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What Was So Socialist about the Socialist City? Second World Urbanity in Europe

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Socialist cities have most often been studied as manifestations of the socialist system itself, linked to the political fate of the Communist Parties in power during their design, construction, and expansion. This article revisits the socialist city and argues for the validity of the concept historically and in the present. Looking qualitatively at this distinct paradigm in Europe, two analytical frameworks are offered, infrastructural thinking and the socialist scaffold. The analysis shows that the universal aspiration for socialist cities was their continuous operation as synchronized instruments of economic production and social transformation in physical space. Distinct from capitalist cities, they had an ideological role in an economic model that instrumentalized cities as nodes in an integrated system, described using Stephen Kotkin’s term, “single entity.” The agency of the socialist scaffold has continued into the era of neoliberalism, shown here to have previously unexplored roots in socialism.

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... This view has taken particular prominence in recent years. There is an emphasis on the fact that the particularity of a Socialist city was to have a coherent combination of transport and social infrastructures that served as an urban backbone to address the issue of a city as "an integrated entity" (Kosenkova, 2000;Zarecor, 2018). There was also early work along these lines, such as French and Hamilton's The Socialist City, which argued that Socialist cities had features, some particular to it, some shared with capitalist cities (1979, p. 4 ...
... The understanding of the concept of Socialist city in the present research is based on the idea that a city created under capitalist political and economic conditions cannot be identical to one created under the conditions of Socialism (French and Hamilton, 1979;Zarecor, 2018), especially when long periods of time were involved. The differences manifest themselves in the principles for the distribution of resources (residential spaces, amenities, central services) within cities and ensuring their accessibility through public transport. ...
... In connection with this, confirmation has been provided for the ideas of , Khairullina (2015), Zarecor (2018) and regarding the importance of the functioning of an organized or planned Socialist city that eventually influenced the configuration of the entire urban infrastructure. The current research offers a more profound understanding of the relationship between urban models and the layouts chosen for tram lines, which in the 1970s started to be seen as the backbone of the urban structure of some cities. ...
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This piece of research into urban history is devoted to tramway planning in the medium-sized cities of European Communist countries, in particular the German Democratic Republic (GDR), the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic (CSR) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), in the 1960s and 1970s. The matter under study is the tram as a means of transport in towns and its relationship to urban structure and morphology. Consideration is given to the way in which trams came to be seen as a key element in the development of town and transport planning in so-called “Socialist cities” at the beginning of the final third of the twentieth century, during an important period in the development of “Socialist town-planning” and the consolidation of urban public transport infrastructures. The research takes a transnational approach, covering industrialized countries with highly developed public transport. It is also interdisciplinary, in that it includes three perspectives. The first and most fundamental is town planning, with investigations of the models for cities, focusing on tramways and all their implications for transport in relation to town planning and urban design. The second perspective is the whole field of urban transport, comprising transport engineering, traffic engineering and transport economics, branches of knowledge that enable the planning and management of infrastructures and services. The third perspective is historical, which is the most transverse in its topics, as it involves research about past events relating to urban and tramway issues. The research focuses on gaining an understanding of the relationship between transport planning and town-planning. It also addresses the differences and similarities in the urban planning models for “Socialist cities”. Several hypotheses emerged in this investigation. The first hypothesis relates to the amount and quality of collective public transport, especially tramway systems, in Socialist countries, contrasting it, in some cases, with Western countries. The second hypothesis refers to the homogeneity of decisions and solutions in transport policy and Socialist town planning, granted that various national factors and aspects were involved. The third appertains to the existence of specific concepts of the “Socialist city”, assessing the potential for, and extent of, intensive exchanges of ideas throughout Europe. Finally, the research suggested the possibility of a strong influence from transport solutions upon urban models. The approach adopted is based on a historical-structural method, which is oriented towards understanding and explaining historical events. To this end, the research focused on the following contexts: political, economic, and professional factors, the level of experience, criticism, pre-existing traditions in city planning, and technological development. The method was also based on working with a range of historical sources: libraries, state and municipal archives, journals and conference proceedings, interviews, fieldwork, city plans and projects. The other approach used was a historical-comparative line, aimed at determining which aspects in the theory and practice of Socialist town planning were shared and which differed. A comparison of practical solutions was undertaken by defining specific or common situations in tram networks and city planning. To conclude, verification of some of the hypotheses put forward was achieved. Among these, one striking fact was that tramways were not always a major means of transport in Socialist town planning. At times, priority was given to buses, trolleybuses, underground railways (metros), and commuter or suburban trains. Moreover, many decisions were taken that differed because of economic rationalization policies, pre-existing public transport infrastructures, or the level of influence from Modern Movement. In relation to this, it is clear that there was a reasonable knowledge of Western experiences, especially thanks to the translation of works and attendance at international congresses. Finally, it proved feasible to demonstrate a considerable influence from urban models upon transport decisions, this being an outcome both of the difficulties of organizing comprehensive planning processes, and of collaboration between transport and urban planners. Keywords: trams, public transport, car traffic, Socialist city, Socialist urban planning, urban models, transport models.
... According to Zarecor (p. 13), "Ostrava as a city is still physically oriented around its socialist-era scaffold, but now the nodes of its economic network have changed… To regenerate itself, the city repurposed its industrial nodes, the steel mills, coal mines, and state-run businesses that were the foundation of the socialist economy and replaced them with shopping malls, tourist sites, office towers, light industry, and research parks" [67] (see also [68]). Although the inner city has largely maintained its industrial character [59], the location of knowledge-intensive business services has been constrained by the typical problems of Central European post-industrial or post-mining urban regions (see [63,69]): perforated and often erratic urban structure, the emergence of large brownfields [41,56,[59][60][61][62][63][64][65][66][67][68][69][70][71][72][73], vacant or under-used land and socially excluded localities [74]. ...
... 13), "Ostrava as a city is still physically oriented around its socialist-era scaffold, but now the nodes of its economic network have changed… To regenerate itself, the city repurposed its industrial nodes, the steel mills, coal mines, and state-run businesses that were the foundation of the socialist economy and replaced them with shopping malls, tourist sites, office towers, light industry, and research parks" [67] (see also [68]). Although the inner city has largely maintained its industrial character [59], the location of knowledge-intensive business services has been constrained by the typical problems of Central European post-industrial or post-mining urban regions (see [63,69]): perforated and often erratic urban structure, the emergence of large brownfields [41,56,[59][60][61][62][63][64][65][66][67][68][69][70][71][72][73], vacant or under-used land and socially excluded localities [74]. On the other hand, unlike many other shrinking cities, Ostrava has no significant problem with empty flats that would require the demolition of entire residential buildings [70] As already suggested, the urban structure of the city is polycentric, historically formed by spontaneous growths of coal mining, metallurgy/other heavy manufacturing industries, settlement and services [50,75]. ...
... Secondly, while potentially highly attractive, urban structures of these inner-city neighbourhoods are usually perforated by brownfields and vacant/underused land and their economic development constrained by pockets of social deprivation. Thirdly, attractive and renovated inner-city localities can be occupied by luxurious residential premises, cultural institutions [67,99], entertainment zones or other functions, leaving not enough space for the development of KIBS firms. Fourthly, shrinking industrial cities might be characterized by relatively low rents and available land even in the CBDs. ...
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We aimed to explain the spatial distribution of information and communication technology (ICT) firms in the city of Ostrava as an example of a medium-sized, shrinking, polycentric industrial city. The primary research question was to what extent micro-geographic location factors affect the current spatial clustering of ICT firms in polycentric cities characteristic by relatively weak urbanization economies and mostly routine character of ICT activities. We analyse and test the effects of the urban form at the level of urban blocks and individual buildings (considering their height, technical condition, age and dominant function) on the clustering of ICT firms of various sizes and ownership statuses. The inquiry was based on a detailed field mapping (using ArcGIS Collector) of ICT firms and physical/functional characteristics of the buildings and their immediate surroundings. ICT firms are significantly spatially concentrated in the historic city centre and inner city. Spatial patterns of ICT firms focused on less knowledge-intensive, routine and/or lower value-added functions do not differ fundamentally from innovative firms developing new products. Preference of denser, walkable, mixed-use neighbourhoods in urban cores/inner cities can be found in the group of firms focusing on routine functions: rather for larger than for smaller firms and domestic than foreign-owned firms.
... Rather than unemployment, the air pollution resulting from industrial activity is currently one of the strong push-away factors which led to suburbanization and outward migration to the capital city (Prague) [62,63]. Ostrava can be described as a triple city [64], with three cores: Poruba; Ostrava-Jih; and the central district Moravská Ostrava a Přívoz (with 36,675 inhabitants [61]), where the historical center is situated (Figure 1). Ostrava was originally built in the 13th century [65], but its importance grew in the late 18th century. ...
... Ostrava can be described as a triple city [64], with three cores: Poruba; Ostrava-Jih; and the central district Moravská Ostrava a Přívoz (with 36,675 inhabitants [61]), where the historical center is situated (Figure 1). Ostrava was originally built in the 13th century [65], but its importance grew in the late 18th century. ...
... Further reinforced by the fact that mostly those over 45 years old engaged in shopping on main streets, one explanation could be that small businesses remain behind as they fail to update their response to market demands (corroborating Talen and Jeong [48]). This decline is potentially aggravated by the rivalry of the newly-built shopping-mall within a 300 m distance [46,62], and by the weak position of the historical center in this fragmented city [64]. Overall, the low pedestrian volumes and the low attractivity form a negative synergy with the sprawling and shrinking tendencies of the city, and the danger is that the city center will depopulate even more (the city center's population already decreased by 20% from 1991 to 2018 [61]). ...
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This research assesses the way main streets are perceived and used by pedestrians in an industrial, Central-European city - Ostrava in Czechia. The city has recently experienced shrinkage and changing patterns of socio-economic exchange, reason why this research is timely and needed in view of city center regeneration. Four main streets have been purposefully selected for this study. The research methods include questionnaires with street users (n = 297), direct observations of human activities and pedestrian counting. A link between business types and the way the street is experienced emerged. Results also indicate that vacant and unproperly managed spaces negatively affect the desire to walk on main streets. Furthermore, pedestrian volumes coupled with the amount of static activities determined several benchmark conditions for lively street segments. This research provides recommendations for policy-making and design and planning practice for regeneration of industrial city centers undergoing commercial and spatial transformation.
