Iroquoians in the St. Lawrence River Valley before European Contact

Abstract

At the time of contact with the first Europeans, the St. Lawrence Iroquoians occupied a territory that extended
from the mouth of Lake Ontario to the Cap Tourmente area, near Quebec City, with a southward extension
to the northern tip of Lake Champlain, as well as seasonal extensions into the estuary and the gulf of St.
Lawrence. Decades of archaeological research on this large territory have documented an Iroquoian and proto-
Iroquoian presence that appears to have been continuous from at least 1,500 years ago until the arrival of the
first Europeans during the sixteenth century. This precontact occupation history of the St. Lawrence River valley
is also characterized by a variety of local adaptations in terms of material culture, settlement patterns, and
subsistence, as well as a series of complex and changing relations with neighbouring populations. This paper
presents a brief overview of this rich and complex occupation history.

Full text

Christian Gates St-Pierre Iroquoians in the St. Lawrence Valley 47
Iroquoians in the St. Lawrence River Valley
before European Contact
Christian Gates St-Pierre
At the time of contact with the first Europeans, the St. Lawrence Iroquoians occupied a territory that extended
from the mouth of Lake Ontario to the Cap Tourmente area, near Quebec City, with a southward extension
to the northern tip of Lake Champlain, as well as seasonal extensions into the estuary and the gulf of St.
Lawrence. Decades of archaeological research on this large territory have documented an Iroquoian and proto-
Iroquoian presence that appears to have been continuous from at least 1,500 years ago until the arrival of the
first Europeans during the sixteenth century. This precontact occupation history of the St. Lawrence River valley
is also characterized by a variety of local adaptations in terms of material culture, settlement patterns, and
subsistence, as well as a series of complex and changing relations with neighbouring populations. This paper
presents a brief overview of this rich and complex occupation history.
Introduction
The papers in this volume explore the
relationships between the Huron-Wendat and the
St. Lawrence Iroquoians around the time of
contact with the first Europeans in northeastern
North America. However, a deeper time frame is
necessary to understand the origins and
transformations of these interactions. Therefore, I
propose to present an overview of the precontact
occupation of the St. Lawrence River valley,
beginning ca. 1500 years before present, with a
focus on the Quebec portion of the valley. Many
archaeologists believe that this territory has been
occupied continuously by St. Lawrence Iroquoians
and their ancestors since at least that point in time.
This idea is in accordance with the widely
accepted hypothesis of an in situ origin and
development of all Northern Iroquoian
populations, although opinions vary regarding the
precise date of this emergence (Byers 1959;
Chapdelaine 1980, 1989, 1995a; Clermont 1996;
Clermont and Chapdelaine 1982; Crawford and
Smith 1996; Gates St-Pierre 2001a, 2004, 2006;
Griffin 1944; Hart 2001; Hart and Brumbach
2005; Lenig 2000; MacNeish 1952, 1976; Martin
2008; Pendergast 1975; Smith 1997; Smith and
Crawford 1995; Starna and Funk 1994; Tuck
1977; Wright 1984, 2004). This explanation
stands in sharp contrast to the much-disputed
alternative hypothesis of a recent migration to
explain the origins of these people, as suggested by
Snow (1992, 1995, 1996, 2013) and others
(Bursey 1995; Fiedel 1990, 1991, 1999).
The notion that this territory has been
occupied continuously by St. Lawrence Iroquoians
and their ancestors does not imply, however, that
the St. Lawrence Iroquoian identity remained
static and unchanged over the course of the
centuries. After all, ethnicity is a self-defined,
multilevel, fluid, and changing phenomena; it is
hazardous to equate ethnicity with a specific
archaeological culture, as many archaeologists of
the culture history school of thought have done in
the past, perhaps excessively and uncritically so
(see, for example, Chrisomalis and Trigger 2004;
Curta 2014; Insoll 2007; Jones 1997, 2008; Lucy
2005). The opposite position would assert that it

