Article

“You’re One of Us”: Black Americans’ Use of Hypodescent and Its Association With Egalitarianism.

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Abstract

Research on multiracial categorization has focused on majority group social perceivers (i.e., White Americans), demonstrating that they (a) typically categorize Black–White multiracials according to a rule of hypodescent, associating them more with their lower status parent group than their higher status parent group, and (b) do so at least in part to preserve the hierarchical status quo. The current work examines whether members of an ethnic minority group, Black Americans, also associate Black–White multiracials more with their minority versus majority parent group and if so, why. The first 2 studies (1A and 1B) directly compared Black and White Americans, and found that although both Blacks and Whites categorized Black–White multiracials as more Black than White, Whites’ use of hypodescent was associated with intergroup antiegalitarianism, whereas Blacks’ use of hypodescent was associated with intergroup egalitarianism. Studies 2–3 reveal that egalitarian Blacks use hypodescent in part because they perceive that Black–White biracials face discrimination and consequently feel a sense of linked fate with them. This research establishes that the use of hypodescent extends to minority as well as majority perceivers but also shows that the beliefs associated with the use of hypodescent differ as a function of perceiver social status. In doing so, we broaden the social scientific understanding of hypodescent, showing how it can be an inclusionary rather than exclusionary phenomenon.

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... Although most of these studies focused on the dichotomous categorization of Biracials as either Black or White, other studies have examined Blacks' perception of a Biracial's ingroup membership using continuous measures of ingroup membership (e.g., "Completely Outgroup" to "Completely Ingroup," with a midpoint of "Equally Ingroup and Outgroup"). Using this method, Ho, Kteily, and Chen (2017) found that Blacks perceived Biracials as more Black than White. Furthermore, Barnett and Wout (2016) found that Blacks perceived Blacks and Biracials equally as ingroup members. ...
... The current set of studies aimed to connect the existing literature on Blacks' perception of a Biracial's ingroup membership (e.g., Barnett & Wout, 2016), rejection (e.g., Mendes et al., 2008), and the processes associated with attributions to discrimination (See Major et al., 2002, for a review). Consistent with previous research (Barnett & Wout, 2016;Ho et al., 2017), we hypothesize that the more Blacks view Biracials as part of their racial ingroup, the less likely they will be to attribute negative feedback to discrimination. In Study 1, we examined whether Blacks make different attributions to discrimination when rejected by a Black, White, or Biracial interaction partner. ...
... The present research addressed the scant literature on how Blacks respond to rejection from Biracials. While previous literature has suggested that Blacks perceive Biracials as ingroup members (e.g., Barnett & Wout, 2016;Ho et al., 2017;Roberts & Gelman, 2015), to our knowledge, no study has examined the attributions Blacks make when rejected by Biracials, or whether Blacks' perception of a Biracial's ingroup membership could affect these attributions. Study 1 found that Black participants considered Black and Biracial partners as equal members of their racial ingroup following rejection. ...
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Objectives: The present research examined if Blacks differ in how they categorize Blacks, Whites, and Black-White Biracials (Biracials, hereafter) as ingroup members and whether those categorizations predict the degree to which they attribute rejection feedback to discrimination. Methods: In Study 1 (N = 115), Black participants received rejection feedback from a Black, White, or Biracial online partner and then indicated the extent to which they perceived their partner as part of their racial ingroup and the extent to which they attributed the rejection feedback to discrimination. In Study 2a (N = 92), Black participants viewed the profile of a Biracial who self-identified as Black, White, or Biracial and then indicated the extent to which they perceived them as an ingroup member. Study 2b (N = 183) followed a similar design as Study 1 except that Black participants received rejection feedback from a Biracial online partner who self-identified as Black, White, or Biracial. Results: In Study 1, participants considered Black and Biracial partners to be more of an ingroup member than White partners and, in turn, were less likely to attribute rejection feedback to discrimination. In Study 2, participants perceived Biracials who self-identified as White, versus Black or Biracial, to be less of an ingroup member (Study 2a, 2b) and, in turn, were more likely to attribute rejection feedback to discrimination (Study 2b). Conclusions: Findings suggest that Blacks' perception of a Biracial's ingroup membership affects their attributions to discrimination following social rejection. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).
... Although research referencing hypodescent is widespread, empirical evidence supporting hypodescent is mixed. There is research that clearly demonstrates hypodescent patterns in the racial categorization of multiracial and racially ambiguous individuals today (e.g., Freeman, Pauker, & Sanchez, 2016;Ho et al., 2011Ho et al., , 2013Ho et al., , 2015Ho et al., , 2017Krosch et al., 2013;Peery & Bodenhausen, 2008, S1;. However, some work demonstrates that multiracial targets are categorized into groups other than their socially-subordinate identity, such as multiracial (e.g., Chen & Hamilton, 2012;Pauker, Carpinella, Lick, Sanchez, & Johnson, 2018;Peery & Bodenhausen, 2008, S2). ...
... These targets may be male, female, or not have a gender indicated, and typically White participants indicate their racial categorizations using Likert scales (e.g., Ho et al., 2017;Ho et al., 2011). As these two examples illustrate, there is considerable variability in how multiracial is operationalized (e.g., racial ambiguity versus multiracial ancestry), the race of perceivers studied, the race and gender of the targets studied, and how categorization is measured. ...
... Operationalization of multiracial. Experiments have operationalized multiracial as racial ambiguity (e.g., Chen & Hamilton, 2012;Cooley et al., 2018;Halberstadt et al., 2011;Ho et al., 2011, S3), ancestral information (e.g., Ho et al., 2017Ho et al., , 2011, and a combination of both cues (e.g., Young, Sanchez, & Wilton, 2013). Although not all multiracial individuals are racially ambiguous, research on racially ambiguous categorization is often framed in terms of understanding perceptions of multiracial individuals. ...
Article
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Research addressing the increasing multiracial population (i.e., identifying with two or more races) is rapidly expanding. This meta-analysis ( k = 55) examines categorization patterns consistent with hypodescent, or the tendency to categorize multiracial targets as their lower status racial group. Subgroup analyses suggest that operationalization of multiracial (e.g., presenting photos of racially ambiguous faces, or ancestry information sans picture), target gender, and categorization measurement (e.g., selecting from binary choices: Black or White; or multiple categorization options: Black, White, or multiracial) moderated categorization patterns. Operationalizing multiracial as ancestry, male targets, and measuring categorization with binary or multiple Likert-type scale outcomes supported hypodescent. However, categorizing multiracial targets as not their lower status racial group occurred for female targets or multiple categorization options. Evidence was mixed on whether perceiver and target race were related to categorization patterns. These results point to future directions for understanding categorization processes and multiracial perception.
... For much of U.S. history, hypodescent dictated how people with mixed-race parents were treated and thus contributed to maintaining a rigid U.S. racial hierarchy. In today's society, hypodescent is no longer a federal practice, but research demonstrates that it often persists as an individual belief among U.S. adults (Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017;Ho et al., 2011;Peery & Bodenhausen, 2008). Recent developmental research, however, suggests that hypodescent is less likely to be practiced by young U.S. children . ...
... Hypodescent is no longer a federal practice, though research demonstrates that it continues to shape how U.S. adults conceptualize Multiracial individuals. For example, Ho et al. (2011Ho et al. ( , 2017 found that both Black and White Americans categorize a Black-White person as more Black than White even when explicitly told that the person has one Black and one White parent. Social and cognitive psychological research point to at least two motivations for this effect: (a) a preference for high-status over low-status groups, which can combine with a negativity bias to lead perceivers to weigh low-status ancestry more heavily than high-status ancestry (Ho, Roberts, & Gelman, 2015;Noyes & Keil, 2018), and (b) a desire among high-status group members to protect the integrity of the high-status group, which can lead to "ingroup overexclusion" (Castano, Yzerbyt, Bourguignon, & Seron, 2002;Knowles & Peng, 2005). ...