... 1968;Miliutin 1974). Druga to prace badaczy reprezentujących stanowisko "zewnętrzne", pochodzących z krajów niekomunistycznych (Fisher 1962;Zile 1963;Bater 1980;Pallot, Show 1981) lub badających problematykę urbanistyki komunistycznej już po rozpadzie bloku wschodniego (French 1995;Betânia Uchôa Cavalcanti 1997;Cinis, Drèmaité, Kalm 2008;Mumford 2009;Zarecor 2014Zarecor , 2017Idiceanu-Mathe, Carjan 2016;Murawski, Rendell 2017). Pierwsza grupa ma charakter bardziej postulatywny i koncepcyjny, natomiast druga reprezentuje obiektywne, badawcze stanowisko. ...
... W przeciwieństwie do masowego, wielorodzinnego budownictwa na Zachodzie, które było przeznaczone dla najuboższych i reprezentowało tzw. standard minimum, podkreślając jednocześnie różnice społeczne, masowe budownictwo na Wschodzie miało jednak te różnice niwelować (Zarecor 2017). ...
... Especialmente esta visión se está desarrollando en los últimos años. Se destaca que la particularidad de la ciudad socialista tuvo una estructura armada de la infraestructura de transporte e infraestructura social que servían como el esqueleto urbano para resolver el asunto de la noción de la ciudad socialista como "una entidad integrada" (Kosenkova, 2000;Zarecor, 2018). Hubo también trabajos tempranos en esta línea, como por ejemplo el trabajo The Socialist City de French y Hamilton que afirmaron que la ciudad socialista tiene tanto unos rasgos particulares como unos rasgos compartidos con la ciudad capitalista (1979, p. 4 ...
... Los editores sostienen que la respuesta a tal pregunta es definitivamente ´sí´ -pero con ciertas calificaciones." 18 El entendimiento del concepto de la ciudad socialista en la presente investigación se basa en la idea de que una ciudad creada en las condiciones político-económicas capitalistas no puede ser idéntica a la ciudad creada en las condiciones del socialismo real (French y Hamilton, 1979;Zarecor, 2018), sobre todo cuando se ha tratado de períodos largos. Las diferencias se manifiestan en los principios de la distribución de los recursos (espacios residenciales, equipamientos, centralidades) en las ciudades y de la provisión de accesibilidad con el transporte público, que se apoyaban fuertemente en una política económica centralizada y unas ideas acerca de la igualdad. ...
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Esta investigación de historia urbana se dedica a la planificación de tranvías en las ciudades medianas de los países europeos del socialismo real, en especial la RDA, la CSR y la URSS, en los años sesenta y setenta del siglo XX. El objeto de estudio es el tranvía como herramienta de transporte urbano y su relación con la estructura y la morfología urbana. Se estudia el modo en que el tranvía llegó a ser considerado clave para la profundización en la planificación urbana y de transporte de la denominada “ciudad socialista” en el inicio del último tercio del siglo XX, en un periodo importante de desarrollo del “urbanismo socialista” y de consolidación de la infraestructura de transporte público urbano. La investigación se afronta desde una aproximación transnacional incluyendo países industrializados y con alto nivel de desarrollo de transporte público. Asimismo, es una investigación interdisciplinar que incluye tres perspectivas: la primera y fundamental es la urbanística, que atiende sobre todo al modelo urbano enfocando el asunto tranviario y todas sus implicaciones transportísticas en relación con la planificación urbanística y el diseño urbano. La segunda perspectiva es la de la esfera del transporte urbano, en concreto, la ingeniería del transporte, la ingeniería del tráfico y la economía del transporte, ramas del saber que permiten la planificación y la gestión de las infraestructuras y sus servicios. La tercera perspectiva y la más transversal es la histórica, puesto que se plantea una investigación sobre hechos del pasado en relación con lo urbano y con lo tranviario. Con todo ello, los objetivos de la investigación se centran en entender las relaciones entre la planificación de transporte y la planificación urbanística, así como las diferencias y similitudes en la planificación del modelo urbano de la llamada “ciudad socialista”. La investigación planteó varias hipótesis. La primera hipótesis cuestionaba el nivel y la cualidad del transporte público colectivo, sobre todo del sistema tranviario, dentro de los países de socialismo real, a veces contrastando con los países occidentales. La segunda dudaba de la homogeneidad de las decisiones y soluciones en la política de transporte y en la planificación urbana socialista, asumiendo que en ello debían intervenir varios factores y aspectos nacionales. La tercera cuestionaba la existencia de ideas específicas de la “ciudad socialista”, considerando la posibilidad e importancia de un intercambio intensivo de ideas en toda Europa. Y, por último, se planteaba la posibilidad de una influencia fuerte de las soluciones transportísticas en el modelo urbano. La aproximación metodológica se basa en el método histórico-estructural, orientado a la comprensión y explicación de los hechos históricos. Para ello, la investigación se concentró en los siguientes contextos: político, económico, profesional, el nivel de la crítica de experiencia, la tradición y preexistencias en la planificación de ciudades y el desarrollo tecnológico. Asimismo, para ello se trabajaba con varias fuentes históricas, los archivos, estatales y municipales, las revistas y actas de congresos, las entrevistas, el trabajo de campo, los planes y proyectos de ciudades. El otro método aplicado fue histórico-comparativo, orientado a la determinación de los aspectos comunes y diferenciales en la teoría y práctica de la planificación urbana socialista. La comparación de las soluciones prácticas se realizó a través de la definición de las situaciones específicas o comunes en la planificación de tranvía y ciudad. En conclusión, se ha podido comprobar algunas hipótesis planteadas, entre cuales destaca la idea de que el tranvía no siempre fue un medio de transporte importante en la planificación urbana socialista y, algunas veces, la prioridad fue otorgada a los autobuses, trolebuses, metro y trenes suburbanos. Por otro lado, hubo bastantes decisiones diferenciales relacionadas con la política de racionalización de la economía, las preexistencias en infraestructura de transporte público y la fuerza de las ideas del Movimiento Moderno. Y hubo conocimiento suficiente de la experiencia occidental, sobre todo mediante la traducción de obras y los congresos internacionales. Finalmente, se pudo comprobar el alto nivel de influencia del modelo urbano sobre las decisiones de transporte, lo que fue condicionado con las dificultades en la organización de la planificación integrada, así como del trabajo conjunto entre los planificadores de transporte y urbanistas. Palabras clave: tranvía, transporte público colectivo, tráfico automovilístico, ciudad socialista, planificación urbana socialista, modelo urbano, modelo de transporte.
... The search for better arrangements of society pursued through cities arguably reached its apex in what Susan Buck-Morss (1995, 1) calls the 'industrial dreamworlds' that 'dominated the political imagination in both East and West for most of the [twentieth] century.' Despite the significant differences between capitalism, socialism, and fascism, Buck-Morss argues that they all mobilized dreamworlds that provided optimistic visions of 'mass utopia' by using aesthetic forms (architecture, fashion, arts, music, film, and so on) to compete for the loyalty of the masses (Zarecor 2018). From the arcades of late-nineteenth-century Paris to the artistic and architectural styles flourishing after the Russian Revolution, Buck-Morss (1995, 8) argues that common to modernity' s aesthetic forms, on both sides of the Iron Curtain, was the 'premise that new social environments would create new inhabitants.' ...
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This article offers an analytical reflection on how urban futures have been imagined throughout history and into the present. Considering this question at a global scale, it examines the place of urbanization within the development of the modern/colonial order, accounting for the imagined futures that have supported this world-historical process. Three thematic sections—idealization, capitalization, and securitization—frame the discussion. Capturing desires for societal betterment alongside attempts to extract economic value and imperatives to govern anticipated threats, these heuristics provide insight into forms of urban future-making and future-thinking that continue to reverberate across contemporary projects, debates, and struggles. This lays the groundwork for the critical analysis of urban futures that identifies what is at stake in imagining the future of cities in one way rather than another.
... In others, for instance in France, they play a minor -albeit increasing -role (Hooghe and Marks, 2000;Sellers and Lidström, 2007). The primacy of the national state logic for post-war urbanisation also apply to central and eastern Europe (CEE) countries, in particular, cities in the planned and centrally managed economies (see, for instance, Zarecor, 2018). This situation has led numerous scholars to consider national welfare states as an important variable to take into account when investigating European cities. 2 Focusing on the national state to understand contemporary urban Europe poses a number of issues. ...
... The quest to solve the 'housing question' likewise stemmed from identical structural factors: industrialization of architecture, rescaling of state governance, and thriving architectural modernism (Klemek 2012). In both settings, concrete allowed for the mass production and standardization of housing due to reliance on cheap construction materials and scientific planning principles (Andrusz, Harloe, and Szelenyi 2011;Hatherley 2016;Zarecor 2018). In the basic construction unit of a block (Gastrow 2017;Leatherbarrow and Mostafavi 2005), concrete embodied a 'politics of hope and belief in future betterment' (Schwenkel 2013, 254) in 'western' and socialist countries alike. ...
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The article examines the devaluation of concrete in Central and Eastern Europe and local residents’ and architectural professionals’ commitment to ‘modernize’ socialist-period concrete housing estates due to the perceived ‘poor’ quality of materials and their ‘unaesthetic’ appeal. Using the case of the estate Wrocław Manhattan built in 1972–1978 in the Polish city of Wrocław and renovated in 2015–2016, I argue that, although modernist estates in the region and in western European contexts share seemingly identical aesthetic stigma and devaluation, different forces drive their regeneration. Drawing on archival research, interviews, go-alongs, and photo-elicitations with architectural professionals and inhabitants, this article demonstrates that ‘modernization’ of socialist-period housing estates in Central and Eastern Europe is motivated not by classist stigmatization of their inhabitants, but by a social imaginary that socialism ‘deviated’ from western European modernity and it therefore requires aesthetic ‘improvement’ and ‘fixing’. To address this insight, the article uses a sociology of valuation lens to follow people’s practices of valuing, devaluing, and transforming various properties of the estate’s concrete so as to ‘modernize’ it. I propose the concept of fugitive modern that connotes people’s quest to update the built environments associated with an ‘unfinished’ socialist modernity and calls attention to the catch-up labor poured into adding value to built environments commonly perceived as devoid of quality and beauty.
... In the last decade, scholars have also focused on theorising the concept of the 'post-socialist city', its predecessor, the 'socialist city' in CEE, and the links between the two; excellent examples of this discourse are shown in "What Was So Socialist About the Socialist City? Second World Urbanity in Europe" (Zarecor, 2018) and "Conceptual Forum: The 'Post-Socialist' City" (Hirt et al., 2017). Broadly, the leading scholarly topics from the last ten years in the research on CEE cities can be identified as focusing on state-socialist housing estates, diversity and marginalised populations, and Western theoretical inputs and contemporary urban theory. ...
