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From Civic Centers to Community Action Associations. The Transformation of Management Models and Community-Level Political Participation in Medellin in the Second Half of the 20th Century
Abstract
Latin American urbanization in the 20th century involves not only a number of challenges for urban dwellers but also the questioning of their political actions against problems related to basic needs such as housing and the access to basic public services. In Medellin, civic centers were created in 1938 as a political figure in the neighborhoods that had a wide coverage and influence on the people and their relationship with the municipal authorities. However, the appearance of the community action associations in 1959, under international precepts and the National Front leadership, establishes a confrontation in some areas of the city and restructures the way of communication between civil society and the State. From a social history approach, this article describes the hard transition from civic centers to community action groups, the position of the authorities, the pro-community speech, its impact on neighborhoods and its importance in shaping the city.
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Organizations which enable members to attain desired goods and services may, paradoxically, also serve as instruments of social and political control. The regulatory effect is a by-product of leader and rank-and-file co-optation and informal processes, including class and hierarchical constraints, that keep the co-opted from using formal power to serve above all their own ends. A reconceptualized version of Selznick's definition of co-optation is used to account for the organizational ineffectiveness of poor people's organizations with populist goals in Mexico, even when constituents initially gained coveted goods and services through collective action.
What does characterize the collective action of Santiago's pobladores from 1957 to 1987 as the action of a social movement? I propose an analytical framework of four orientations that organize the collective action of pobladores: negotiation of urban rights, institutional participation, community action and revolutionary politics. The history of this urban social movement yields different hierarchies of these elements in the organization of its action. Early land seizures are a negotiation of rights supported by an active community; this nuclei subordinates the relationship to the institutions of the political system. In the years of populism the state initiative tied to a myriad of community organizations outshines the negotiation of rights that, at some point, shows its links to revolutionary politics. In the days of Allende, pobladores channel their negotiation of rights to an institutional arena that pervaded community life; revolutionary politics is somewhat isolated from the mainstream. In the eighties, the negotiation of rights and institutional participation are in crisis and community life appears closer than ever to revolutionary politics.
This paper looks at the genesis of a discourse on urbanism in Brazil and Argentina between 1894 and 1945 using the ideas of Foucault on discipline and his concept of bio-power. Demographic pattern of the major cities in both countries from 1890 onwards is discussed. Plans proposed for the same cities in the 1920s and to urban representations, such as ideas about social reform, the role of hygiene in urbanism, and the relationship of ideas on Taylorism and the city are also discussed. The paper also analyzes the use of planning as an element of nation building and ideas defining eugenics in city planning. The implementation of city urbanism was a way of creating an industrial culture, disciplining society through the city, although the industrial proletariat never made up the majority of the population in Brazil or Argentina.
Organizaciones de la sociedad civil, tradiciones cívicas y cultura política democrática: el caso de Buenos Aires, 1912-1976
- Luciano De Privitelio
- Luis Alberto Romero