Ontario Archaeology No. 96, 201648
is simply impossible to determine the ethnicity of
past populations, whatever the place, time period,
or type of data considered, but as Curta
(2014:2508) mentions: “at the root of this
skepticism verging on nihilism seems to be a
theoretical malaise and a profound
misunderstanding of what ethnicity is and how it
works.” Between these two extremes lies a
moderate yet heterogeneous stance for those who
believe that ethnicity can be identified
archaeologically under certain circumstances
(Chrisomalis and Trigger 2004; Clermont 1999;
Emberling 1997; Hodder 1982; Washburn 1989;
Tremblay 1999b). If we accept the premise that
artifact styles are not random and that ethnicity
can be (but is not always) expressed through
assertive styles of material culture (Braun 1991;
Chrisomalisand Trigger 2004; Curta 2014; David
et al. 1988; Hodder 1982; Shennan 1989; Sterner
1989; Wiessner 1983; Wobst 1977, 1999; see also
Carr and Neitzel 1995; Conkey and Hastorf
1990), then the identification of past identities is
not a chimera but a possible enterprise, despite the
methodological caution necessary and the
interpretive obstacles and pitfalls that can be
encountered. After all, “ethnic identity cannot be
conceived without the manipulation of material
culture” (Curta 2014:2509). This statement holds
true for the St. Lawrence Iroquoians, who can be
archaeologically identified and differentiated from
other Iroquoian nations in the past using various
lines of material culture evidence (see Abel 2002;
Chapdelaine 1989, 1991, 1992; Gates St-Pierre
2004; Gaudreau 2014; Jamieson 1990a;
Pendergast 1991, 1998, 1999a, 1999b; Pendergast
and Trigger 1972; Plourde 1999; Tremblay
1999b, 1999c, 2006; Trigger 1966, 1968; Trigger
and Pendergast 1978; Wright 2004, among many
others).
Exactly when the St. Lawrence Iroquoians
emerged as a distinct ethnic entity is highly
debatable. In line with the assumptions presented
above, I have proposed that the point of origin be
situated sometime around A.D. 500, based on a
number of continuities in land use, settlement and
subsistence patterns, social organization, ceramic
styles, among others (GatesSt-Pierre 2004, 2006).
This suggestion is only a hypothesis that still needs
to be fully demonstrated, but it also constitutes a
starting point for discussion. This hypothesis does
not imply that the inhabitants of the St. Lawrence
River valley necessarily called themselves and
defined themselves the exact same way over the
centuries, but only that they apparently shared
common threads of developmental history, and
more so than with other groups in other areas. The
following pages will illustrate the continuities and
changes that are informative of the ways St.
Lawrence Iroquoians and their possible ancestors
or predecessors occupied the territory and
interacted with their neighbours, especially the
Huron-Wendat and the New York Iroquois.
Although I have my own views on what it all
means, readers can make up their own minds
regarding the significance of these continuities and
changes in terms of identity, cultural development,
and social interactions.
1,500 to 1,000 RCYBP
About 1,500 years ago, the lowlands of the
Montreal area were inhabited by groups of the
Melocheville tradition (Clermont and
Chapdelaine 1982, 1986; Gates St-Pierre 2004,
2006). Although they relied heavily on hunting,
fishing, and gathering for their subsistence, a
recent analysis of the charred food residue–
encrusted on Melocheville pottery fragments has
revealed the presence of maize phytoliths
(microfossils), which were radiocarbon dated to
between 2,400 and 1,200 RCYBP (Gates St-Pierre
and Thompson 2015). The presence of these
phytoliths suggests that the Melochville people
were gradually experiencing and integrating the
culture of domesticated plants into their food
habits, a process that is shown by the radiocarbon
dates to have begun much earlier than previously
thought and that may have fostered the
development of a more sedentary way of life.
Henceforth, various groups gathered every year in
large numbers at prime fishing locations, such as
Pointe-du-Buisson, near Montreal (Figure 1),
where they stayed every year from mid-spring to
mid-fall, thus becoming “seasonally sedentary”
(Clermont and Cosette 1991; Cossette 1996,
1997, 2000). Moreover, the same phytolith