... We did not have predictions concerning how members of the lower status group would respond. Whereas past research has found that Black adults (a lower status group in the United States) use hypodescent because they perceive a common fate with Black-White multiracial individuals, rooted in perceptions that multiracial individuals experience discrimination (Ho et al., 2017), it is unlikely that lower status group members in this novel group paradigm would feel a shared experience of discrimination with a mixed-status target. Once again, negativity toward low-status groups (Horwitz et al., 2014) would also predict hypodescent. ...
Article
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Hypodescent emerged in U.S. history to reinforce racial hierarchy. Research suggests that among contemporary U.S. adults, hypodescent continues to shape social perception. Among U.S. children, however, hypodescent is less likely to be endorsed. Here, we tested for hypodescent by introducing U.S. children (ages 4–9) and adults (N = 273) to hierarchically ordered novel groups (one was high status and another was low status) and then to a child who had one parent from each group. In Study 1, we presented the groups in a third‐party context. In Study 2, we randomly assigned participants to the high‐status or the low‐status group. Across both studies, participants did not reliably endorse hypodescent, raising questions as to what elicits this practice.
... Most related research has focused on how White (and occasionally Black) perceivers racially categorize Black-White multiracial and/or racially ambiguous targets or on how multi-racial (Black-White) individuals self-categorize. The former research illustrates that both White and Black perceivers (albeit for different reasons) often use the rule of hypodescent, categorizing racially ambiguous or Black-White multi-racial targets as Black (Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017;Ho, Sidanius, Levin, & Banaji, 2011;Peery & Bodenhausen, 2008). The latter reveals that bi-racial Black-White individuals are also more likely to self-categorize as Black, in part because they believe others see them as Black (e.g., Khanna, 2010;Khanna & Johnson, 2010). ...
... The status direction of a mismatched identity claim could also moderate judgments of mismatched identity claims in different ways. Scholars have noted that because of the onedrop rule, Blacks have greater constraints on their racial identification than do Whites; people with Black racial ancestry are proscribed against identifying as White (Ho et al., 2017;Khanna, 2010). Indeed, multi-racial individuals are more likely to self-categorize as Black than White (Khanna & Johnson, 2010). ...
... For example, according to research on stigma-based solidarity (Craig & Richeson, 2016), minorities might have a stronger sense of kinship and solidarity with others who share their racial ancestry because they perceive them as also racially discriminated against. Consistent with this theorizing, Ho et al. (2017) found that a sense of discrimination against multi-racial (Black-White) individuals led Blacks to have a sense of shared fate with multi-racial targets and to racially categorize them in their ingroup (i.e., as Black). This suggests the possibility that racial minority perceivers in particular might judge targets with Black ancestry who claim to be White especially harshly, as they are rejecting their ingroup. ...
Article
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Five studies investigated perceptions of individuals whose identity claims violate societal ascriptions of group membership. Studies 1–3 showed that perceivers dislike targets whose claimed race/ethnicity does not match either of their parent’s racial/ethnic ancestry, delegitimize their identity claims, and deny their claimed identity relative to targets whose claimed race/ethnicity matches at least one of their parents’ racie/ethnicity backgrounds. Study 4 showed that mismatched religious identities are not similarly devalued, suggesting that perceived misrepresentation of racial/ethnic identity holds special significance as a violation of social norms. Study 5 found that racial essentialism was associated with increased disparagement of targets with two White parents who claim a Black identity, but not of targets with two Black parents who claim a White identity.
... It is also important to clarify differences and intersections between endorsing forcing a Black identity onto a Multiracial person and categorizing them as Black, since much of the literature on Black people's perceptions of Multiracial people has focused on how Black people categorize Multiracial people (e.g., Gaither, Pauker, Slepian, & Sommers, 2016;Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017). Categorization is conceptually different from forced Black identity because categorization is descriptive (describes views on what someone is), whereas forced Black identity is prescriptive (describes what someone should be; Heilman, 2012;Roberts, Gelman, & Ho, 2017). ...
... Historically, Black people have considered Multiracial people members of the Black community and there is research to suggest that this continues to be true (Khanna, 2010;Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2001). Specifically, as a byproduct of the one-drop rule, which specified that anyone with a drop of Black blood is Black (Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2001, 2004, Black people acknowledge Multiracial people as part of their racial community and report acceptance of their Multiracial identity (Chen & Ratliff, 2015;Franco & Holmes, 2016); however, recent research indicates variability in the degree to which Multiracial people are viewed as part of the Black community (Franco & Holmes, 2016;Ho et al., 2017). ...
... Namely, experiences of stigma (racism) did not create more feelings of similarity between Black and Multiracial people, as demonstrated by nonsignificant relationships between experiences of racism and endorsement of accepting Multiracial people into the Black community (Craig & Richeson, 2012. Relationships between racism and connectedness to other minority groups have been demonstrated in experimental studies (e.g., Craig & Richeson, 2012;Ho et al., 2017), but may be more difficult to detect in correlational studies. Experimental studies employ immediate primes manipulating discrimination, whereas the measure of racism in the current study asks about racism experienced in the past year. ...
Article
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The current study examined whether Black people’s racial ideology, experiences of racism, and their interaction predict their acceptance of Black-White Multiracial people. Black racial ideologies represent an aspect of Black people’s racial identity that addresses their perspectives on how people within the Black community should behave. Participants (N = 325) were administered a series of measures. Latent class analysis revealed three classes of Black racial identity: undifferentiated (average ideologies), integrationist (high assimilationist, humanist, and oppressed minority), and nationalist (high nationalist). The nationalist group was most likely to endorse rejecting Multiracial people as members of the Black community and also to endorse forcing a Black identity onto Multiracial people, whereas the integrationist group was least likely to make such endorsements. For participants in the nationalist (but not integrationist or undifferentiated) cluster, personal experiences of racism were related to endorsement of forcing a Black identity onto a Multiracial person. Findings suggest that Multiracial people might achieve the most identity affirmation and sense of community among Black people holding integrationist views.
... Americans continue to apply hypodescent to Black-White people today (Chen, Couto, Sacco, & Dunham, 2018, Experiment 1;Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017;Ho, Sidanius, Cuddy, & Banaji, 2013;Ho, Sidanius, Levin, & Banaji, 2011;Noyes & Keil, 2018, Experiment 4;Peery & Bodenhausen, 2008, Experiment 1;. ...
... If hypodescent is more strongly applied to biracials with a part-White background than those with mixed non-White ancestries, this suggests that hypodescent is particularly driven by the motive to protect the White boundary. Further, group-based motivations will shape the extent to which perceivers accept or reject biracial individuals into their in-group (see Chen et al., in press;Ho et al., 2017). These possibilities speak to the importance of documenting the underlying mechanisms of hypodescent for discovering the cognitive and motivational processes that reinforce traditional monoracial boundaries by White and non-White perceivers alike. ...
... With respect to perceivers, research has yet to focus on how non-White individuals perceive multiracials (see Chen et al., in press;Chen & Ratliff, 2015;Gaither, Pauker, Slepian, & Sommers, 2016;Ho et al., 2017;, for a few exceptions). Yet research on non-White perceivers has generated novel insights, such as Black Americans' perception of linked fate with Black-White biracials and Asian Americans' rejection of Asian-White biracials because they are skeptical of biracials' allegiances (Chen et al., in press). ...
