relations of material as well as ideological domination. The binding thread across this strand of workcommonly identified with the dependency and world systems theories (Cardoso and Faletto 1979;Palma 1978;Wallerstein 1979)-is the focus on the polarizing nature of the global economy: powerful capitalist states at the "core" of the world system shape the behavior and policy space of countries in the "periphery," because the latter are structurally dependent on the former to achieve higher levels of growth and development (Kvangraven 2020). This focus on core-periphery relations also enables expanding the remit of hegemony away from a unipolar conception that solely focuses on the role of the USA (or other hegemonic powers in the past) and toward a fuller integration of advanced capitalist countries in explanations of international affairs. ...
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What enables actors to shape norms in global health governance? Scholarship on global health has highlighted the role of experts and expertise in operationalizing norms across a variety of issues. The degree of expert consensus or dissensus and the negotiation processes between expert communities—for example, in international organizations, NGOs or academia—are commonly identified as centrally important for explaining these processes. In this article, we posit that norm-making in global health governance occurs in the shadow of hegemony; a system of status and stratification that is centered on economic and security concerns and maintained by countries at the core of the world system. These countries—notably the USA and other major economies in the Global North—project their hegemonic position in the world system across areas of global organizing, including in global health. We explore the relationship between epistemic consensus and hegemonic interests as parameters that shape the outcome of norm-making processes. To pursue this argument, we examine this relationship in the context of the development of policy norms to counter non-communicable diseases in developing countries and to pursue the securitization of global health.
... Theories of center-periphery, of the world economy and of unequal exchanges derive from this new way of doing history and geography. Famous authors are Emmanuel Arghiri (1972), Immanuel Wallerstein (1979) or Samir Amin (1976). ...
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Max-Neef attempted to build the foundations for a new and revolutionary way to scientifically investigate the relationships between humans and nature. It rose from a rejection of economic theory, both mainstream and heterodox. This chapter will present the reasons why Max-Neef was critical of heterodox theories, discuss his rationale and seek to understand whether a bridge could be built between Max-Neef's contributions and both mainstream and heterodox theories. This chapter will identify whether the critiques which Max-Neef had in mind could apply to the theory of Piero Sraffa. Sraffa's theory of value was a development of the Marxist theory of value and was used as a critique of mainstream economic theory as well as a constructive tool for post-Keynesian dynamic models and an inspiration for circular economy and ecological economics. Sraffa could be considered a central heterodox figure; therefore, by linking their theory with Max-Neef's, this chapter seeks to identify links between heterodox theories and Max-Neef's thinking.
... One of the criticisms against systems theory is that it regards an organization as having been made of several different units or parts that interact to achieve set goals but does not specify the roles of each unit or part. Also, according to Wallerstein (1979), systems theory is too prone to generalizations and reduces the organization to a mechanical work. Thus, the theory works on the assumption that the organization is me- ...
... While industrial technology and production spread only slowly and to a limited degree to most societies outside Europe and North America, these "non-industrial" societies were increasingly incorporated into a global industrial system with an international division of labour, in which they functioned as suppliers of raw materials and sales areas for industrial products (cf. Wallerstein 1979). With Goudsblom (2002a, 42-6), we may speak of an industrial "socio-ecological regime" on which all people in the world became dependent. ...
... World systems analysis and economic dependency theorists propose that the pace and quality of urbanization in developing nations are the result of patterns of foreign investment in combination with austerity measures associated with neoliberalism (e.g. reducing public expenditures that subsidize social needs such as education, health, and food subsidies; weakening labor and environmental protections; reducing wages; devaluing currencies; intensifying exports; and privatizing profitable state enterprises) (Amin 1974;Frank 1969;Hoogvelt 2001;McMichael and Weber 2022;Wallerstein 1979). These broader forces make agricultural and subsistence living less viable (e.g. ...
... We begin by drawing attention to the time and space of climate change, i.e., that the world must transition to a low-carbon economy urgently. A partial transition in isolated countriesirrespective of whether such countries are in the global centre or global periphery, to borrow Wallerstein's terminology [112] or a slow transition, especially in countries responsible for most of the emissions that cause global warming, will not be sufficient to tackle the effects of climate change. Thus, policies adopted to promote the just transition must be properly designed to respond to the urgency of the transition to a low-carbon economy, lest these policies may threaten energy and climate goals [113]. ...