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Studying the Post-Socialist City in Yugoslavia: An Examination of Multi-Disciplinary Methodologies and Theoretical Approaches Since the end of the state-socialist era in the early 1990s – and effectively, since the end of the Yugoslav federation and the subsequent wars that had engulfed the Western Balkans for almost a decade – the study of the twentieth-century South-Eastern Europe has intensified. The scholarship on the region’s twentieth-century architecture has been prolific since the early years of the new millennium, and the new generation of urban and architectural scholars has further amplified this trend. However, an inquiry into the post-socialist city in Western Balkans has been relegated largely to the secondary position to the study of the Yugoslav modernist architecture and its role within the socio-political mechanisms of the Cold War era. In this discourse, the study of the post-socialist urban space remains lacking in architectural and urban history – it is mainly conducted within the methodological and theoretical frameworks of sociology, socio-cultural anthropology, and urban geography. To bridge this scholarly gap and identify possible new trajectories of inquiry, I probe into the different scholarship dealing with the post-socialist city and the urban, ideological, and social remnants of the state-socialist era in former Yugoslavia. I argue that the study of the multi-disciplinary nature of the scholarship examining the state-socialist and post-socialist city serves as a vital step in the more comprehensive understanding of the (post-)Yugoslav architectural space, its particulars, and idiosyncrasies. Methodologically, I identify and outline the different disciplinary strands in the study of the post-socialist space in general, and post-Yugoslav space in particular, followed by an analysis of the established discourses and their points of interference and overlap. By investigating qualitative methodologies and different theoretical approaches in the study of the Central-East European and Yugoslav post-socialist city, I explore the post-socialist urban space in former Yugoslavia in a wide-ranging manner, ultimately identifying conduits for future research. Istraživanje postsocijalističkog urbanog prostora u bivšoj Jugoslaviji: analiza multidiciplinarnih metodologija i teoretskih pristupa Od svršetka perioda komunizma u Evropi u ranim devedesetima—i tehnički, od raspada Jugoslavije i rata koji je obilježio posljednju deceniju dvadesetog stoljeća na Balkanu—stručni istraživački rad na temu jugoistočne Evrope se samo intenzivirao. Tematski akademski projekti posvećeni arhitekturi dvadesetog stoljeća su prisutni u nauci još od začetka novog milenija, a nova generacija istoričara arhitekture i urbanizma dodatno naglašava i širi već postojeće teme. Ipak, studij postsocijalističkog arhitektonskog perioda u gradovima zapadnog Balkana zauzima pak sekundarni položaj u odnosu na istraživačke djelatnosti posvećene arhitekturi modernizma u Jugoslaviji te ulozi arhitekture u sociopolitičkim preturbacijama perioda hladnog rata. U okviru diskursa istorije arhitekture i urbanizma, studij postsocijalističkog urbanog prostora je tek minimalno zastupljen—stručno-istraživački projekti na temu se prvenstveno vrše u oblasti sociologije, sociokulturne antropologije i urbane geografije. Cilj stručnog rada „Studying the Post-Socialist City in Yugoslavia“ je analiza postojeće literature na temu postsocijalističke arhitekture te studij urbane, ideološke i sociološke baštine socijalističke Jugoslavije; drugi cilj rada je identifikacija mogućih pravaca daljeg istraživanja na temu. Tvrdim da studija multidisciplinarnih istraživačkih radova na temu socijalističke i postsocijalističke arhitekture služi kao krucijalan korak u razumijevanju jugoslovenskog i post-jugoslovenskog urbanog prostora kao i njegovih idiosinkratičnih karakteristika. Metodološki, „Studying the Post-Socialist City in Yugoslavia“ prvenstveno identificira pristupe temi različitih disciplinarnih oblasti i njihovih tačaka preklapanja te vrši analizu postojećeg diskursa. Dalje, kroz studije različitih metodoloških i teoretskih pristupa u već postojećem istraživačkom diskursu na temu postsocijalističke arhitekture gradova središnje Evrope, „Studying the Post-Socialist City in Yugoslavia“ predlaže i definira moguće pravce u daljim studijama postsocijalističke arhitekture i urbanizma u zemljama bivše Jugoslavije. Badanie przestrzeni miasta postsocjalistycznego na obszarze byłej Jugosławii: analiza wielodyscyplinowych metodologii i perspektyw teoretycznych Od upadku ładu komunistycznego w Europie na początku lat 90. XX wieku, czemu towarzyszył rozpad Jugosławii i wojna, która naznaczyła ostatnią dekadę minionego stulecia na Bałkanach, intensywnie rozwijają się badania naukowe poświęcone Europie Południowo-Wschodniej. Od początku nowego tysiąclecia pojawiają się projekty akademickie dotyczące dwudziestowiecznej architektury, zaś nowe pokolenie historyków architektury i urbanistyki z rosnącym zainteresowaniem rozwija poruszaną dotąd tematykę. Jednakże badania nad architekturą okresu postsocjalistycznego w miastach zachodnich Bałkanów odgrywają drugorzędną rolę w porównaniu z aktywnością naukową poświęconą architekturze modernizmu w Jugosławii, jak też miejscu architektury w przemianach społeczno-politycznych podczas zimnej wojny. Badania przestrzeni miejskiej w okresie postsocjalistycznym zajmują marginalne miejsce w dyskursie historii architektury i urbanistyki, zaś projekty naukowe o tej tematyce rozwijają się głównie w perspektywie socjologii, antropologii społecznej i geografii miasta. Celem artykułu jest analiza dotychczasowej literatury dotyczącej architektury postsocjalistycznej oraz miejskiego, ideologicznego i socjologicznego dziedzictwa socjalistycznej Jugosławii; przedstawione przeze mnie prace starają się również określić możliwe kierunki dalszych studiów nad tą problematyką. Uważam, że analiza wielodyscyplinowych badań naukowych dotyczących architektury socjalizmu i okresu post-socjalistycznego może być kluczowym krokiem w procesie odkrywania znaczeń jugosłowiańskiej i postjugosłowiańskiej przestrzeni miejskiej, jak też w próbach scharakteryzowania jej specyfiki. Pod względem metodologicznym artykuł rekonstruuje sposoby badania typowe dla poszczególnych dyscyplin oraz ich punkty wspólne, jak też dokonuje analizy istniejącego już dyskursu naukowego. Ponadto dzięki badaniu różnorodnych perspektyw metodologicznych i teoretycznych w studiach na temat miast Europy Środkowej w artykule zaproponowano możliwe kierunki dalszych prac badawczych nad architekturą i urbanistyką okresu postsocjalistycznego w krajach byłej Jugosławii.
... Elles travaillent au sein de grandes organisations (Miastoprojekt à Cracovie, Közti à Budapest, Energoprojekt à Belgrade, Technoexportstroy à Sofia, Romproiect à Bucarest), fort semblables à des agences d'architecture occidentales, même si elles fonctionnent dans le cadre du socialisme d'État. 3 Il est fait mention dans le livre de nombreux pays d'Afrique et du Moyen-Orient (Algérie, Libye, Éthiopie, Angola, Mozambique, Yémen, Iran), ainsi que brièvement de l'Asie, mais l'ouvrage se concentre sur quatre riches études de cas : le Ghana sous Kwame Nkrumah de 1957 à 1966, le Nigeria de 1966 à 1979, l'Irak depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir de Qasim en 1958 jusqu'à la première guerre du Golfe en 1990, et le Koweït et les Émirats arabes unis dans les années 1980. Il s'agit à chaque fois de comprendre ce qui a été internationalisé et les pratiques de « worlding », dans le sillage des travaux d'Aihwa Ong pour l'Asie du Sud-Est. 4 La mise au point sur les sources (p. ...
... For example, in her study of economists on both sides of the Iron Curtain, Johanna Bockman (2011) shows that neoliberalism was not just the invention of think-tank conservatives but also had longer "left-wing origins" among economists in Eastern Europe who had a deep interest in showing how markets could serve socialism. Bockman's work has inspired scholars in other fields to explore how socialism laid the foundations for other practices associated with neoliberalism, such as dependence on powerful states to enforce economic policies and the appropriation of long-term state socialist urban planning schemes (Zarecor 2018). The possible impact of Aeroflot's Soviet incarnation on the Russian and global airline industries in the post-1991 era is beyond the scope of the present study but suggests another example. ...
... In others, for instance in France, they play a minor -albeit increasing -role (Hooghe and Marks, 2000;Sellers and Lidström, 2007). The primacy of the national state logic for post-war urbanisation also apply to central and eastern Europe (CEE) countries, in particular, cities in the planned and centrally managed economies (see, for instance, Zarecor, 2018). This situation has led numerous scholars to consider national welfare states as an important variable to take into account when investigating European cities. 2 Focusing on the national state to understand contemporary urban Europe poses a number of issues. ...
... The phenomenon of mass housing, due to its geographical expansion, fostered a deep debate among scholars stressing specificities and those who presented similarities between different areas. Recently, specificities of socialist Architecture and Urban Planning 2020 / 16 mass housing have been presented by Sammartino [17] and Zarecor [18]. On the other hand, Borén & Gentile [19], Glendinning [20], Reid [21], Monclús & Díez Medina [22] and Urban [23], without ignoring local peculiarities, put the accent on inter-bloc similarities. ...
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The aim of the study is to find out to what extent dominant ideologies of post-war decades shaped modern mass housing and to engage a discussion about potential heritage of the phenomenon. Analysis is based on the district of Lazdynai (Vilnius). The paper is committed to demonstrate that transition, considered by Tunbridge & Ashworth as a factor of dissonance in heritage, made messages and meanings embedded in mass housing obsolete, and in some cases even undesirable.
... During the totalitarian regime, Bucharest was reshaped by the political and economic exploitation of the state (Cavalcanti 1997). All urban transformation was part of state policy to standardize the urban and social space (Zarecor, 2018). The socio-spatiality of post-1989 Bucharest is mostly the consequence of state socialism transformations. ...