... For all three items, the scale ranged from 1 ϭ more Black to 4 ϭ equally Black and White to 7 ϭ more White and was reverse-scored. Ho et al. (2017) conducted analyses of the resulting data that confirmed their hypotheses and we repeat these below following our exposition of methods for supporting claims of mediation. ...
... An indirect effect is claimed, according to the joint-significance test, only if both of these individual coefficients are simultaneously significant (or if neither of their confidence intervals includes 0). Going back to Ho et al.'s (2017) study, both a 21 and b 32 were highly significant, confirming the presence of an indirect effect. ...
... Let us illustrate the recommended analytic strategy using the simple mediation example presented in the introduction (Ho et al., 2017). Remember that participants were found to report more hypodescent when informed that Black-White biracials do versus do not experience discrimination, c 11 ϭ 0.17, p ϭ .04. ...
Article
In light of current concerns with replicability and reporting false-positive effects in psychology, we examine Type I errors and power associated with 2 distinct approaches for the assessment of mediation, namely the component approach (testing individual parameter estimates in the model) and the index approach (testing a single mediational index). We conduct simulations that examine both approaches and show that the most commonly used tests under the index approach risk inflated Type I errors compared with the joint-significance test inspired by the component approach. We argue that the tendency to report only a single mediational index is worrisome for this reason and also because it is often accompanied by a failure to critically examine the individual causal paths underlying the mediational model. We recommend testing individual components of the indirect effect to argue for the presence of an indirect effect and then using other recommended procedures to calculate the size of that effect. Beyond simple mediation, we show that our conclusions also apply in cases of within-participant mediation and moderated mediation. We also provide a new R-package that allows for an easy implementation of our recommendations.
... The perception of ingroup disadvantage could lead minority perceivers to include biracials in their ingroup as a result of feeling a sense of commonality with them as joint targets of discrimination (Cortland et al., 2017;Craig & Richeson, 2012, 2016. Consistent with this reasoning, Ho, Kteily, and Chen (2017) examined perceptions of multiracials among Black Americans, members of a low-status group, and indeed found that Black Americans categorized Black-White biracials as Black ingroup members in part due to their sense that Blacks and Black-White biracials shared a common experience of discrimination (see also Chen & Ratliff, 2015;Gaither, Pauker, Slepian, & Sommers, 2016). ...
... On one hand, similar to low-status groups like Black Americans, Asian Americans are negatively stereotyped (Lin, Kwan, Cheung, & Fiske, 2005) and face discrimination (e.g., Milkman, Akinola, & Chugh, 2012; see also Yogeeswaran & Dasgupta, 2010). Accordingly, Asian Americans could respond to anti-Asian discrimination like Black Americans (Ho et al., 2017)-that is, by categorizing Asian-White biracials as members of the ingroup as a result of feeling a sense of commonality with them as mutual targets of discrimination. ...
... We did not expect to find evidence for these same patterns among Black Americans. Because Black-White biracials are less likely to be able to ascend into the White outgroup, perceived anti-Black discrimination should be less likely to predict concerns about Black-White biracials' identity preferences and disloyalty (and subsequent outgroup categorization) than is true for Asian Americans (see also Ho et al., 2017;Lalonde & Silverman, 1994). We therefore predicted significant interactions between perceived discrimination against the ingroup and perceiver group membership (Asian vs. Black) predicting perceived biracial identity preferences, perceived biracial disloyalty, and categorization. ...
Article
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We investigated Asian Americans' perceptions of Asian-White biracials. Because the Asian/White boundary may be more permeable than other minority/White boundaries, we reasoned that Asian Americans are more likely than Black Americans to be skeptical of biracials, perceiving that biracials would prefer to identify as White and would be disloyal to Asians, consequently categorizing them as more outgroup. We further reasoned that Asian Americans' concerns about and exclusion of biracials would be predicted by greater perceived discrimination against Asian Americans, which increases the incentive for biracials to pass into the higher status racial group. Studies 1 and 2 provided correlational support for these theorized relationships among Asian Americans. Study 2 showed that perceived discrimination did not increase Black Americans' concerns about biracials' identity preferences and loyalty. Studies 3 and 4 provided causal evidence for the roles of perceived discrimination and biracial identity preferences, respectively, in Asian Americans' exclusion of biracials.
... White Americans' use of hypodescent is often motivated by a desire to preserve the status quo racial hierarchy with Whites on top (e.g. [3][4][5]), and political conservatives tend to engage in hypodescendant categorization more strongly than liberals [6]. Although recent work has identified an ideological asymmetry in the use of hypodescent, it remains unclear whether conservatives and liberals actually see, feel or think about mixed-race individuals differently-and how these processes give rise to downstream categorization biases. ...
... PSE) and to submit them to mediation analyses. 3 In the light of our a priori hypothesis regarding anterior insula activity, we also examined activity across bilateral anterior insula regions of interest (ROIs) using maps from [45]. We analysed neural activity in these ROIs by extracting mean parameter estimates (β-values) associated with the Black prototypicality and ambiguity predictors averaged from all voxels separately within each ROI and compared them with a baseline of 0 (reflecting no association between predictors and insula activity) using one-sample t-tests, then examined those parameter estimates' association with ideology and PSE. ...
... These measures were not analysed for this paper. 3 Because racially ambiguous faces typically take longer to categorize than racially prototypical ones (e.g. [43]), we also conducted a GLM adjusting for response time and correlated the adjusted Black prototypicality and ambiguity betas with ideology and PSE (see electronic supplementary material, text and table S2). ...
Article
Multiracial individuals are often categorized as members of their ‘socially subordinate’ racial group—a form of social discrimination termed hypodescent—with political conservatives more likely than liberals to show this bias. Although hypodescent has been linked to racial hierarchy preservation motives, it remains unclear how political ideology influences categorization: Do conservatives and liberals see, feel or think about mixed-race faces differently? Do they differ in sensitivity to Black prototypicality (i.e. skin tone darkness and Afrocentric features) or racial ambiguity (i.e. categorization difficulty) of Black/White mixed-race faces? To help answer these questions, we collected a politically diverse sample of White participants and had them categorize mixed-race faces as Black or White during functional neuroimaging. We found that conservatism was related to greater anterior insula activity to racially ambiguous faces, and this pattern of brain activation mediated conservatives' use of hypodescent. This demonstrates that conservatives' greater sensitivity to racial ambiguity (rather than Black prototypicality) gives rise to greater categorization of mixed-race individuals into the socially subordinate group and tentatively suggests that conservatives may differ from liberals in their affective reactions to mixed-race faces. Implications for the study of race categorization and political psychology are discussed. This article is part of the theme issue ‘The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms'.
... Yet, hypodescent is a rule that specifies how to categorize individuals with part-Black ancestry (Davis, 1991;Jordan, 2014). Although several studies documenting hypodescent do manipulate targets' ancestry (e.g., Ho et al., 2011, Ho, Roberts, & Gelman, 2015, Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017Peery & Bodenhausen, 2008;Skinner & Nicolas, 2015;Young, Sanchez, & Wilton, 2013), many studies that claim to have documented hypodescent do so with paradigms that present multiracial faces without ancestral information (e.g., Chen, Couto, Sacco, & Dunham, 2017, Experiments 2 & 3;Cooley et al., 2017;Freeman et al., 2016;Gaither et al., 2016;Halberstadt, Sherman, & Sherman, 2011;Krosch & Amodio, 2014;Krosch et al., 2013). However, perceivers' categorization of multiracial individuals without ancestral information is not consistent with the original definition of the hypodescent categorization rule (Jordan, 2014). ...