49
Figure 1. Location of the sites mentioned in the text and figures. The doted lines delineate the St. Lawrence Iroquoian
provinces as defined by Chapdelaine (1995b).
Figure 2. Melocheville ceramics from the Hector-Trudel site (Pointe-du-Buisson, Quebec), with punctations on cord-
wrapped stick impressions (upper row) or dentate stampings (lower row). Photo by Christian Gates St-Pierre.
Christian Gates St-Pierre Iroquoians in the St. Lawrence Valley

Ontario Archaeology No. 96, 201650
Figure 3. Jack’s Reef Corner-notched points (two upper rows) and Levanna points (two lower rows) from the Hector-
Trudel site. Photo by Claude Chapdelaine, Université de Montréal.

51
analysis indicates morphological similarities
between the maize lineages found on Melocheville
ceramics and modern lineages from the Midwest,
as well as with an ancient lineage from central
New York State. This evidence may be suggestive
of contacts and trade routes with people to the
south and southwest of the St. Lawrence River
valley at that time.
Melocheville pottery is often decorated with
cord-wrapped stick impressions and dentate
stamping, almost systematically accompanied by
deep, circular exterior punctates producing bosses
on the inner surface of the vessel (Figure 2).
Although the same characteristics can be found on
ceramic productions of neighbouring groups, their
respective popularity varies widely among regions.
For example, potters of the Princess Point complex
in southwestern Ontario and those of the
Blackduck Culture to the north never decorated
their pottery with dentate stamping, while
ceramics of the Point Peninsula tradition in New
York State and New England rarely display circular
punctates. Stylistic similarities are especially strong
with ceramic productions from the Winooski area
in northwestern Vermont (Petersen 1980; Petersen
and Power 1985) and the Sandbanks tradition in
southeastern Ontario (Daechsel and Wright 1988;
Smith 1981, 1987).
The two most common types of projectile
point in the St. Lawrence River valley during that
time period were Jack's Reef and Levanna, both
widely distributed throughout the Northeast, the
Midwest, and beyond (Figure 3). Interestingly,
Onondaga chert from the Niagara area was the
preferred raw material (Gates St-Pierre and
Chapdelaine 2013), which is again indicative of
contacts with people to the southwest, although it
cannot be determined whether this chert travelled
via trading routes to the south or to the north of
Lake Ontario, or perhaps both.
1,000 to 800 RCYBP
About a thousand years ago, a new ceramic
tradition appeared in the middle St. Lawrence
River valley: the St. Maurice tradition (Morin
1999, 2001). People of this tradition continued to
occupy large-size summer camps, but it is possible
that such sites as Bourassa, near Trois-Rivières,
represent the first sedentary villages in the valley,
although the undisputed remains of housing
structures have yet to be found there (Clermont
et al. 1986).
St. Maurice ceramics are mostly decorated
with cord-wrapped stick impressions, but the cord
is thinner and the impressions are more closely
spaced than before (Figure 4). This pottery style is
very similar to the Owasco pottery found in New
York State, and it has often been described as
“owascoïd” or “owasco-like” (Chapdelaine 1995a;
Clermont 1995). This similarity is suggestive of
continued relationships with more southerly
populations. Contacts with people living in
southern Ontario appear to have been more
tenuous during this time period, although one can
note the occasional presence of Pickering pottery
sherds on sites located along the St. Lawrence
River valley, as far east as the Tadoussac-
Escoumins area (Gates St-Pierre 2010a). The
Pickering style originates from southeastern
Ontario and is characterized by the presence of
punctates which produce bosses on the outer
surface of the vessels (see Kapches 1987; Kenyon
1968; Williamson 1990; Wright 1966).
800 to 650 RCYBP
Sometime between 800 and 650 RCYBP, if not
earlier, a distinctive settlement pattern emerged in
the eastern portion of the St. Lawrence River
valley. Iroquoians from the Quebec City area
developed a form of transhumance, in which
segments of the population temporarily left their
villages and settled on the shores of the estuary
during the latter half of the winter (Chapdelaine
1993a, 1995b). This seasonal extension of their
hunting territory allowed them to take advantage
of the abundant marine resources of the estuary,
such as harbour seals and belugas, but especially
harp seals, a large-size migrating species present in
the area from mid-January to mid-April (Banfield
1974; Lavigueur et al. 1993). This time was a
period of the year when the food reserves in the
villages were probably at their lowest and when
land mammals were at their leanest. With their
thick layer of fat and their habit of congregating in
Christian Gates St-Pierre Iroquoians in the St. Lawrence Valley