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Many of the present day major cities have their territory partitioned into administrative subdivisions for a wide range of local governance purposes. Partisan local elections are held for electing the politicians into public administration offices of the subdivisions, which may lead to the creation of local partisan conflicts within each unit. In this paper, I analyze the influence of this local political context on the electoral behaviors formed at the national legislative elections to see if the local political context in the subdivisions determines a lack of democratic representation by rendering the socio-spatial conflicts of the city irrelevant. I explore this on Bucharest, a large city of nearly two million, at the national legislative elections between 2000-2016. The methodology is drawn from the subfield of electoral geography, as I spatial analyze the geographic clustering of electoral behaviors in the six subdivisions of Bucharest. The results in Bucharest show the capacity of the subdivisions to influence voting decisions through the local political context when certain conditions are met.
... Similar to other cities located in former mining regions (Rousseau, 2009), Ostrava has been identified since the Industrial Revolution as a polycentric city characterised by a fragmented and chaotic urban structure (Bosák, Nováček, & Slach, 2018). Zarecor (2018) has referred to Ostrava as a "triple city", in which the centre does not have a clearly dominant position. After 1989, the city centre and some parts of the inner city were relatively quickly revived, mainly due to commercialisation. ...
Article
One of the governance responses to urban shrinkage and the accompanying problems of city centre decline is mega-retail-led regeneration. It is a common regeneration tool that can, on one hand, create a popular shopping centre, but on the other hand, produce negative impacts on the city centre structures. Eventually, it can produce effects similar to urban shrinkage itself, the consequences of which should be reversed. This paper examines at the micro-spatial level the changing nature of selected services in the centre of the shrinking city of Ostrava, focusing primarily on analysing, identifying, and assessing the impacts of mega-retail-led regeneration represented by the development of the New Karolina shopping centre built within the historical city centre. Additionally, this text extends evidence of the impacts of such regeneration schemes and discusses their suitability in the case of shrinking cities.
... Architectural historian Sonia Hirt (2013) describes two schools of thought on the matter: the ecological school, which sees so-called socialist cities as the product of mid-20th-century industrial development, and the historical school, which believes that socialist governance-the government's control of property ownership, construction, and industry-resulted in architecturally distinct forms, outlined most comprehensively by Ivan Szelenyi (1996). Architectural historian Kimberley Zarecor (2018) suggests that socialist cities were defined by their total codependence with socialist state economies but departs from the historical school in that this codependence did not, in her opinion, result in distinct architectural forms. By "planners of Leucht's generation," I mean the group of architects and planners such as Luthar Bolz and Edmund Collein who, along with Leucht, travelled to the Soviet Union in the spring of 1950 to study the architecture of other socialist countries and, upon their return, composed East Germany's 16 Principles of Urban Planning (Durth et al., 1998). ...
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This essay examines the partial privatization of street lamps in Eisenhüttenstadt, Germany. Founded in 1950 as Stalinstadt, East Germany’s steel manufacturing hub and socialist utopia, today the city suffers from economic shrinkage and depopulation. In 2014, Eisenhüttenstadt’s government privatized approximately 10% of the city’s street lamps, a response to both the city’s shrunken tax base and to the Energiewende, Germany’s national push toward renewable energy, which has led to the precipitous rise of consumer energy costs. I examine privatized street lamps within the broader context of Eisenhüttenstadt’s technological and sociopolitical development. Drawing on ethnographic and archival research, I show how, during the socialist era, street lamps were an essential instrument in the construction and conceptualization of socialist urban space. Since privatization, they have come to signify the fractured and radically individualized nature of capitalist urban space. As such, I reveal how socialism—and the rupture caused by its abrupt replacement with capitalism—remains present and perceptible in the urban landscape, and how that presence poses challenges for urban planners and municipal officials working in Eisenhüttenstadt today, 30 years after East Germany’s dissolution.
... The already existing polycentric structure in Ostrava has been preserved. However, former mines and factories that had originally disturbed the compact urban structure were replaced by business centers and office complexes [85]. It is, thus, a question of how the spatial patterns of KIBS differ between Praha, Brno, and Ostrava. ...
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We compare intra-urban localization patterns of advertising and IT companies in three large Czech cities. The main aim of our analysis is an empirically-based contribution to the question to what extent do knowledge bases affect the spatial distribution of various knowledge-intensive business industries. The central research question is: To what extent is the localization of these two industries influenced by different modes of innovation/knowledge bases (symbolic vs. synthetic) and to what extent by contextual factors, such as urban size, morphology, position in the urban hierarchy and economic profile of the given city. We found that the urban contexts shape the localization patterns of advertising and IT companies more than differences in knowledge bases—both industries cluster primarily in the inner cities and urban cores. Formation of more suburban IT “scientific neighborhoods” is limited.
... If socialist cities were considered generally more compact and characterized by higher density than their capitalist counterparts [97], Ostrava was the exception. In its case, it was fragmented and sprawling city over an area of 214 km 2 [98] with a lot of green areas. At the turn of the second and third phase (in 1990), Ostrava had a population density (inhabitants per square mile) of 4,000, while Atlanta, being a "poster child" of the sprawling city [99], had in 1990 3,000 ( [100] cit. in [101] p. 26), and a comparable city of Leipzig, which also has fought suburbanization and shrinkage, had more than a double the density of Ostrava in 1990 [102]. ...
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Urban shrinkage has become a common pathway (not only) in post-socialist cities, which represents new challenges for traditionally growth-oriented spatial planning. Though in the post-socialist area, the situation is even worse due to prevailing weak planning culture and resulting uncoordinated development. The case of the city of Ostrava illustrates how the problem of (in)efficient infrastructure operation, and maintenance, in already fragmented urban structure is exacerbated by the growing size of urban area (through low-intensity land-use) in combination with declining size of population (due to high rate of outmigration). Shrinkage, however, is, on the intra-urban level, spatially differentiated. Population, paradoxically, most intensively declines in the least financially demanding land-uses and grows in the most expensive land-uses for public administration. As population and urban structure development prove to have strong inertia, this land-use development constitutes a great challenge for a city’s future sustainability. The main objective of the paper is to explore the nexus between change in population density patterns in relation to urban shrinkage, and sustainability of public finance.
... Between 1948 and1989, the Romanian capital developed as a socialist city. This represents a highly different pattern of evolution than those for the Western capitalist cities (Zarecor 2018). Within the planned economy of socialist regimes, cities were a mean towards the end, being imagined as a monolith and element of an inclusive economic system mirroring the state ideology ( Kotkin 1997, 30). ...
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Context is essential for electoral geography. However, most electoral geography studies place little emphasis on constructing a theoretical framework informed by the geographical nature of the context. The present paper takes issue with these. In this regard, for understanding the geographical context of interest a thorough theoretical and factual representation is provided. Bucharest, a former socialist city, is described through its division between the historical pre-socialist urban tissue and the socialist developments. The hypothesis suggests electoral patterns overlapping this socio-spatial division. This is investigated at the Romanian parliamentary election of 2016. Spatial econometrics are used to analyze electoral data at the level of 278 polling locations in Bucharest. A strong polarization is found between the old town and the other places in Bucharest. Final discussions speak about the still important socialist past for cities and politics.
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Zaryadye Park is an extravagant landscaping project–cum–multimedia attraction that opened in 2017 adjacent to Moscow's Kremlin. This article opens with a short reflection on the portents of war legible, with the benefit of hindsight, in Zaryadye's design. It navigates the thicket of aesthetics, ideologies, ecologies, and economies blossoming in Zaryadye, interrogating propagandistic characterizations of it as an ethereal terrain where infrastructure is altogether displaced by emotion, leisure, spectacle, and nature. Zaryadye has its Muscovite specificities, but it is merely one incarnation of a globally emergent architectural ideology—pseudo-ecological, infrastructure-disavowing—which I call “wild capitalist.” Looking for the locus of Zaryadye's really existing infrastructure(s), this article peers behind its falshfasady (false facades)—oversized tarps camouflaging the unsightly “reality” of construction work in 21st-century Moscow. Methodologically, the article makes the case for a Marxist ethnographic realism as a suitable lens for depicting reality-in-motion in the wild-capitalist moment. [infrastructure, architecture, postsocialism, fakeness, Marxism, materialism, realism, Moscow, Russia]
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The keyword socialist modernity has often served as the yardstick for scholarship on socialist urban histories. Many have stressed the so-called fundamental and micropolitical characteristics of ideology to understand the material and social lives of their cities. I argue that such a historiographical stance not only sidelines the variegated and conflicting experiences of urbanization, but also marginalizes how nature and space actively conditioned urban life and its social fabrics. By looking at water and its infrastructure in post-WWII Vladivostok, I argue how groups ranging from technical experts to everyday residents built the city around the cruciality of water supplies. This spawned debates about the limits of urban planning, the corruption of the municipal authorities, and the fight against epidemic diseases. Reframing socialist urbanization as that of “assemblages” opens new avenues that fuse the work of environmental and urban histories of socialism.
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The specificities of socialist planning and the deep socio-spatial transformations from the early 1990s make former Soviet and Eastern Bloc cities relevant case studies in the environmental justice domain. This chapter assesses distributive environmental justice in the capital city of Latvia, analysing possible socio-spatial inequalities in terms of the quantitative and qualitative distribution of urban green spaces. To this aim, the study integrates spatial and survey data analysis. First, survey data are analysed to investigate social status-based inequality in terms of green space availability. Second, green spaces in Riga are mapped according to their formal and informal status based on official documents. Third, georeferenced socio-demographic data from population census and registers are analysed to understand static and dynamic patterns of inequality in terms of UGS distribution. Finally, to grasp the dynamics and factors behind urban green space availability and accessibility, the results are discussed and framed within the context of urban governance trends by outlining examples of how urban development and planning logic and practises affect environmental justice in Riga. The study concludes that elements of distributive injustice do exist in Riga: poorer residents are more likely to be ‘bound’ to residential areas with low urban green space availability and accessibility, and spatial dynamics show an increasing concentration of wealthy residents in areas with higher urban green space quality. Moreover, the neoliberal governance logic, the lack of protection of informal green spaces and insufficiently participatory decision-making practices raise concerns about further increasing environmental injustice in the future.KeywordsEnvironmental justiceDistributive justiceUrban green spacesSocial stratificationUrban policy
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This study investigates the spatial effects of the ongoing “decommunization” campaign in Ukraine, a state-led attack on Soviet symbols and ideology in the urban space of the capital, Kyiv. We examine decommunization through the lens of an extensive legacy of architectural, urban design, and monumental art projects erected for the celebration of the 1500th anniversary of the city of Kyiv held in 1982. We focus on four ideological narratives and examine the outcomes of decommunization on four monuments. We find that decommunization’s effect is limited; Communist symbolism has been annotated with Ukrainian identity symbols or neglected, not demolished. We conclude that decommunization has focused on the comparatively superficial qualities of toponomy and Lenin symbols, that the legacy of Soviet identity in Kyiv’s cityscape is much deeper and has proved surprisingly persistent, and that the historiography of the newly independent nation of Ukraine is still in a process of reformation and revision.