... In other words, minorities may be conservative in affording to others social benefits that they themselves do not enjoy. Third, minorities could also be motivated to include people in their in-group or in a superordinate "person of color" in-group in order to form political coalitions (Craig & Richeson, 2016;Ho et al., 2017). The possible motives underlying the minority bias raise particularly interesting avenues for future research and highlight the need for more research on minority perceivers' racial categorization processes. ...
Preprint
The present research sought to provide new insights on the principles guiding the categorization of Black-White multiracial faces at a first encounter. Previous studies have typically measured categorization of multiracial faces using close-ended tasks that constrain available categorizations, finding evidence that perceivers tend to categorize multiracials as Black more often than as White. Two studies used less constrained implicit (Experiment 1) and explicit categorization (Experiment 2) tasks and found that multiracial faces were most frequently categorized into racial minority groups but not necessarily as Black. These studies suggested a minority bias in multiracial categorizations, whereby multiracials are more frequently categorized as non-White than as White. Experiment 3 provided additional support for the minority bias, showing that participants categorized multiracials as “Not White” more often than as any other category. Participants were also faster to exclude multiracial faces from the White category than from any other racial categories. Together, these findings are the first to document the minority bias as a guiding principle in multiracial categorization.
... Group status on the other hand is important because the social position occupied by one's group invariably dictates the social realities of such a group and its members and by extension their social/political attitudes (Federico et al., 2013;Guimond et al., 2002;Kosic & Caudek, 2005;Lee et al., 2011;Radke et al., 2017). For majority or dominant ethnic groups, their social position affords them the privileges of dictating the runnings of the society and they have a lot to gain as a group or as individual members of the group from maintaining an ethnocentric attitude towards outgroups or subservient groups (Chen et al., 2018;Chow et al., 2013Chow et al., , 2008Cooley et al., 2018;Ho et al., 2017;Jost & Banaji, 1994;Jost et al., 2003;McClanahan et al., 2019). Thus, more identification with the ingroup among majority group helps to justify and maintain their upper hand in the society. ...
... Consequently, there is also discrimination against people considered to be of minority status within an ethnic group and as such can influence the extent of identification and devotion to the broader ethnic category. Empirical studies have shown that ambiguous group members tend to be excluded or discriminated against when they are perceived to affect negatively the integrity of the group (Chen et al., 2018;Cooley et al., 2018;Ho et al., 2017;Rutlanda et al., 2015). In Chen's et al. (2018) study biracial people (Black-Whites) were more frequently categorised as non-Whites than as Whites. ...
Article
In this study, social dominance orientation (SDO) was examined in relation to ethnocentric bias while ingroup identification and group status were tested as moderator variables. With a survey research design, data were collected via standardised psychological scales from a sample of 1050 participants drawn from majority and minority ethnic groups using a multistage sampling procedure. Findings showed that SDO was a significant positive predictor of ethnocentric bias. In addition, the predictive strength of SDO on ethnocentric bias was stronger for majority ethnic group. Also a preference for social hierarchy was associated with less devotion to one's ingroup. Results further showed ingroup identification to be a moderator of the relationship between SDO and ethnocentric bias such that it reduces the strength of the relationship between the two variables. Likewise, ingroup identification was directly related to higher pro-ingroup and lower anti-outgroup attitudes. Going by the findings of this study, SDO proves to be a significant variable that consistently influences social/political attitudes. Equally, ingroup identification shows potential as a useful tool in brokering peaceful relations within a multi-ethnic setting in which interacting groups are competitive but interdependent. Findings were discussed within the tenets of extant literature and the social context of the study.
... In social interactions, individuals whose social backgrounds blur established group boundaries are often categorized as members of the ingroup or the outgroup on either side of this traditional group divide. For example, bicultural and biracial individuals are often treated as belonging to a monocultural or monoracial group (Good, Chavez, & Sanchez, 2010;Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017;Ho, Sidanius, Levin, & Banaji, 2011). Therefore, members of single-categories (e.g., monoracial, monocultural individuals) often remain unaware of contact with gateway group members and instead think of them as ingroup or outgroup members. ...
... However, inclusion of gateway group members into the ingroup is often unlikely, especially for majority group members (Ho et al., 2011(Ho et al., , 2017Peery & Bodenhausen, 2008). Rather, gateway group members might be better described as partial ingroup members who share some, but not all, of a single-identity individual's social category memberships (see Crisp & Hewstone, 2007). ...
Article
One of the most recent developments in the realm of intergroup relations is that of the gateway group notion. This conceptual framework addresses the potential of groups with multiple social backgrounds to play a role in the facilitation of positive intergroup relations between their distinct social counterparts (e.g., immigrants as a gateway between home and host countries). Given their shared identity with different social groups, people with multiple identities can potentially bridge the cleft between the two otherwise separate groups with which they are affiliated. In this article, we first provide a theoretical introduction to the gateway group notion and review preliminary experimental and social network‐based research on gateway groups' potential to improve intergroup relations. We then integrate this novel concept with the existing literature on intergroup contact and social categorization and discuss the potential social implications of gateway groups.
... Also, those who endorse liberal-leaning ideologies (e.g. lower SDO), are more likely to perceive a common fate with others, including those from disadvantaged groups (Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017;McFarland et al., 2019). Together, these findings suggest that authoritarianism, SDO, or political conservatism, as well as lower threat, empathy, and group efficacy, might be allied with less willingness to engage in collective actions aimed at managing COVID-19, less support for precautions, and lower health compliance. ...
... These findings are consistent with rich literatures identifying group efficacy as a key force driving collective action and (low) empathy as central to SDO (Hodson, 2008;Klandermans, 1984;McFarland, 2010;Mummendey et al., 1999;Sidanius et al., 2013;van Zomeren et al., 2008) and collective action (Choma et al., 2020). It also supports research showing that those higher in SDO fail to perceive a common fate -which is likely connected with empathy and group efficacy -with others (Ho et al., 2017;McFarland et al., 2019; see also Ho & Kteily, 2020). ...
Article
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Until vaccines or treatments are widely available and used, behavioral change (e.g. social distancing) on an unparalleled collective scale is the chief way to curb the spread of COVID-19. Relying on ideology and collective action models as conceptual frameworks, in the present study the role of ideological and psychological factors in COVID-19-related opinions, health compliance behaviors, and collective action were examined in three countries. Results, examining country as a moderator, showed some politically conservative orientations, especially social dominance orientation, relate to less collective action, less support of measures to manage COVID-19, and lower compliance. Variables, including empathy for those affected by COVID-19 and group efficacy also predicted COVID-19-related attitudes and behavior. Belief in science and perceived risk also emerged as key factors to impact compliance-related attitudes and behaviors. Implications for motivating collective compliance are discussed.
... Yet, hypodescent is a rule that specifies how to categorize individuals with part-Black ancestry (Davis, 1991;Jordan, 2014). Although several studies documenting hypodescent do manipulate targets' ancestry (e.g., Ho et al., 2011, Ho, Roberts, & Gelman, 2015, Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017Peery & Bodenhausen, 2008;Skinner & Nicolas, 2015;Young, Sanchez, & Wilton, 2013), many studies that claim to have documented hypodescent do so with paradigms that present multiracial faces without ancestral information (e.g., Chen, Couto, Sacco, & Dunham, 2017, Experiments 2 & 3;Cooley et al., 2017;Freeman et al., 2016;Gaither et al., 2016;Halberstadt, Sherman, & Sherman, 2011;Krosch & Amodio, 2014;Krosch et al., 2013). However, perceivers' categorization of multiracial individuals without ancestral information is not consistent with the original definition of the hypodescent categorization rule (Jordan, 2014). ...