Ontario Archaeology No. 96, 201652
Figure 4. Early LateWoodland ceramic vessel found in Lake Memphremagog, Quebec. Photo by Aurélie Desgens, Ministère
de la Culture et des Communications du Québec.

53
Figure 5. Ceramic vessel typical of the Saguenay Phase, from the Levasseur site (ÎleVerte, Quebec). Photo by the Ministère
de la Culture et des Communications du Québec.
Christian Gates St-Pierre Iroquoians in the St. Lawrence Valley

Ontario Archaeology No. 96, 201654
great numbers, harp seals represented a perfect
solution. St. Lawrence Iroquoians occupied the
shores of this area when the Innu (also known as
the Montagnais) where inland hunting for moose.
The Innu would move to the coast during the
summer time, where they would fish for salmon
and hunt harbour seals. In other words, there was
a seasonal sharing of the territory and its resources
by two culturally distinct populations, a
phenomenon rarely documented by archaeologists
(Plourde 2012; Plourde and Gates St-Pierre 2003;
Rioux and Tremblay 1998; Tremblay 1993). This
pattern persisted until the dispersal of the St.
Lawrence Iroquoians shortly after the first
Europeans arrived in the St. Lawrence River valley,
and it is only after the latter established trading
posts on the shores of the river that the Innu
settled there permanently to trade furs for
European goods (Castonguay 1989, 2003;
Charest 2003; Dufour 1996).
The ceramic vessels of this period, also
known as the Saguenay phase (Tremblay 1998,
1999a), are primarily characterized by low collars
with notches at their base and with linear
impressions forming horizontal, oblique, or criss-
cross motifs (Figure 5). This pottery is very similar
to the pottery of the Middleport phase in Ontario,
and it could represent a single ceramic horizon
that was distributed over many regions. In
comparison, similarities with the pottery of the
contemporaneous Oak Hill Phase in New York
State are much less developed. This represents a
change in the orientation of relationships, from
north–south to east–west. We do not know the
cause of this change, but we do know that these
east–west relationships persisted until the arrival
of the first Europeans.
650 to 450 RCYBP
At the time of contact with European explorers,
St. Lawrence Iroquoians occupied a territory that
some archaeologists divide into provinces or
clusters (Figure 1), a division that is again mostly
based on the comparative analysis of the pottery
styles (Chapdelaine 1989, 1995b; Jamieson
1990a; Tremblay 2006). This clustering can be
interpreted as a reflection of a sociopolitical
organization that is becoming more complex, or
as a result of communities experiencing higher
demographic densities, spread out over a
remarkably long stretch of territory. The
communities forming each cluster may have
constituted a single and large cultural entity, but
they may also have formed a confederation of
related tribes, perhaps similar to the Huron-
Wendat or Iroquois confederacies, which emerged
during the late sixteenth or early seventeenth
centuries A.D. The writings of the French explorer
Jacques Cartier, the only European to have left us
with a written account of his encounter with the
St. Lawrence Iroquoians, suggest that Stadacona,
the dominant village in the province of Canada
(Quebec City area) was subordinated to the
inhabitants of the still larger and more prominent
village of Hochelaga, located on the Island of
Montreal (Chapdelaine 1989; Tremblay 2006;
Trigger 1984; Trigger and Pendergast 1978;
Wright 2004). Was this political hierarchy
apparent or real? If it was real, and not a
misinterpretation by Cartier, was it imposed by
some or agreed upon by all? Was it a prelude to a
more formal confederacy? A more complex
society? Cartier also mentions the distrust between
Stadaconans and Hochelagans, apparently
resulting from competition over access to the
Europeans and their trade goods. It is even
possible that Stadaconians participated in the
dispersal of the Hochelagans initiated by the Five
Nations Iroquois/Haudenosaunee (Chapdelaine
2004; Pendergast 1993; Tremblay 2006, 2015).
Current research at the McDonald, Droulers, and
Mailhot-Curran sites in the Saint-Anicet area
suggests a gradual move away from the shores of
the St. Lawrence River, as well as a sequence of
community coalescence, probably resulting from
conflict with neighbouring populations
(Chapdelaine 2015; Clermont and Gagné 2004).
Despite the methodological and
epistemological difficulties in, and pitfalls of,
interpreting the cultural identity, political
organization, and internal and external relations
of the St. Lawrence Iroquoians, the archaeological
data available suggest that they represented an
entity distinct from both the Huron-Wendat and
the Five Nations Iroquois. For example, their