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This article initiates a comparative anthropological analysis of the legacies and endurances of socialism in two different European contexts. It draws on ethnographic and historical material relating to the UK and Romania, 40 years after the first efforts to privatize central elements of the welfare state in the UK and 30 years after the collapse of state socialism in central and eastern Europe. Rather than restricting our analysis to the ‘East’ and the 20th century, as is often the case in the literature on post-socialism, we argue for the need to attend to socialism’s historical border-crossings as well as its persistence today as a set of practices and imaginaries which are not wedded to one historically existing state form. Through controversies around the demolition of council (public) housing estates in London and exploration of work practices in cooperatives of production in Romania this article illustrates such historical border-crossings, and comparatively analyses the contemporary curation of what we call ‘socialist fragments’ at both these sites.
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When accounting for changes in the post-socialist era, anthropologists were forced to carefully distinguish between what had remained the same, what had actually changed and what was emerging anew and on its own terms. As a sub-discipline, the anthropology of post-socialism has thereby contributed prominently to theories of time, change and temporal agency. It has also shown that the post-socialist present is, if at all, as determined by its socialist past as it is by its insecure futures. Based on a few ethnographic examples from a former socialist model city in East Germany, and my own experiences as both a post-socialist anthropologist and an anthropologist of post-socialism, I scrutinize the temporal logic of the sub-discipline’s defining concept. I do so by testing its applicability to three objects of anthropological inquiry, and by pondering upon its implications for a more sustained study of the future. The temporal multiplicity that this concept affords, I claim, is crucial for the discipline overall, but demands further scrutiny. Rather than abandoning it, as I and others have previously argued, it is time to rewrite the time of post-socialism with regards to the future.
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The publication of Stephen Kotkin's Magnetic Mountain in the mid-1990s transformed the field of Soviet studies. He presented Soviet socialism as a civilisation born of the Enlightenment, inspired by science's ability to sculpt society, and driven by the pursuit of an alternative to capitalism. His phrase ‘speaking Bolshevik’ spawned productive debate, as did his use of the Foucauldian paradigm. In something akin to a clarion call for urbanists, he proposed the socialist city as a metonym for this new Soviet world: Soviet socialism, he noted, was inherently industrial. Authorities regarded the city as a hallmark of socialist modernity, an endpoint and changing ideal toward which to strive, all of which makes the city a fruitful centre of investigation.
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The author argues that one of the central crises of post-socialist culture is that of infrastructure: specifically, the categories of state and public, and how those are understood in relation to funding and managing the arts. War in Donbas has created a situation of scarcity and opportunity, creating small openings for changes in theatrical policy at the government level and changes in management at the local level. The article offers several examples of theaters resulting from or responding to changes in theatrical infrastructure, and uses the case study of Teatr Lesi, the former Soviet Army theater in Lviv, to demonstrate the fundamental transformation of theatrical infrastructure in Ukraine since 2014.
Thesis
Cette recherche sur les transformations spatiales de la Bulgarie contemporaine vise à interroger les cadres de la rénovation urbaine dans le pays au travers de la notion de patrimoines ordinaires modernes. Une génération après la fin du communisme, elle doit aujourd’hui faire face à plusieurs défis pour se projeter dans le XXIe siècle : une décroissance urbaine et démographique forte, la présence d’un parc de logements issus de la période moderne qu’il est nécessaire de rénover, une société de propriétaires précaire et l’absence de reconnaissance de ces héritages architecturaux et modernes comme des ressources pour concevoir la ville du XXIe siècle.Face à ces constats, sur quelles bases renouveler les cadres de la rénovation urbaine en Bulgarie ?Nous avons émis l’hypothèse qu’il est possible de renouveler l’approche de la rénovation urbaine en Bulgarie en nous intéressant à la notion de patrimoines ordinaires modernes. Ils sont définis comme l’articulation de trois dynamiques : un processus d’hybridations culturelles issu de la modernisation de la Bulgarie depuis le XIXe siècle, un processus de stratification spatiale issu du recyclage des espaces urbains au fil de la planification de la ville ; et d’un processus de résilience issu du marquage de l’espace par les acteurs de la fabrique de la ville. L’hypothèse d’un patrimoine ordinaire moderne, qui serait l’articulation de ces trois processus, permettrait alors de renouveler l’approche de la rénovation urbaine en Bulgarie, jusqu’à présent cantonnée à la rénovation énergétique des bâtiments et à la maintenance de structures.Afin de tester notre hypothèse, le protocole de recherche proposé se développe sur la ville de Varna, sur une période allant des débuts de la modernité en Bulgarie jusqu’à aujourd’hui (XIXe – XXIe siècle). La déstratification de l’espace nous amène à comprendre les dynamiques de transformation des territoires modernes et à formuler des propositions pour renouveler l’approche de la rénovation urbaine.
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The persistence of gender inequalities has stimulated a renewed interest in feminist ideas. Running alongside the UK’s adoption of the gender equality duty, its planning system has gradually been co-opted as tool for neo-liberal spatial governance. While neo-liberalism extends and deepens inequalities and feminism seeks to eradicate them, there are aspects of feminist ideas which have been taken up by neo-liberalism. This article critically examines three examples of co-option, highlighting economic growth and empowerment, the recognition of diversity and ‘New Everyday Life’. The article concludes by outlining some radical changes the UK would need to adopt to ‘engender’ spatial development.
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This paper examines new-ruins in a post-industrial urban landscape on the example of Łódź, Poland. It analyses which ruins are depicted (industrial vs. domestic) and how they are framed (within the wider urban context or on their own) and interpreted (social and political critiques, local history, and aesthetics). It argues that contrary to the suggestions in the academic literature, these sites are not seen as symbols of failing capitalism but are sites and sources of meditative reflection, akin to the role played by medieval ruins during the nineteenth century. Furthermore, heritage is virtually absent from these discussions because modern ruins are not understood to be part of the industrial heritage by the actors in the post-industrial city.
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Threading together Henri Lefebvre’s writing on space, architecture, and time, this article demonstrates the central concern of rhythmanalysis to his general project of overcoming capitalist abstraction. Reading Lefebvre’s distinction between linear and cyclical repetitions as rhythmic manifestations of the struggle between exchange-value and use-value, Ford articulates the divergent pedagogies underlying each form of repetition. Lefebvre’s project aimed at reclaiming use-value over exchange-value and cyclical over linear rhythms through the coupling of domination-détournement-appropriation, and the author next shows how post-Fordism is a perverse realization of Lefebvre’s project insofar as capital today profits from closed-developmental and open-unpredictable repetitions because capital has subsumed détournement by tethering it developmentally toward the generation of the new. This is why Lefebvre’s educational theory of rhythmanalysis (and its corresponding conception of listening) is now an insufficient pedagogical response to capitalist abstraction. In response, they build on Jason Wozniak’s reading of Lefebvre against Lefebvre to reclaim arrhythmia as a temporal gap necessary for revolutionary projects, developing a theory of arrhythmanalysis. Ford concludes the article with a coda on the political revisions required to Lefebvre’s project, which focus on a reevaluation of the actually existing spaces produced by socialist societies and serves to emphasize that rupture and arrhythmanalysis should be strategically deployed rather than uncritically celebrated.
Book
** Please visit TOME to download the Open Access book for free** : https://books.openmonographs.org/articles/book/Spatial_Revolution_Architecture_and_Planning_in_the_Early_Soviet_Union/20412519 [...] Spatial Revolution is the first comparative parallel study of Soviet architecture and planning to create a narrative arc across a vast geography. The narrative binds together three critical industrial-residential projects in Baku, Magnitogorsk, and Kharkiv, built during the first fifteen years of the Soviet project and followed attentively worldwide after the collapse of capitalist markets in 1929. Among the revelations provided by Christina E. Crawford is the degree to which outside experts participated in the construction of the Soviet industrial complex, while facing difficult topographies, near-impossible deadlines, and inchoate theories of socialist space-making. Crawford describes how early Soviet architecture and planning activities were kinetic and negotiated and how questions about the proper distribution of people and industry under socialism were posed and refined through the construction of brick and mortar, steel and concrete projects, living laboratories that tested alternative spatial models. As a result, Spatial Revolution answers important questions of how the first Soviet industrialization drive was a catalyst for construction of thousands of new enterprises on remote sites across the Eurasian continent, an effort that spread to far-flung sites in other socialist states—and capitalist welfare states—for decades to follow.
Article
[IT] Il saggio esplora la ricostruzione di Skopje dopo il terremoto del 1963 che innesco la mobilitazione di aiuti e competenze internazionali. Non si trattava solo di affrontare il tema del centro in relazione alla citta storica; entrarono in gioco fenomeni insediativi gia in atto, la gestione dell'emergenza, le politiche di pianificazione regionale, quindi il ruolo geografico della citta. Skopje costitui un banco di prova per la cultura architettonica e urbanistica del dopoguerra. ----- ----- ------ [EN] This paper explores the reconstruction of Skopje in the aftermath of 1963 earthquake which, at the time, became an international testing ground for post-war architectural and urban planning culture. The task of reconstruction went beyond the project for the city-centre in relation to the historical core and identity. It had to face the management of emergency, the settlements at place, and regional planning policies which all toghteher challenged the geographical role of the city.
Article
This article explores the emergence of a new cultural policy phenomenon in Lithuania: the debate about public spaces and monuments and its role in urban cultural planning. Between the 1940s and1980s state socialist cultural policy built and transformed public spaces without any discussion involved in the process. In contrast, contemporary cultural policy appears to cause endless controversies. These controversies have followed political decisions to endow Vilnius public spaces with socio-historical meaning via monument-building. By focusing on public critique and disagreement about key cultural events, which include the state sponsored national celebrations Vilnius, European Capital of Culture 2009, the Centennial of the restored Lithuania (2018) and reconstructions of urban public spaces, this study explores the new phenomenon of cultural policy controversy as an example of democratic cultural planning.