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Society faces many challenges in promoting a just transition to a low-carbon economy, a transition that does not create or exacerbate injustices. Notably, the just transition can only be attained with new educational approaches which revolve around social, climate and environmental justice. This paper advances that for a just transition, the shift to a greener economy cannot be driven by the traditional neoliberal engine, which has captured educational practices. Rather, the necessary educational transformation needs the principles of critical pedagogy and the dimensions of justice provided by the JUST Framework. We bring these two important schools together and draw on the experience of the global periphery and Latin America in particular, to develop a unique theoretical framework that contributes to the literature on education for sustainable development. Therefore, this conceptual research provides a theoretical framework that should guide education for a just transition. This paper establishes what is referred to as CCR Education Framework which involves: Critical thinking about climate, environmental and social costs of fossil fuels; Coexistence with nature and the other; and Resistance against neoliberalism and other forces that jeopardise the just transition. The CCR Education Framework is a response to the question of what education needs to include to achieve a just transition. The paper also opens the discussion about the implications of the Framework in terms of teacher training and education and appropriate pedagogical approaches. The key theoretical advancements here is that education for the just transition must affirm the importance of teachers and students as agents of transformation, and promote critical educational practices and approaches which support the transition to a low-carbon economy, and which value the characteristics of justice (which include equity, equality, fairness, and inclusiveness) to build a curriculum that advocates sustainable growth and a societal just transition.
... However, the intellectual lineages of these theories go further back to the early twentieth century and to the Marxist conceptualizations of imperialism and capitalism in world historical development. As early as 1913, in The Accumulation of Capital Rosa Luxemburg (2003) Wallerstein (1979Wallerstein ( , 1983Wallerstein ( , 2004, whose worldsystems analysis provided the tools to analyze uneven capitalist development through the core, periphery, and semi-periphery divisions. World-system analysis stressed the need to analyze social change in relation to changes in the globally integrated world system (Flint & Taylor 2018: 13). ...
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Depoliticization is a pivotal political strategy that defines the contemporary governance of core capitalist democracies. This thesis asks how depoliticization manifests itself as a political strategy in the spatial restructuring of the Finnish state space. The spatial politics of depoliticization are examined by the three thesis articles, which focus on visionary planning in urban politics, the legitimation of the forest bioeconomy in the public sphere, and Finnish forest capital’s attempt to influence the state’s strategic direction. These perspectives provide a holistic view of the various depoliticizing and politicizing tendencies, as well as the political and economic contradictions affecting spatial change in Finland. The thesis examines the societal base of depoliticization by focusing on how capitalist social relations and the capitalist mode of production condition the constitution and differentiation of societal spheres. The differentiation of the economic and the political sphere and the resulting ecological dominance of “the economy” under capitalism provides a unique setting for depoliticization to appear in the form of economization. Acts of demarcation between the political and the economic spheres are based on ontological abstraction, which then faces humanity as a real and concrete product of social activity. The thesis applies strategic-relational state theory and the theories of uneven development to examine depoliticization. Depoliticization emerges in the context of competing growth models that have a diverging conception of the spatial division of labor in Finland. Amidst urbanization, the urban growth-focused city-regionalist model posits a “winner takes all” spatial structure in which a few select urban areas compete against their global counterparts to attract capital and investment. In contrast, the bioeconomy model seeks to halt the rural decline by transforming the resource-dependent regional economies into ostensibly more sustainable production models, thereby reinvigorating a dispersed spatial structure. Article I analyzes the depoliticization of visionary planning in the case of the Oulu City Center Vision 2040 project by observing and engaging with policy documentation, research reports, planning events, and the vision itself. Article II examines the depoliticization of the bioeconomy in the context of the 2019 parliamentary elections in Finland through a collection of newspaper articles and items between July 2018 and January 2020. Article III investigates the forest conglomerate UPM’s attempt to politicize the Kaipola paper mill shutdown in August 2020 by using statistical data, the public strategies of UPM, and the online and news media around the Kaipola debate. The cultural political economy (CPE) approach developed prominently by Jessop and Sum forms the overarching methodological framework of the thesis and focuses on the dialectics of materiality and discursivity in political-economic imaginaries. The thesis applies CPE-inspired critical discourse analysis to examine the spatial politics of depoliticization. The overall contribution of the thesis reveals how the material interdependence of the political sphere with other societal spheres and the social totality of capitalist society produces a specific place for politics that conditions its operational autonomy. The spatial politics of depoliticization are unfolded through the divergent political-economic imaginaries of state spatial development to which different capital fractions, political parties, and regional and class interests are attached. Conceptual stretching and expansive uses of depoliticization are recognized as key and very vexatious problems in the literature. To retain the analytical clarity of depoliticization, the thesis argues that depoliticization should be better grounded in the material developments of each context, evading pan-politicism with more exclusive notions of politics, and even radically decentering politics and the political in the analyses of depoliticization. The normative critique of depoliticization should move from the level of critiquing politics to a critique of the social totality which produces a specific place for politics.
... This relationship between Newcastle United and Saudi Arabia is indicative of wider processes occurring in the Arabian Peninsula where sport is becoming a powerful political, economic and socio-cultural tool for development: especially in Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain; and to a lesser extent Oman and Kuwait (Chadwick 2019, Reiche and. Some of these states are using sport to engage with the international community, and are connecting with the centre of the World System as proposed by Wallerstein (1974Wallerstein ( , 1979 in new, compelling ways as the above example illustrates. For this reason, this article critically reviews the existing literature, identifying the main themes and research agendas that have characterised scholarship on the relationship between the socio-political and cultural significance of sport and the Arabian Peninsula. ...