... In other words, minorities may be conservative in affording to others social benefits that they themselves do not enjoy. Third, minorities could also be motivated to include people in their in-group or in a superordinate "person of color" in-group in order to form political coalitions (Craig & Richeson, 2016;Ho et al., 2017). The possible motives underlying the minority bias raise particularly interesting avenues for future research and highlight the need for more research on minority perceivers' racial categorization processes. ...
Article
The present research sought to provide new insights on the principles guiding the categorization of Black-White multiracial faces at a first encounter. Previous studies have typically measured categorization of multiracial faces using close-ended tasks that constrain available categorizations. Those studies find evidence that perceivers tend to categorize multiracials as Black more often than as White. Two studies used less constrained, implicit (Experiment 1) and explicit categorization (Experiment 2) tasks and found that multiracial faces were most frequently categorized into racial minority groups but not necessarily as Black. These studies suggested a minority bias in multiracial categorizations, whereby multiracials are more frequently categorized as non-White than as White. Experiment 3 provided additional support for the minority bias, showing that participants categorized multiracials as “Not White” more often than as any other category. Participants were also faster to exclude multiracial faces from the White category than from any other racial category. Together, these findings are the first to document the minority bias as a guiding principle in multiracial categorization.
... Whites and Hispanics were much more likely to describe him as mixed race (over 50%), while Black respondents were the only demographic to describe him as Black more than half the time (55%). These results are in line with findings by Ho et al. (2017;Study 3), who found that Black perceivers tend to be inclusive of Black-White biracial people in the ingroup, believing that others will categorize and treat them as Black people. We can speculate that the control condition in the Ho et al. (https://www.doi.org/10.4135/97814129851302017) ...
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The 2020 US Presidential election was historic in that it featured the first woman of color, Kamala Harris, on a major‐party ticket. Although Harris identifies as Black, her racial identity was widely scrutinized throughout the election, due to her mixed‐race ancestry. Moreover, media coverage of Harris's racial identity appeared to vary based on that news outlet's political leaning and sometimes had prejudicial undertones. The current research investigated racial categorization of Harris and the role that political orientation and anti‐Black prejudice might play in shaping these categorizations. Studies 1 and 2 tested the possibility that conservatives and liberals might mentally represent Harris differently, which we hypothesized would lead the two groups to differ in how they categorized her race. Contrary to our prediction, conservatives, and liberals mentally represented Harris similarly. Also surprising were the explicit racial categorization data. Conservatives labeled Harris as White more than liberals, who tended to categorize Harris as multiracial. This pattern was explained by anti‐Black prejudice. Study 3 examined a potential political motivation that might explain this finding. We found that conservatives, more than liberals, judge having a non‐White candidate on a Democratic ballot as an asset, which may lead conservatives to deny non‐White candidates these identities.
... We predict that multiracial individuals who engage in social activism on behalf of their racial communities will be more readily accepted than those who do not engage in social activism. Displaying social activism may signal a set of shared experiences with monoracial minorities that is often communicated implicitly through their one's prototypical appearance (Branscombe, Schmitt, & Harvey, 1999;Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017). Therefore, studies 1, 2 and 3 aimed to look at a novel factorsocial activismthat may bolster the acceptability of a multiracial Asian individual representing their racial minority community (i.e., the Asian community). ...
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Research shows that multiracial individuals’ racial identities are often questioned because their appearances are not prototypical of their racial groups. We examined whether social activism performed by a multiracial person may bolster perceptions of that person as a legitimate representative of the racial minority group. In Studies 1 and 2, participants in a voting paradigm voted for a multiracial over a monoracial candidate if the candidate displayed social activism. In addition, Study 3 found that candidates who displayed social activism, rather than a generic racially prototypical behavior, were seen as more electable and representative of the association. Overall, our findings illuminate the power of social activism to alter perceptions of how representative multiracial individuals are of their racial minority groups.
... It also aids in pinpointing other ancestry influences from Asia, Europe, indigenous people, etc., shedding light on traditions, phenotypes, and genetics that formally had little context in the Black narrative. This provides a sense of global citizenship and new insight into the African diaspora, which has been suppressed by a long history of racism and hypodescent (the practice of classifying a child of mixed race ancestry in the more socially subordinate parental race) in the USA and beyond (Ho et al. 2017;Craig and Richeson 2012;Peery and Bodenhausen 2008;Girard 2010). ...
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This paper explores how Africana Studies offer the opportunity for a new worldview that may supplant the assumption that Western history is history. It considers how new knowledge of the human migration bodes for the future of Africana Studies. It has the following research questions: (1) Does new ancestry data reveal or clarify African narratives that may have been missing or suppressed?; (2) What heritage do participants over- or under-predict?; (3) Do participants over-predict indigenous American heritage?; and (4) How is unexpected heritage received? Data from the DNA Discussion Project is used to answer these questions, and implications for bridging discussions of human history using Ancestry DNA are discussed.
... Thus, preference for same-race romantic partners should be high in these circumstances. However, it should be noted that some research suggests that racial minorities may hold more flexible racial boundaries with other non-White groups because of a shared experience of discrimination (Franco et al., 2019;Ho et al., 2017). ...
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As the U.S. has become increasingly diverse, it might be expected that attitudes toward racial groups other than ones’ own should be improving. Interracial romantic relationships are the penultimate test of racial tolerance and acceptance, and these relationships are increasing in the U.S. The goal of this study was to investigate race and gender differences within the context of dating. The online study (N = 843, 51.1% male) examined if racial/ethnic dating preferences vary by race/ethnicity, if there are gender differences in racial/ethnic dating preferences, and if one race/ethnicity is the most preferred to date (after excluding one’s own race). Participants were asked if they would consider being in an interracial relationship and if so, they were further questioned about their racial dating preferences. Surprisingly, 88.7% of participants indicated that they have been, are currently in, or are open to being in an interracial relationship. Results indicated that women were more likely than men to say that they were not open to interracial dating, and White people were less open than other racial groups. According to social exchange theory, White and Asian people should have been the most preferred dating partners. However, our findings did not fully support this. Asian people were the least preferred dating partners while White people were the most preferred (excluding one’s own race) across all racial groups.
... Lewis [46] finds that people who have more experience seeing Black faces are more likely to classify multiracial faces as belonging to a White person. Ho et al. [32] find that Black perceivers may use hypodescent inclusively, extending Blackness to multiracial people with Black ancestry "because they perceive that Black-White biracials face discrimination and consequently feel a sense of linked fate with them. " Peery and Bodenhausen [60] finds that automatic (reflexive/implicit) racial categorizations by White perceivers reflect hypodescent, but that "more complex racial identities may be acknowledged upon more thoughtful reflection." ...
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We examine the state-of-the-art multimodal "visual semantic" model CLIP ("Contrastive Language Image Pretraining") for the rule of hypodescent, or one-drop rule, whereby multiracial people are more likely to be assigned a racial or ethnic label corresponding to a minority or disadvantaged racial or ethnic group than to the equivalent majority or advantaged group. A face morphing experiment grounded in psychological research demonstrating hypodescent indicates that, at the midway point of 1,000 series of morphed images, CLIP associates 69.7% of Black-White female images with a Black text label over a White text label, and similarly prefers Latina (75.8%) and Asian (89.1%) text labels at the midway point for Latina-White female and Asian-White female morphs, reflecting hypodescent. Additionally, assessment of the underlying cosine similarities in the model reveals that association with White is correlated with association with "person," with Pearson's rho as high as 0.82 over a 21,000-image morph series, indicating that a White person corresponds to the default representation of a person in CLIP. Finally, we show that the stereotype-congruent pleasantness association of an image correlates with association with the Black text label in CLIP, with Pearson's rho = 0.48 for 21,000 Black-White multiracial male images, and rho = 0.41 for Black-White multiracial female images. CLIP is trained on English-language text gathered using data collected from an American website (Wikipedia), and our findings demonstrate that CLIP embeds the values of American racial hierarchy, reflecting the implicit and explicit beliefs that are present in human minds. We contextualize these findings within the history and psychology of hypodescent. Overall, the data suggests that AI supervised using natural language will, unless checked, learn biases that reflect racial hierarchies.