Article
This article recovers the early history of the Soviet ‘closed city’, towns that during the Cold War were absent from maps and unknown to the general public due to their involvement in weapons research. I argue that the closed cities echoed and appropriated features of the Stalinist Gulag camp system, principally their adoption of physical isolation and the language of obfuscation. In doing so, I highlight a process called ‘atomized urbanism’ that embodies the tension between the obdurate reality of the city and the goal of the state to obliterate that reality through secrecy. In spatial terms, ‘atomized’ also describes the urban geography of these cities which lacked any kind of organic suburban expansion.
Article
The article aims to identify the geographical dimension of social (in)justice in the context of the existing permanent differences in the level of socio-economic development in Poland from the geographical and historical point of view. It also discusses the consequences of these inequalities for development policy on regional and local levels. The study consists of two essential parts. The first one presents synthetic deliberations on the geographical aspect of the social justice discussed. In the second part, an attempt was made to exemplify a geographical dimension of social (in)justice through the analysis of the spatial distribution of the socio-economic development level (a synthetic indicator) and selected partial indicators. In addition, the presence of dependencies of the socio-economic development level and the degree of political support for political fractions proclaiming the slogan of “social justice” was verified. The results of the conducted research confirm the existence of considerable developmental differences in the Polish space. Their strength is historically determined and, despite the passage of time, their pattern invariably corresponds to the former partition boundaries. These disparities are not minimised and the influence of economic growth on the income rise remains limited, especially in economically weaker areas, which leads to growing social dissatisfaction. As a result, one can conclude that in Poland those differences constitute the geographical dimension of social (in)justice.
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The aim of the article is to understand to what extent modern mass housing estates, built in the decades following the Second World War with new construction methods and under the influence of innovative planning ideas and egalitarian philosophy, are currently facing a process of decline. In particular, the research is committed to understand how such innovative urban structures rapidly evolved into stigmatized places of residence and sources of dissonant heritage. The work focuses on the case of San Polo, a neighbourhood of Brescia, in Italy, designed by architect, planner and historian Leonardo Benevolo, who had the opportunity in the northern Italian city to experiment and implement his architectural views in the sphere of “public urbanization”. It is possible to claim that Benevolo’s theoretical approach and architectural practice excellently represented the golden age of modern housing in postwar Europe, when the connection between progressive political views and egalitarian urban planning was apparently perfect. Nevertheless, after the political and economic transition that characterized western Europe since the 1980s, mass housing quickly became a residual issue in the public discourse and entered in a spiral of decline. San Polo was no exception: problems – especially in its iconic tower blocks – soon emerged, and overall optimistic expectations were frustrated by the reality of physical, social and economic decline. This study is therefore committed to understand to what extent San Polo is a case of dissonant heritage in the urban context. While it is clear that the heritage of San Polo is the heritage of a precise historical phase and represents particular ideas in architecture and planning, on the other hand it must be stressed that the ideological transition of recent decades made its values and its messages obsolete and that socio-economic segregation negatively affected the reputation of the neighbourhood and its inhabitants had to face a process of stigmatization that found echo in official and journalistic discourse.
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This article makes a case for a relational approach to studying the history of ‘socialist cities’ in Europe as inherently interconnected with various other places through transnational links. It attempts to contribute to historians’ debates about the socialist city and to interlink them with the project of developing a ‘global urban studies’. To do so, it brings several examples from the history of urban planning and urban development in post-war Czechoslovakia which challenge academic representations of socialist cities as specific and disconnected from places across the Iron Curtain. First, based on a review of contemporary professional literature in urban planning and architecture, the article points out some of the channels through which knowledge about and from geographically or ideologically distant places, including the ‘Western’ world, was available to Czechoslovak experts, and, especially, how this knowledge has been reflected in their own debates about housing construction and urban development in Czechoslovakia. Second, one palpable example of exchanges across the borders of the then-divided Europe is depicted through the transnational story of wooden prefabricated houses. So called Finnish houses were produced in Finland, yet they became an integral part of several cities and towns in socialist Czechoslovakia.
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The Highway of Brotherhood and Unity - the motto of Yugoslav Communists – may help us decode the multiple layers of meaning interlocked in the built environment. Undoubtedly, construction of the Highway was organic to national cohesion. Built by brigades of young volunteers, the Highway allowed a one-day trip across Yugoslavia: an experiential approach of the common motherland by which “federalism” acquired a concrete dimension. From an architect’s viewpoint, our contribution lays claim to a project-oriented approach to the Highway as a coherent built-up form, posing new technical problems, yet orienting urban change and opening up a whole range of narratives. To do that, we oscillate back and forth actual construction of the Highway - combining engineering, landscape design, urbanism and architecture - and its role as a catalyst of new collective perceptions and behavioural patterns. The Highway provided the centre of gravity for a far-reaching cross-cultural venture, a large-scale collective work of art.
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At the heart of this paper is a detailed reconstruction of the relatively unknown history of illegal occupation in East Berlin otherwise known as Schwarzwohnen. The paper explores the relationship between Schwarzwohnen and the articulation of alternative forms of dwelling and occupation that challenged official state priorities. To do so, it argues that the rise of Schwarzwohnen was part of a growing body of informal practices used by citizens in the GDR in response to housing insecurity and scarcity. These were efforts that highlighted the various ways in which citizens took control of their own housing needs outside the official housing system. They also anticipated the development of the oppositional cultures and infrastructures that erupted in the Eastern half of the city in the winter of 1989. At stake here, is an approach to housing insecurity that challenges our understanding of the socialist city and its (largely) peripheral place within urban theory.
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A quarter century following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the people's democracies, many of the dwellings, utilities, and public spaces built by these regimes continue to be cherished by their inhabitants and users. This has only increased as post-socialist urban landscapes undergo an ever-intensifying process of neoliberal “re-privatization,” de-planning, and spatial as well as economic stratification. Scholars, however, continue to produce accounts emphasizing how socialist cities and buildings, as well as the audacious social goals built into them, failed. This article provides a critical overview of recent literature on built socialism and identifies a tension between two parallel ethnographic and historical narratives. One argues that built socialism failed, because it was too obsessed with the economy and industry and neglected every other aspect of social life. The other pins the blame for failure on built socialism's alleged fixation with aesthetic or discursive realms and its corresponding neglect of the economy. The article closes by suggesting pathways for comparative scholarship that consider built socialism in terms of not only collapse and disintegration, but also success and endurance; not simply of either economy or aesthetics, but also of their reciprocal inter-determination and co-dependence. We must look beyond the lens of imported theories and consider “vernacular” or “emic” concepts rooted in the specificities and singularities of the socialist city itself.
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Old industrial cities abound with extensive infrastructures, which however no longer suit the economic purposes, for which they were originally built. However either their demolition or a complete rebuilding of new is often not a viable option, and thus the issue of their smart reuse emerged in urban studies. In this paper we combine literature on restructuring, brownfields, and industrial heritage to assess their significance both as a barrier and asset for future urban development. The main aim is to provide municipalities with an overview of the range of their possible reuses, and problems they might face in doing so. Furthermore, the selected examples show that contemplating new use should be guided by assessment of intrinsic features of the structures on one hand, and by general global trends on other. This new combination of the two might render the new use competitive. For this sake a case study of the old industrial city of Ostrava is employed, as this issue has been particularly pronounced given the city’s strong historical specialisation in heavy industry.
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This article aims to contribute to the theoretical debate in the Czech Republic over the concept of shrinking cities and to draw attention to the po- tential of capturing the process of shrinkage by empirical means, taking the town of Ostrava as an example. The article sets out to explain the concept of shrinking cities, the causes, consequences, and context of shrinkage, and to put forth a theoretical framework with which to analyse shrinkage and to outline a proposed operationalisation of this concept. In its empirical section the article describes the characteristics of Ostrava, in particular population changes, and briefl y sums up the factors at the root of shrinkage in an ef- fort to answer whether Ostrava is indeed shrinking. The theoretical part of the article is based on a review of the relevant literature. A combination of quantitative and qualitative research was carried out for the empirical part of the study, and as part of the quantitative research an analysis was made of relevant statistical data on the development of Ostrava. The causes and conse- quences of shrinkage were identifi ed and the results verifi ed using qualitative methods such as interviews and working seminars. Ostrava reached its peak population in 1990, when it had 331,729 inhabitants (as of 31 December 1989). Since 1990 there has been a slow but steady decrease of the population, which reached 303,798 in 2009 (as of 31 December, not including 10,669 foreigners). This trend of population decrease and the changes in the town’s socio-de- mographic structure have as yet had no fundamentally negative impact on the town’s development, but it can be justifi ably assumed that further losses and changes in the structure of the population will have ever more significant negative impacts on the development of the town of Ostrava
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Using Latour's concepts of "actor-network" and "translation," the authors show that neoliberalism's success in Eastern Europe is best analyzed not as an institutional form diffused along the nodes of a network, but as itself an actor-network based on a particular translation strategy that construes socialism as a laboratory of economic knowledge. They argue that socialism was made into a laboratory of economic knowledge during the socialist calculation debate of the 1920s and 1930s. An extensive debate during the Cold War is also documented and shows that a transnational network continued to be organized around attempts to connect the results obtained in the socialist laboratory with debates and struggles in Western economics. Finally, the drafting of transition blueprints in postcommunist Eastern Europe after 1989, with the participation of American economists, is shown to be a continuation of this transnational network.
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In The Paradox of Ukrainian Lviv, Tarik Cyril Amar reveals the local and transnational forces behind the twentieth-century transformation of one of East Central Europe’s most important multiethnic borderland cities into a Soviet and Ukrainian urban center. Today, Lviv is the modern metropole of the western part of independent Ukraine and a center and symbol of Ukrainian national identity as well as nationalism. Over the last three centuries it has also been part of the Habsburg Empire, interwar Poland, a World War I Russian occupation regime, the Nazi Generalgouvernement, and, until 1991, the Soviet Union.Lviv’s twentieth-century history was marked by great violence, massive population changes, and fundamental transformation. Under Habsburg and Polish rule up to World War II, Lviv was a predominantly Polish city as well as one of the major centers of European Jewish life. Immediately after World War II, Lviv underwent rapid Soviet modernization, bringing further extensive change. Over the postwar period, the city became preponderantly Ukrainian-ethnically, linguistically, and in terms of its residents’ self-perception. Against this background, Amar explains a striking paradox: Soviet rule, which came to Lviv in its most ruthless Stalinist shape and lasted for half a century, left behind the most Ukrainian version of the city in history. In reconstructing this dramatic and profound change, Amar also illuminates the historical background to present-day identities and tensions within Ukraine.