55
Figure 6. Ceramic vessel from the Masson site (Quebec)
decorated with corn ear motifs all around the rim. Photo
by Claude Chapdelaine, Université de Montréal.
pottery style was quite distinctive, being
characterized by the use of emblematic features,
such as corn ear motifs (Figure 6), ladder plait
motifs, and annular punctates (Figure 7), among
other traits (Chapdelaine 1989, 1991; Le Moine
2016). Another peculiarity is the scarcity of stone
tools on St. Lawrence Iroquoian village sites. It is
difficult to pinpoint the exact causes of this
phenomenon, but the scarcity of high-quality
lithic raw materials in the St. Lawrence River
valley, especially in its western portion, should be
considered. Concomitant to this is the possibility
that the St. Lawrence Iroquoians, as they became
more sedentary, less mobile, and more involved in
a horticultural mode of subsistence, experienced a
reduced need for stone tools normally used in
hunting and butchering activities. It is also
conceivable that they preferred the use of bone for
the production of tools and weapons (Engelbrecht
and Jamieson, this volume).
Christian Gates St-Pierre Iroquoians in the St. Lawrence Valley
Figure 7. Pottery sherds from the Mailhot-Curran site, decorated with complex motifs, including annular punctations
(upper row) and ladder-plait motifs (lower row).

Ontario Archaeology No. 96, 201656
Bone tools made and used by the St.
Lawrence Iroquoians were diversified,
sophisticated, and abundant. As a matter of fact,
many stone artifacts had their functional
equivalent in bone, such as arrowheads, awls,
flakers, beads, and pendants, among other
examples (Gates St-Pierre 2001b, 2010b). The
geographic variability among St. Lawrence
Iroquoian components must again be underlined,
as bone tool assemblages are rich and diversified
Figure 8. Bevelled bone points from the Droulers (upper row) and Roebuck (lower row) sites. Photos by Christian Gates
St-Pierre.