... Although our results generally held when using race (White vs. non-White) as a covariate, we lacked the power to systematically investigate participant race differences. Some work has shown that Black individuals perceive racially ambiguous faces similarly to White individuals (Ho et al., 2017) and that White, Asian, and Latino participants categorize multiracial faces in similar ways in 3-Category tasks (Chen & Hamilton, 2012;Chen et al., 2014). However, the majority of hypodescent research has yet to examine whether categorization varies systematically by participant race . ...
Article
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Multiracial research emphasizes hypodescent categorizations and relies on computer-generated stimuli. Four experiments showed that real biracial faces in a 2-Choice categorization task (White, Black) elicited hypodescent more than computer-generated faces. Additionally, Experiment 2 showed a 2-Choice categorization task with real biracial faces increased racial essentialism more than a 3-Choice categorization task. Experiment 3 showed that mere exposure to real biracial faces did not increase essentialism. Finally, Experiments 4a and 4b replicated hypodescent outcomes when comparing real biracial faces to computer-generated versions of those same faces. In sum, these findings initiate a discussion surrounding the methodology of multiracial categorizations.
... Bodenhausen, 2004), hierarchy maintaining motives(Ho, Sidanius, Cuddy, & Banaji, 2013;Krosch, Berntsen, Amodio, Jost, & Van Bavel, 2013; Kteily, Cotterill, Sidanius, Sheehy-Skeffinton, & Bergh, 2014), or racial identity (e.g.,Gaither, Pauker, Slepian, & Sommers, 2016;Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017;Knowles & Peng, 2005). Studies reveal that target's characteristics, such as socioeconomic status (e.g.,Young, Sanchez, & Wilton, 2015), racial identity of targets (e.g., multiple minority identities;MacLin & Malpass, 2001; Pauker, Carpinella, Lick, Sanchez, & Johnson, in press; Tskhay & Rule, 2015), and accompanying category cues, such as hairstyles, labels, or stereotypes (e.g., Dickter & Kittel, 2012; MacLin & Malpass, 2001; Tskhay & Rule, 2015) change categorizations. ...
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The majority of social perception research to date has focused on perceptually obvious and prototypical representations of social categories. However, not all people belong to social categories that are easily discernable. Within the past decade, there has been an upsurge of research demonstrating that multifaceted identities (both one's own and perceptions of others' identities) influence people to think about social categories in a more flexible manner. Here, we specifically review research on multiracial identity and perceptions of multiracial individuals as 2 domains where researchers have documented evidence of the flexible nature of social identities and social categorization. Integrating frameworks that argue race is a dynamic and interactive process, we provide evidence that studying multiracial perceivers and targets helps reveal that race changes across situations, time, and depending on a number of top‐down factors (e.g., expectations, stereotypes, and cultural norms). From the perspective of multiracial individuals as perceivers, we review research showing that flexible identity in multiracial individuals influences the process of social perception driven by a reduced belief in the essential nature of racial categories. From the perspective of multiracial individuals as targets, we review research that top‐down cues influence the racial categorization process. We further discuss emerging work that reveals that exposure to multiracial individuals influences beliefs surrounding the categorical (or noncategorical) nature of race, itself. Needed directions for future work are discussed.
... reputable). This accords with previous work in different but related domains, which has shown that individuals with higher levels of SDO are more likely to distance low status targets from dominant groups, thus maintaining the social stratification between groups at the top and those at the bottom that antiegalitarians favor (Ho et al., 2013;Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017;Kteily et al., 2014;Krosch et al., 2013). In contrast, we found that egalitarian Whites-who desire more equality between racial groups, despite their membership in an advantaged group-were more likely to give a biracial's minority background credit when that target was reputable than when he was disreputable. ...
Preprint
Individuals’ perceptions of biracials can vary based on the motives of the perceiver. Here, we examine how two factors—perceivers’ group-level identification motives and their system-level beliefs about the desirability of hierarchy (i.e., social dominance orientation)—predict the degree to which they attribute a biracial target’s successes or failures to that target’s White versus minority backgrounds. Across three studies examining different contexts, more anti-egalitarian White participants and (independently) more highly identified White participants rated a half-White, half-minority target as being shaped more by his minority (vs. White) background when he was disreputable (vs. reputable), patterns broadly consistent with prior theorizing on the motivations to maintain social stratification and protect ingroup standing respectively. In direct contrast, however, egalitarian White participants and (independently) White participants low on ethnic identification credited a target’s outgroup minority background when he was reputable (vs. disreputable), consistent with a desire to promote social equality and forgoing the opportunity to “bask in reflected glory” on behalf of the ingroup. Our results extend theorizing by underlining the benefits of jointly considering both group- and system-level motives when considering perceptions and attributions of individuals and groups, and by shedding new light on the understudied psychology of social egalitarians.
... Past research shows that biracial people are sometimes categorized and perceived as more similar to their lower (vs. higher) status monoracial parent group (Chen et al., 2018;Ho et al., 2017Ho et al., , 2011Peery & Bodenhausen, 2008). This work suggests that a Black-White biracial facilitator could be seen as "more Black" (Wilton et al., 2018) and thus better able to communicate the concerns of Black people than White people. ...
Article
For group discussions about fraught racial topics between Black and White Americans to be beneficial, conversation participants must view the person who facilitates as effective at communicating both the perspectives of Black and White Americans. We identify a biracial advantage in this domain. In three studies (total N = 710), we tested how a facilitator’s race affects their perceived effectiveness in communicating with both Black and White Americans. Both Black and White participants expected Black and White monoracial facilitators to more effectively engage with racial in-group than racial out-group members. However, they expected biracial facilitators to be equally effective in communicating with both Black and White groups. Both Black and White participants also expected biracial facilitators to use productive learning strategies (perspective taking, showing empathy) more than White facilitators, and either more than or equally to Black facilitators, suggesting one reason why people expect biracial facilitators to perform well in these moments.
... reputable). This accords with previous work in different but related domains, which has shown that individuals with higher levels of SDO are more likely to distance low-status targets from dominant groups, thus maintaining the social stratification between groups at the top and those at the bottom that anti-egalitarians favor (Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017;Ho et al., 2013;Krosch et al., 2013;Kteily et al., 2014). In contrast, we found that egalitarian Whites-who desire more equality between racial groups, despite their membership in an advantaged group-were more likely to give a biracial person's minority background credit when that target was reputable than when he was disreputable. ...
Article
Full-text available
Individuals’ perceptions of biracials can vary based on the motives of the perceiver. Here, we examine how two factors—perceivers’ group-level identification motives and their system-level beliefs about the desirability of hierarchy (i.e., social dominance orientation)—predict the degree to which they attribute a biracial target’s successes or failures to that target’s White versus minority background. Across three studies examining different contexts, more anti-egalitarian White participants and more highly identified White participants rated a half-White, half-minority target as being shaped more by his minority (vs. White) background when he was disreputable (vs. reputable)—patterns broadly consistent with prior theorizing on the motivations to maintain social stratification and protect ingroup standing, respectively. In direct contrast, however, egalitarian White participants and White participants low on ethnic identification credited a target’s outgroup minority background when he was reputable (vs. disreputable), consistent with a desire to promote social equality and forgoing the opportunity to “bask in reflected glory” on behalf of the ingroup. Our results extend extant theorizing by underlining the benefits of jointly considering both group- and system-level motives when analyzing perceptions and attributions of individuals and groups, and by shedding new light on the understudied psychology of social egalitarians.