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In the large body of literature produced during the last fifteen years on the transformation of Eastern European societies after the fall of communism, studies investigating changes in urban form and structure have been quite rare. Yet a profound reorganization of the manner in which urban space is appropriated has taken place, impacting the life of over 200 million urban residents in the region. The patterns of spatial organization, which have been established during this fairly limited but critical timeframe, are likely to set the direction of future urban development in CEE cities for a long time. This book focuses on the spatial transformations in the most dynamically evolving urban areas of post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe, linking the restructuring of the built environment with the underlying processes and forces of socio-economic reforms. We hope that the detailed accounts of the spatial transformations in a key moment of urban history in the region will enhance our understanding of the linkages between society and space, adding to the knowledge that is needed for resolving the difficult challenges facing cities throughout the globe in the beginning of the twenty-first century.
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Stories of House and Home is a social and cultural history of the massive construction campaign that Khrushchev instituted in 1957 to resolve the housing crisis in the Soviet Union and to provide each family its own apartment. Decent housing was deemed the key to a healthy, productive home life, which was essential to the realization of socialist collectivism. Drawing on archival materials, as well as memoirs, fiction, and the Soviet press, Christine Varga-Harris shows how the many aspects of this enormous state initiative--from neighborhood planning to interior design--sought to alleviate crowded, undignified living conditions and sculpt residents into ideal Soviet citizens. She also details how individual interests intersected with official objectives for Soviet society during the Thaw, a period characterized by both liberalization and vigilance in everyday life. Set against the backdrop of the widespread transition from communal to one-family living, Stories of House and Home explores the daily experiences and aspirations of Soviet citizens who were granted new apartments and those who continued to inhabit the old housing stock due to the chronic problems that beset the housing program. Varga-Harris analyzes the contradictions apparent in heroic advances and seemingly inexplicable delays in construction, model apartments boasting modern conveniences and decrepit dwellings, happy housewarmings and disappointing moves, and new residents and individuals requesting to exchange old apartments. She also reveals how Soviet citizens identified with the state and with the broader project of building socialism.
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Ecological urbanism aims to advance this goal. It weds the theory and practice of urban design and planning, as a means of adaptation, with the insights of ecology and other environmental disciplines. Ecological urbanism is critical to the future of the city: it provides a framework for addressing challenges that threaten humanity (climate change, environmental justice) while fulfilling human needs for health, safety, and welfare, meaning, and delight. This overview describes the roots of ecological urbanism, with an emphasis on the Anglo-American tradition, and identifies fundamental concepts and principles. The literature is vast, and a detailed review is impossible here (for more references, see Spirn 2012). This introduction provides historical context and a framework to guide more focused research and more comprehensive reviews of the literature and to advance the practice of ecological urbanism.
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New urban regions of prefabricated housing, rising rapidly in and around Soviet cities in the late 1950s as the result of an intensive mass housing drive launched in 1957, vividly manifested the post-Stalin regime's proclaimed commitment to improving standards for the many and not just the few. Indeed, considered from the perspective of ordinary people's everyday experience, the Khrushchev era represented a great but uneven leap forward in creating the basis of a modem byt and the foundations of a mass consumer society. It also saw attempts at a radical stylistic reorientation in domestic and urban space, towards a new aesthetic of socialist modernism. The shift of style did not enter seamlessly and universally into people's homes, however. For a complex of reasons it was only unevenly appropriated and adopted. The article addresses questions of authority in, and authorship of, the new domestic interior. It attends to the agency, on one hand, of aesthetic experts or taste professionals, who, acting in the name of the party-state and its project of building a modem, communist society, while serving also their own group interests, set norms of modern living and contemporary, aesthetic regimes; and, on the other, individual, amateur homemakers taking up occupancy in their new one-family flats. The modernization of the Soviet everyday environment, initiated from above by specialists, raises important questions of agency or rather of negotiation between various agencies, differently positioned in relation to the authority of the state and to the material fabric of the home.
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Engineering Communism is the fascinating story of Joel Barr and Alfred Sarant, dedicated Communists and members of the Rosenberg spy ring, who stole information from the United States during World War II that proved crucial to building the first advanced weapons systems in the USSR. On the brink of arrest, they escaped with KGB's help and eluded American intelligence for decades. Drawing on extensive interviews with Barr and new archival evidence, Steve Usdin explains why Barr and Sarant became spies, how they obtained military secrets, and how FBI blunders led to their escape. He chronicles their pioneering role in the Soviet computer industry, including their success in convincing Nikita Khrushchev to build a secret Silicon Valley. The book is rich with details of Barr's and Sarant's intriguing andexciting personal lives, their families, as well as their integration into Russian society. Engineering Communism follows the two spies through Sarant's death and Barr's unbelievable return to the United States.
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Eastern European prefabricated housing blocks are often vilified as the visible manifestations of everything that was wrong with state socialism. For many inside and outside the region, the uniformity of these buildings became symbols of the dullness and drudgery of everyday life. Manufacturing a Socialist Modernity complicates this common perception. Analyzing the cultural, intellectual, and professional debates surrounding the construction of mass housing in early postwar Czechoslovakia, Zarecor shows that these housing blocks served an essential function in the planned economy and reflected an interwar aesthetic, derived from constructivism and functionalism, that carried forward into the 1950s. With a focus on prefabricated and standardized housing built from 1945 to 1960, Zarecor offers broad and innovative insights into the country's transition from capitalism to state socialism. She demonstrates that during this shift, architects and engineers consistently strove to meet the needs of Czechs and Slovaks despite challenging economic conditions, a lack of material resources, and manufacturing and technological limitations. In the process, architects were asked to put aside their individual creative aspirations and transform themselves into technicians and industrial producers. Manufacturing a Socialist Modernity is the first comprehensive history of architectural practice and the emergence of prefabricated housing in the Eastern Bloc. Through discussions of individual architects and projects, as well as building typologies, professional associations, and institutional organization, it opens a rare window into the cultural and economic life of Eastern Europe during the early postwar period. Copyright
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This article discusses the contribution of professionals from socialist countries to architecture and urban planning in Kuwait in the final two decades of the Cold War. In so doing, it historicizes the accelerating circulation of labour, building materials, discourses, images, and affects facilitated by world-wide, regional and local networks. By focusing on a group of Polish architects, this article shows how their work in Kuwait in the 1970s and 1980s responded to the disenchantment with architecture and urbanization processes of the preceding two decades, felt as much in the Gulf as in socialist Poland. In Kuwait, this disenchantment was expressed by a turn towards images, ways of use, and patterns of movement referring to ‘traditional’ urbanism, reinforced by Western debates in postmodernism and often at odds with the social realities of Kuwaiti urbanization. Rather than considering this shift as an architectural ‘mediation’ between (global) technology and (local) culture, this article shows how it was facilitated by re-contextualized expert systems, such as construction technologies or Computer Aided Design software (CAD), and also by the specific portable ‘profile’ of experts from socialist countries. By showing the multilateral knowledge flows of the period between Eastern Europe and the Gulf, this article challenges diffusionist notions of architecture’s globalization as ‘Westernization’ and reconceptualizes the genealogy of architectural practices as these became world-wide.
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The Czech Republic's socialist-era neighborhoods are largely intact twenty years after the end of Communist Party rule. These buildings will be rehabilitated, but not replaced, because of financial and logistical constraints. In the context of the country's accession to the European Union in 2004 and the recent global economic crisis, this essay questions what can and should be done in an effort to make these neighborhoods better places to live in the present and the future. It starts with a brief history of postwar housing construction and socialist-era design methodologies, exploring postwar architectural practice and innovations in construction technology that were connected to the industrialization of housing production. The role of the Bat'a Company in the development of panelák technology is described. In the context of post-socialist rehabilitation efforts, the discussion addresses current housing policy including regulated rents and the shift in emphasis from renting to ownership. Government subsidies and grant programs are considered, as well as problems such as physical degradation and social segregation. The essay proposes that for the future the social and spatial ideas that were part of the original designs may be more important than the architectural style of individual buildings.
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This article seeks to probe behind the verbal criteria in which the brief for a Socialist Realist architecture was defined under Stalin in order to identify specific design features that were considered successfully to embody them. In particular, it examines the Communist Party's demand that Soviet buildings and urban forms should be svetloe (radiant), and hence materialize the svetloe budushchee (radiant future) which the Party was promising its citizens. In defending the Soviet profession of the time against superficial and dismissive judgements by certain recent historians, the article shows the importance of getting closer to the real design oeuvre of Soviet architects at that date (the early 1930s to Stalin's death and the early 1950s) through their more ephemeral (hence now rare) periodicals, and of evaluating these design propositions in relation to the actual theoretical and critical criteria which were shaping them at the time, rather than by later external assumptions about those criteria. It examines the role of monumental artists in creating the fully expressive architectural work which Socialist Realism demanded, and the role of architectural and planning historians in establishing what it meant to be ‘national in form’ in the Russian context.
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The first decades of the post‐war era saw a large and quickly growing need for new housing. In Sweden, rapid urbanization, growing prosperity and demands for higher housing standards led to years‐long housing queues. The housing shortage became a political liability for the ruling Social Democratic party. To end the housing shortage once and for all, the Swedish parliament decided that a million new dwellings should be built in the period 1965 to 1974 and this was achieved. When the Million Homes Programme, as it came to be called, had reached barely half‐way, the housing shortage was replaced by a housing surplus, partly caused by the rapid expansion of the housing stock and by the fact that economic growth gave way to stagnation. At the same time, criticism began to be heard about what some people perceived as uniform and poor architecture and, since then, the Million Homes Programme has never ceased to engage people and provoke debate. Most of the buildings and areas of this era have survived quite well with routine maintenance, but in several multifamily housing areas more thoroughgoing measures have been needed. The development patterns can be divided into six categories: everything from maintenance and conventional daily care to large‐scale turn‐around and demolition.The housing construction of the ‘record years’ is typical of its period in modern Swedish history. In the 1960s the ambition was to create an exemplary welfare state – many people no doubt imagined the best in the world – and for this ambition the spacious and ultramodern buildings of the Million Homes Programme were a fitting expression. Sweden had been transformed from a country with a housing shortage to a country with a housing surplus. Today, again facing considerable housing shortage in many growing cities, developing this large housing stock with care for its qualities and its residents, and learning from the mistakes where new developments are needed, are important tasks.