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This article critically reviews the main themes and research agendas that have been explored to study the relationship between sport and the Arabian Peninsula. It identifies four key research trends in which sport and the Arabian Peninsula intersect: (a) soft power and the Arabian Peninsula, (b) nation branding or ‘sportswashing’, (c) broader case studies and impacts, and (d) the relationship between the global and local. This review is timely considering relevant contemporary events taking place both within and outside of the Arabian Peninsula in relation to sport. For example, the 2021 takeover of Newcastle United FC by a consortium consisting of the Public Investment Fund (PIF) of Saudi Arabia, the new LIV Golf Super League also funded through the PIF of Saudi Arabia, and the 2022 men’s World Cup in Qatar to name a few. These developments could represent a significant turning point in challenging our political and sociological understanding of sporting investment and mega-events. This article highlights the key trends and theoretical perspectives within the literature, as well as the lacunae such as the notable absence of scholarship on the global, regional and local dynamics of sport beyond the World Cup and Qatar in particular. Moreover, there has been a tendency to focus on top-down processes such as nation branding and soft power rather than a more nuanced approach at examining power at a micro/meso level through, for example, intergroup encounters. Therefore, this review establishes directions for future research in the context of sport and the Arabian Peninsula.
... T. Parsons, W. Rostow, D. Apter (1965), M. Levy, D. Lerner (1958), S. Black (1966) and other authors, most often American, addressed it with respect to underdeveloped countries, prescribing industrialization for the renewal of traditional societies, possibly under the influence of the Soviet experience. A.G. Frank (1975), I. Wallerstein (1979), R. Prebisch (1981), and other critics noted the flaws in the theory, along with the persistence dependence and backwardness of the world periphery. Closer to the 21st century, the renaissance arrived in the form of neo-or postmodernization trends. ...
... Dependency theory grounds this in direct exploitation (Frank 1969;Prebisch 1950). World-systems theory grounds it in the core 11 The list of market-quakes is long: Mexico (1994); East Asia (1997) countries' dominance of the international division of labor and the relative powerlessness of countries that are peripheral to the world trading system (Wallerstein 1979(Wallerstein , 2004. Both improve on the formerly dominant modernization theory by emphasizing the role of the state (Inkeles and Smith 1974;Rostow 1971). ...
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To be uploaded soon ( https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt14jxsgv , https://www.casede.org/BibliotecaCasede/Gobernabilidad_y_Seguridad_Defensa_en_AL.pdf )
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This chapter addresses IAMCR’s engagement with participatory communication and with scholarly work of the association’s Sections and Working Groups, highlighting the accomplishments of the Participatory Communication Research Section. The chapter emphasizes a rich legacy of contributions to citizen participation in education, media, policy-making, and matters of public import that have been reflected in the Section’s research, training activities, policy statements, and collaborations.KeywordsDevelopmentParticipationParticipatory communicationSocial change
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The ongoing US-Sino competition is leading to the development of technological ecosystems based on standards, including 5G technologies. Post-Soviet countries are on the path to developing advanced technologies and, in this regard, act as a space of competition for technological powers. Transfer of 5G technology in the post-Soviet space involves several factors, including political influence, the level of economic development and the influence of telecommunication companies. This article is aimed to identify the impact of factors on the transfer of 5G technologies in the post-Soviet space. To address the issue of technology transfer, the authors use the theory of K. Krause, which describes arms transfer as a hierarchical system of the interstate. Investigating the correlation between factors and technology transfer in the region, the authors take into consideration several factors: states’ participation in the US or China political initiatives, the economic development of the countries and the telecommunication market. In the result, the authors conclude that 5G technologies serve as a tool for the formation of technological ecosystems in the post-Soviet space. In the region, the dividing lines of US-Sino technological competition can be seen, indicating the development of technological ecosystems. In the case of the considered factors, the most influential is the political one. In addition, a special role is played by telecommunication companies, which act as agents of US or China policy in the region.
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Honoring the significant academic lifework of Arno Tausch, this chapter addresses the strained relationship between the rising field of global studies and the more established framework of world-systems theory/dependency theory. Despite their common orientation toward worldwide social dynamics, world-system theorists have long been critical of globalization theory. However, maintaining a narrow focus on some differences between global studies and world-systems theory diverts attention from significant overlapping issues and common perspectives that connect these two paradigms. Arno Tausch’s academic work is an instructive example of how various aspects of these two fields of global inquiry can be brought together in mutually beneficial ways. In the Austrian scholar’s spirit of openness and reconciliation, this chapter briefly discusses the relevance of three shared features linking global studies and world-systems theory: the rejection of methodological nationalism; a strong inclination toward transdisciplinary; and a firm commitment to critical thinking.
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