... A group-specific approach is particularly important when examining parental racial socialization because the subgroups are racialized differently within their communities and society (Strmic-Pawl, 2016;Törngren et al., 2019). For instance, Biracial youth with Black and white ancestry have often been perceived and treated like Monoracial Black people based on the historic "one-drop rule," which legally categorized Biracial Black children as Black (Gotanda, 1991;Ho et al., 2017). In contrast, Biracial Asian-White youth are more likely to be perceived as "white" or outgroup members by Monoracial Asian Americans (Chen et al., 2019). ...
Article
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Racial socialization—parent–child communication about race—may promote cohesion and relational satisfaction in Multiracial Black–White families, where parents and children have unique racial experiences. However, little is known about how racial socialization is actually practiced in Multiracial families. The current paper addresses this gap by synthesizing the existing qualitative literature on racial socialization in Multiracial Black–White families. Seventeen articles were identified using three electronic databases and appraised based on a critical review form for qualitative investigations. We then used meta‐ethnographic methods and two theoretical frameworks to explore patterns of racial socialization, which included messages about (1) Monoracial Black experiences, (2) the irrelevance of race (e.g., color‐evasiveness), and (3) Multiracial experiences. The findings illuminate the intricacies of parental racial socialization in Multiracial Black–White families. The implications for family theory and practice are discussed.
... despite the reality that genes only probabilistically correspond to racial categories, people report that Black and White people have nonoverlapping distributions of genes (Christensen, Jayaratne, Roberts, Kardia, & Petty, 2010). Furthermore, in the United States, people with both Black and White parentage are often categorized as primarily Black rather than as equally Black and White (Ho, Kteily, & Chen, 2017;Ho, Sidanius, Levin, & Banaji, 2011). Even preschoolers categorize people in absolutes, believing that social categories demarcate objectively distinct "kinds" of people (Diesendruck et al., 2013;Rhodes & Gelman, 2009a, 2009b, and under certain conditions, categorize Multiracial children as Black (Roberts & Gelman, 2015, 2017a, suggesting that the tendency to treat essentialized categories as dichotomous is early-emerging. ...
Article
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Psychological essentialism entails a focus on category boundaries (e.g., categorizing people as men or women) and an increase in the conceptual distance between those boundaries (e.g., accentuating the differences between men and women). Across eight studies, we demonstrate that essentialism additionally entails an increase in support for boundary-enhancing legislation, policies, and social services, and that it does so under conditions that disadvantage social groups, as well as conditions that benefit them. First, individual differences in essentialism were associated with support for legislation mandating that transgender people use restrooms corresponding with their biological sex, and with support for the boundary-enhancing policies of the 2016 then-presumptive Republican presidential nominee (i.e., Donald Trump). Second, essentialism was associated with support for same-gender classrooms designed to promote student learning, as well as support for services designed to benefit LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer) individuals. These findings demonstrate the boundary-enhancing implications of essentialism and their social significance.
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Culture shapes the meaning of race and, consequently, who is placed into which racial categories. Three experiments conducted in the United States and Brazil illustrated the cultural nature of racial categorization. In Experiment 1, a target’s racial ancestry influenced Americans’ categorizations but had no impact on Brazilians’ categorizations. Experiment 2 showed cultural differences in the reliance on two phenotypic cues to race; Brazilians’ categorizations were more strongly determined by skin tone than were Americans’ categorizations, and Americans’ categorizations were more strongly determined by other facial features compared to Brazilians' categorizations. Experiment 3 demonstrated cultural differences in the motivated use of racial categories. When the racial hierarchy was threatened, only Americans more strictly enforced the Black–White racial boundary. Cultural forces shape the conceptual, perceptual, and ideological construal of racial categories.
Article
Using a resource scarcity framework, the current study investigated whether Black people’s perceptions of competition for Black mates related to ascribing a Black identity onto Black/White Multiracial people. Participants took online questionnaires that assessed competition for Black mates, likelihood of forcing a Black identity onto a self-identified Black/White Multiracial person, essentialism, and contact with Multiracial people. Results indicated that increased perceptions of competition for Black mates was related to increased forced Black identity onto self-identified Black/White Multiracial people, above and beyond levels of essentialism and contact. This relationship was stronger for sexual minorities. The current research supports the proposition that scarcity of resources (i.e., mates) affects ideologies regarding Black/White Multiracial people’s identities.
Article
We propose that Multiracials have flexible racial in-groups in that Multiracials can potentially consider members from three target racial groups as in-group members: same-race Multiracials, racial component Monoracials, and different-race Multiracials. Across three studies, we find that Black/Whites and Asian/Whites consider racial component Minorities (i.e., Blacks or Asians) and different-race Multiracials who share their Minority identity (i.e., Black/Asians) as in-group members in addition to, but to a lesser extent than, same-race Multiracials (i.e., Black/Whites or Asian/Whites). Moreover, participants who reported frequently encountering discrimination related to their Black or Asian backgrounds were more likely to consider individuals who share their Minority background as in-group members. Implications for Multiracials’ psychological well-being and the broader intergroup literature are discussed.
Article
Researchers have used social dominance, system justification, authoritarianism, and social identity theories to understand how monoracial perceivers’ sociopolitical motives influence their categorization of multiracial people. The result has been a growing understanding of how particular sociopolitical motives and contexts affect categorization, without a unifying perspective to integrate these insights. We review evidence supporting each theory’s predictions concerning how monoracial perceivers categorize multiracial people who combine their ingroup with an outgroup, with attention to the moderating role of perceiver group status. We find most studies cannot arbitrate between theories of categorization and reveal additional gaps in the literature. To advance this research area, we introduce the sociopolitical motive × intergroup threat model of racial categorization that (a) clarifies which sociopolitical motives interact with which intergroup threats to predict categorization and (b) highlights the role of perceiver group status. Furthermore, we consider how our model can help understand phenomena beyond multiracial categorization.
Article
Whereas social dominance theory has historically been used to understand the dynamics of group-based hierarchy and oppression, it has seldom been used to understand the dynamics of social change toward greater equality. We review a growing body of research that takes seriously the psychology of individuals who are interested in group-based equality and hierarchy challenge – those lower (vs. higher) in social dominance orientation (SDO). This emerging research documents that lower SDO individuals are more likely to support hierarchy-attenuating policies and collective action, and identifies underlying mechanisms (e.g., perceptions of injustice). Moreover, this research suggests that egalitarian ideology can help account for efforts to change the hierarchal status quo, even among high status group members who materially benefit from the extant hierarchy.
Article
Building on previous work on US multiraciality, we analyze the messaging patterns of Asian-white, Hispanic-white, and black-white multiracial heterosexual users on one of the largest mainstream dating websites in the USA. We consider how multiracials’ online dating behaviors reflect, accommodate or challenge racialized desirability hierarchies among heterosexual daters. The study’s results illustrate that Hispanic-white multiracial men show similar preferences to both their multiracial and monoracial in-groups, while Asian-white and black-white multiracial men most prefer their multiracial counterparts. Hispanic-white multiracial women, on the other hand, privilege whiteness and multiraciality, while Asian-white multiracial women show most preference for their multiracial in-groups. Overall, our findings illustrate that both multiracial men and women’s online dating behaviors illustrate a linked privileging of white multiraciality while they also reinforce a hierarchical ranking of racial desirability anchored by anti-Blackness.