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When in 1962 Miastoprojekt-Kraków won the international tender for the master plan of Baghdad, this initiated two decades of intense engagement in Iraq of this architectural and planning office from the People's Republic of Poland. By choosing an office from a socialist country, Iraqi governments from Abdul Karim Kassem to Saddam Hussein not only responded to the specific geopolitical conditions of the Cold War in the Middle East, but also aimed at drawing on the Polish experience of post-war reconstruction, with the state taking an active role in the processes of urbanisation. The lessons learned from the reconstruction of Warsaw and the construction of new towns such as Nowa Huta, designed by Miastoprojekt, reverberated throughout its two master plans for Baghdad (1967, 1973). Its numerous projects in Iraq focused on the distribution of welfare (housing and education) on a territorial scale and included, in particular, the General Housing Programme (1976–1980). The attempt to mediate between the ambitions of modernisation and attention to local specificity required extensive research. This study links the increasing role of research in the Iraqi projects of Miastoprojekt both to its previous contributions to architectural culture in Poland and to the political economy of architectural labour in the Cold War.
Chapter
East-Central Europe in the Century to 1945The Adoption of the Soviet-Type Economic ModelFrom Reform to Rejection of the Administrative-Command EconomyReintegration into the Global MarketPolitical Change and Territorial FragmentationClass Restructuring in Post-Communist SocietiesReal Estate as a Source of Conflict and AccumulationUrban SpaceConclusion Notes
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Vyd. 1. 1. díl 300 výt. 1. díl. 2010. 118 s.
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At the end of the Second World War, Italy was socially divided and physically shattered, the former by two decades under Fascism, and the latter by the destruction of millions of housing units. At this moment of crisis action had to be taken to rebuild the nation both physically and psychologically. One way was through architecture and urbanism: the Ina-Casa plan for workers’ housing created more than 350,000 units of housing throughout Italy during two seven year phases (1949–56 and 1956–63) and the jobs to build them. Bringing together the efforts of politicians, reformers, architects, and even the workers themselves, the Ina-Casa administration as well as the neighborhoods they built provided an important means by which Italians re-imagined themselves and their national community in the postwar period. Of the many neighborhoods that were built three—the Tiburtino in Rome, Borgo Panigale in Bologna, and Villa Longo in Matera, are cogent as case studies that demonstrate the major results of the plan. Ina-Casa urban design and planning contributed to the prevailing tendency of locating the lower classes on the periphery of cities in part because it was easier to build large scale projects where land was cheap. In the architecture, often characterized as neorealist, the use of regional vernaculars reflected the desire of many designers to break with the recent past, but modernist characteristics, particularly in the projects of those who had practiced under Fascism also indicate continuity. Inside the homes, the domestic lives of millions of families were redefined through the provision of basic amenities such as running water, plumbing, and electricity and through the planning of spaces to reflect developing conceptions of the family. By increasing the basic standard of living of the most needy, Ina-Casa did more to unify the nation than any other earlier entity. From the exterior of Ina-Casa projects, however, the picture that emerges is of a fragmented and divided society, a nation weary of nationalism.
Article
If you grew up in the 1960s or 1970s in suburbia, you probably lived in a smallish ranch house that looked like this. That house probably had an "ultra modern" kitchen that probably looked like this. I grew up in such a house and it had such a kitchen. In fact, I think my mom, sister, and self were models for this ad. (Or may be not. My mom never baked, had a job, and generally dressed in what she called "slacks." Very modern indeed.) Anyway, we didn't know it, but our house, kitchen, and "life style" were fighting the Cold War. You can read all about it in Greg Castillo's fascinating new book Cold War on the Home Front: The Soft Power of Midcentury Design (Minnesota UP, 2009). The leaders of both the Capitalist and Communist worlds claimed to be able to afford their citizens a superior way of life and in the post-war world "superior way of life" meant more, better stuff. So these same leaders enlisted industrial designers in their struggle for supremacy. The West had ranch houses, avocado kitchens, and pink telephones; the East had neo-Classical apartment blocks, reading-corners, and built-in radios (pre-tuned, of course, to official stations). In the end, I suppose, the West "won," but as Greg points out it did so with a kind of domestic architecture and interior design that has now become so bloated that it is, economically at least, unsustainable. The average ranch house was about 1000 square feet; today the average new home in the U.S. is around 2500 square feet. Al Gore's house is 10,000 square feet (not counting the guest and pool houses). Inconvenient, but true.
The Post-Socialist City. See also Sonia Hirt and Kiril Stanilov, Twenty Years of Transition: The Evolution of Urban Planning in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union
  • Stanilov
Stanilov, The Post-Socialist City. See also Sonia Hirt and Kiril Stanilov, Twenty Years of Transition: The Evolution of Urban Planning in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union, 1989-2009 (Nairobi: UN Habitat, 2009).
Designing Tito's Capital: Urban Planning
Brigitte Le Normand, Designing Tito's Capital: Urban Planning, Modernism, and Socialism (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2014);
Atlas sídlisk 1950-1995
  • Henrieta Moravčíková
Henrieta Moravčíková, Bratislava: Atlas sídlisk 1950-1995 [Bratislava: Atlas of Mass Housing 1950-1995] (Bratislava: Slovart, 2012);
Property of Communists: The Urban Housing Program from Stalin to Khrushchev
  • Mark B Smith
Mark B. Smith, Property of Communists: The Urban Housing Program from Stalin to Khrushchev (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2010);
On the challenge of comparative urban research, see Jennifer Robinson
On the challenge of comparative urban research, see Jennifer Robinson, "Cities in a World of Cities: The Comparative Gesture," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 35, no. 1 (January 2011): 1-23.
Most in the Czech Republic, or the postindustrial cities of East Germany such as Halle. There is also the phenomenon of Russian "monotowns" that are still subsidized by the government to stop their collapse, but these subsidies are at risk in the current economic climate
Examples include cities in the Miskolc region in Hungary, Most in the Czech Republic, or the postindustrial cities of East Germany such as Halle. There is also the phenomenon of Russian "monotowns" that are still subsidized by the government to stop their collapse, but these subsidies are at risk in the current economic climate. See Stephen Crowley, "Monotowns and the Political Economy of Industrial Restructuring in Russia," Post-Soviet Affairs 32, no. 5 (2016): 397-422.
Second World Urbanity," one of the methodological underpinnings of this essay. They founded an international research network in 2012 called Second World Urbanity and this essay further develops material first
  • Daria Bocharnikova
I am indebted to Daria Bocharnikova and Steven E. Harris for the framework of "Second World Urbanity," one of the methodological underpinnings of this essay. They founded an international research network in 2012 called Second World Urbanity and this essay further develops material first presented at a conference sponsored by the network.
Infrastructural Thinking
  • Zarecor
Zarecor, "Infrastructural Thinking," 57-78.
For case studies on planning practices, see DeHaan
  • Merriam-Webster
Merriam-Webster, "Infrastructure," http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/infrastructure. 32. For case studies on planning practices, see DeHaan, Stalinist City Planning;
Designing Tito's Capital; Stronski, Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City
  • Le Normand
Le Normand, Designing Tito's Capital; Stronski, Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City;
Magnetic Mountain, 30. 35. Ibid. 36. Ibid
  • Kotkin
Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 30. 35. Ibid. 36. Ibid., 259.
Proto-communism refers to stage of development between socialism and communism. Khrushchev announced that communism was twenty years in the future in a 1961 speech
  • Smith
Smith, Property of Communists, 117. Proto-communism refers to stage of development between socialism and communism. Khrushchev announced that communism was twenty years in the future in a 1961 speech, so Smith uses the terms socialism and proto-communism to discuss the consciousness desired in the microrayons.
16. Maxim gives the limit at 10,000 for Romanian microraions. Mark B. Smith defines the Soviet microrayon as 5,000 to 20,000 people. Smith, Property of Communists
  • Maxim
Maxim, "The Microrayon," 16. Maxim gives the limit at 10,000 for Romanian microraions. Mark B. Smith defines the Soviet microrayon as 5,000 to 20,000 people. Smith, Property of Communists, 116.
Ever Higher': The Evolution of the Project for the Palace of Soviets
On the competition, see Sona Stephan Hoisington, "'Ever Higher': The Evolution of the Project for the Palace of Soviets," Slavic Review 62, no. 1 (Spring 2003): 41-68.
On the 1950s' construction in the Ostrava region, see Martin Strakoš, Nová Ostrava a její satelity: Kapitoly z dějin architektury 30.-50.let 20.století [New Ostrava and Its Satellites: Chapters from the History of Architecture
  • Zarecor
Zarecor, "Infrastructural Thinking." 51. On the 1950s' construction in the Ostrava region, see Martin Strakoš, Nová Ostrava a její satelity: Kapitoly z dějin architektury 30.-50.let 20.století [New Ostrava and Its Satellites: Chapters from the History of Architecture 1930s-1950s ] (Ostrava: Národní památkový ústav, uzemní odborné pracoviště v Ostravě, 2010), 150-189;
Magnetic Mountain; Lebow, Unfinished Utopia; Christina Lenart
  • Kotkin
Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain; Lebow, Unfinished Utopia; Christina Lenart, "The Urban Transformations of Post-Socialist Dunaújváros," Journal of Space Syntax 4, no. 2 (2013): 197-220.
Population Changes Caused by Industrialization and Deindustrialization-Comparison of Ostrava and Glasgow
On Ostrava's population trends since 1869, see Igor Ivan and Jiří Horák, "Population Changes Caused by Industrialization and Deindustrialization-Comparison of Ostrava and Glasgow," Geografický časopis/Geographical Journal 63, no. 2 (2011): 113-32.
Socialist Cities after Socialism
  • Zarecor
Zarecor, "Socialist Cities after Socialism."
Architects from Socialist Countries in Ghana (1957-1967): Modern Architecture and Mondialisation
His recent publications include Lukasz Stanek, "Architects from Socialist Countries in Ghana (1957-1967): Modern Architecture and Mondialisation," Society of Architectural Historians Journal 74, no. 4 (2015): 416-42;
The Uniquely Socialist City: From Modernism to Socialist Realism
  • Anna Alekseyeva
Anna Alekseyeva, "The Uniquely Socialist City: From Modernism to Socialist Realism," (paper presented at the conference, "Circulation, Translation, Transition" at the Estonian Academy of Arts, October 2014).
The Million Homes Programme
  • Vidén Hall
Hall and Vidén, "The Million Homes Programme," 304-309.
Property of Communists
  • Smith
Smith, Property of Communists, 121.
The book's subtitle is "Stalinism as a Civilization
  • Magnetic Kotkin
  • Mountain
Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain. The book's subtitle is "Stalinism as a Civilization."