57
in the western portion of the valley (Gates St-
Pierre 2001b, 2010b; Gates St-Pierre and Boisvert
2015; Jamieson 1993), rare and less diversified in
the central portion – at village sites like Lanoraie
(Clermont et al. 1983), Mandeville (Chapdelaine
1989), or Masson (Benmouyal 1990), for example
– and somewhat specialized towards the
exploitation of marine resources in the eastern
portion (Chapdelaine 1993b; Plourde 2012;
Plourde and Gates St-Pierre 2003; Tremblay
1993). Interestingly, one particular type of bone
projectile point, the bevelled conical point (Figure
8), is apparently unique to the St. Lawrence
Iroquoians (Gates St-Pierre 2015). These points
can sometimes be found on late Huron-Wendat
sites, probably brought or made there by St.
Lawrence Iroquoian captives or refugees, or
perhaps as a result of intermarriages or
intercultural coalescence. They are much less
frequent in New York Iroquois collections of
artifacts (Gates St-Pierre 2015). Similarly,
Jamieson (1990a, 1993) considers the deer scapula
pipe as a type of artifact unique to St. Lawrence
Iroquoians.
A brief look at the food habitsreveals that fish
were a very important part of the Huron-Wendat
and St. Lawrence Iroquoian subsistence base,
while mammals were of greater importance in
other Iroquoian populations, such as the Five
Nations Iroquois and Neutral (see Clermont
1984; Cossette 1993; Gates St-Pierre 2014;
Needs-Howarth 1999; Prevec and Noble 1983;
Recht 1997; Stewart 1999). Moreover, there is a
striking similarity in the way yellow perch often
represents the main targeted species in both
Huron-Wendat and St. Lawrence Iroquoian faunal
assemblages (Gates St-Pierre 2014; Gates St-Pierre
et al. 2014; Hawkins and Needs-Howarth 2014;
Malleau and Hawkins 2014; St-Germain &
Courtemanche 2015; Stewart 1999). This focus
might again be suggestive of a closer relationship
between the St. Lawrence Iroquoian and Huron-
Wendat ways of life before European contact.
Conclusion
Summarizing a thousand years in the occupation
history of the St. Lawrence River valley in a very
few pages is a difficult, perilous, and thankless
enterprise. Consequently, this overview will
certainly appear superficial, over-simplified, and
incomplete to some. Nevertheless, I hope it will
allow readers, and especially those who are not
archaeologists, to capture the complexity,
variability, and continuities in the ways St.
Lawrence Iroquoian communities and their
ancestors inhabited a vast and heterogeneous
territory, as well as the changing nature of their
relationships with their neighbours during the
centuries preceding the first contacts with
Europeans. Although the review of the evidence
presented here highlights the cultural differences
between St. Lawrence Iroquoians, the Huron-
Wendat, and their respective predecessors, it is also
clear that the two nations had developed a long-
lasting and privileged history of relationships over
the centuries. While these relations continued,
they became even more complex and troubled
during the dark times that saw the dispersal of the
St. Lawrence Iroquoians at the end of the sixteenth
century. This century represents another chapter
in the fascinating occupation history of the St.
Lawrence River valley (see Chapdelaine 2004;
Engelbrecht 1995; Jamieson 1990b; Pendergast
1993; Tremblay 2006).
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À l’époque des contacts avec les premiers Européens, les Iroquoiens du Saint-Laurent occupaient un territoire
qui s’étendait de l’embouchure du lac Ontario jusqu’à la région du Cap Tourmente, près de la ville de Québec,
en s’étendant aussi vers le sud jusqu’à la pointe nord du lac Champlain et en s’étendant de façon saisonnière
jusqu’à l’estuaire et le golfe du Saint-Laurent. Des décennies de recherches archéologiques sur ce vaste territoire
ont documenté une présence iroquoienne et iroquoienne primitive qui semble avoir été continuelle depuis au
moins 1 500 ans passés jusqu’à l’arrivée des premiers Européens au court du seizième siècle. Cette histoire
d’occupation précontact de la vallée du fleuve Saint-Laurent est aussi caractérisée par une variété de changements
locaux quant au matériel culturel, aux configurations d’établissement et aux subsistances. De plus, il y a eu une
série de changements relationnels complexes avec les populations avoisinantes. Cet article présente un aperçu
de cette histoire d’occupation riche et complexe.
Christian Gates St-Pierre
Département d’anthropologie
Université de Montréal
Pavillon Lionel-Groulx
C.P. 6128, succursale Centre-ville
Montreal QC H3C 3J7
Canada
christian.gates-st-pierre@umontreal.ca