Article
A large literature has provided evidence that intergroup biases are common in facial recognition. In investigations of faces of different races, research has repeatedly demonstrated an Own Race Bias in which people are more accurate in recognizing racial ingroup compared to outgroup members. The primary goal of this research was to investigate whether participants from typically underrepresented populations in social psychological research (i.e., Blacks, South Asians, and East Asians) show biases in recognition accuracy when presented with ingroup faces and minority and majority outgroup faces. Not surprisingly, across three experiments, participants demonstrated superior recognition for faces of members of their own compared to other races. Although minority participants also demonstrated greater recognition accuracy for majority compared to minority outgroup faces, these effects were much smaller and typically nonsignificant. The implications of these findings for our understanding of basic processes in face perception, and intergroup relations, are discussed.
Article
Marketing executions (e.g., advertisements, packaging, and brand imagery) incorporating racial or ethnic stereotypes are present in many brands’ histories. Over time, these executions have been updated to comport with societal norms, but much of the dated brand information remains accessible to consumers, especially via various digital platforms and archives. Over four studies, we investigate how exposure to these historical remnants affects contemporary consumers’ held brand attitudes, showing that these executions have a detrimental influence in certain marketplace subsegments. Respondents generally report more negative brand attitudes upon exposure to the historical execution based on perceived offensiveness (Studies 1, 2, and 3). Study 4 rounds out these findings by identifying that offensiveness perceptions are differentially tied to how consumers (majority vs. minority) utilize their egalitarian beliefs.
Article
Many societies today are organised as race-based social hierarchies, with clear boundaries between racial groups at the top versus bottom. The growth of multiracial populations has been heralded as holding the potential to blur existing group boundaries. But whether multiracial people do blur boundaries depends critically on how monoracial perceivers categorise them. We review our research programme on how monoracial perceivers’ categorisation of multiracials depends on sociopolitical motives. We present the Sociopolitical Motive × Intergroup Threat Model of Racial Categorisation, which describes how sociopolitical motives interact with specific threats to drive multiracial categorisation, and how this depends on perceivers’ group position in the racial status hierarchy. Our empirical work is based on the U.S. context, but we discuss how our research, grounded in theories of intergroup relations that have been tested cross-culturally – social dominance, system justification, authoritarianism, and social identity theories – may apply more broadly.
Article
Two studies examine Multiracial Asian-White, Black-White, Latinx-White, and Native American-White people’s experiences of rejection (Study 1) and acceptance (Study 2) from potential racial ingroups, and associations with life satisfaction. In Study 1, Multiracial participants reported comparable levels of rejection from their monoracial minoritized ingroups and White ingroup, but significantly less rejection from their Multiracial ingroup. In Study 2, participants reported feeling slightly less accepted from monoracial minoritized ingroups than from the White ingroup. Across both studies, greater rejection, and less acceptance, from the White ingroup was related to lower life satisfaction. Notably, this effect was strongest among Native American-White Multiracial people relative to other Multiracial groups in our sample. Findings highlight how Multiracial people’s multiple potential ingroups relate to their social rejection and acceptance experiences, and that rejection and acceptance from higher status potential ingroups (i.e., White people) may play a role in subjective well-being disparities for some Multiracial groups.
Article
Racial minorities will soon outnumber white Americans in the U.S. Prior research suggests that this demographic shift is likely to increase white peoples' feelings of threat and anti-minority discrimination. But might this demographic shift also alter who is considered a minority in the first place? We tested whether knowledge of an impending “majority-minority” shift in the U.S. would increase threat to white status, leading white perceivers to see mixed-race faces as minorities rather than white—a strategy historically used to preserve white status in the American racial hierarchy. In an initial correlational study, white participants who self-reported greater white status threat perceived mixed-race faces as more Latino than white (Study 1). As compared to those in a control condition, white participants in Studies 2–5 who read about the U.S. demographic shift reported greater white status threat and exhibited reduced perceptual thresholds for categorizing mixed-race faces as Latino, Black, and “not white.” A mediation analysis across studies suggests that the status threat white participants experienced from the demographic shift may have lowered their threshold for seeing mixed-race faces as minorities. Our results indicate that the threat of demographic change alters race perception in a manner that increases the number of people who are seen as minorities and who are, therefore, more vulnerable to discrimination.
Chapter
Social categorization, the process of mentally placing others into a group, is a universal aspect of daily life. Researchers have long been interested in understanding the consequences of social categorization and have more recently turned their attention to determining the processes of how people categorize others into social groups. In this chapter, I present the efficient categorization framework (ECF), which integrates research in social cognition and political psychology to understand the role of a perceiver's political ideology (i.e., whether a person is more liberal or conservative) in social categorization processes. The ECF proposes that political conservatives prioritize efficient categorization—expending few cognitive resources to make a correct judgment—more so than do liberals. Drawing from this framework, I review evidence indicating that liberals and conservatives diverge in their beliefs about which strategies contribute to accurate social category judgments, as well as how they process available cues during social categorization. I also outline findings that highlight how ideological differences in the social categorization process contribute to evaluations, policy attitudes, and political behaviors. I discuss how the ECF gives novel insight into variability in social categorization processes and offers unique perspective into why liberals and conservatives commonly fail to see “eye-to-eye” in their perceptions of the world.
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Previous literature has demonstrated adverse patient outcomes associated with racial/ethnic disparities in health services. Because patients/parents and providers care about the duration of anesthesia, this study focuses on this outcome. To determine the association between race/ethnicity and duration under anesthesia. In this retrospective cohort study of data from the Multicenter Perioperative Outcomes Group, White non-Latino was the reference and was compared with Black non-Latino children, Latino, Asian, Native American, Other, and “Unknown” race children. Children aged 3 to 17 years. Induction duration (primary outcome), procedure-end duration, and total duration under anesthesia (secondary outcomes). Of 37,596 eligible cases, 9,610 cases with complete data were analyzed. The sample consisted of 6,894 White non-Latino patients, 1,021 Black non-Latino patients, 50 Latino patients, 287 Asian patients, 26 Native American patients, 57 “Other” race patients, and 1,275 patients of “Unknown” race. The mean induction time was 11.9 min (SD 5.6 min). In adjusted analysis, Black non-Latino patients had 5% longer induction and procedure-end durations than White non-Latino children (exponentiated beta coefficient [Exp (β)] 1.05, 95% CI: 1.02–1.08, p < 0.01 and Exp (β) 1.08, 95% CI 1.04–1.13, p < 0.01 respectively). White non-Latino children had shorter induction and procedure-end durations than Black children. The differences in induction and procedure-end time were small but may be meaningful on a population-health level.
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How do members of dominant groups, like White people in the United States, react when their privileged social status is threatened, for example, by the prospect of numeric decline? Prior studies identify two sets of reactions: (1) White people identify more strongly with ingroup members, and (2) they withhold material and symbolic resources from outgroup members. This study explores another possibility: White people may alter the boundary around Whiteness by redefining the criteria for membership. I use an original survey experiment to examine how demographic threat affects how White people in the United States classify people who are ambiguously White, and specifically people who are ambiguously White or Latino. The results reveal that White people are less—not more—likely to classify people who are ambiguously White or Latino as “White” under threat. The results contribute to a growing literature on the racial classification of multiracial and racially ambiguous people that has previously ignored ambiguity around the Latino category. They also speak to an active debate about demographic projections and the classification decisions on which they rest.
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Several researchers recently outlined unacknowledged costs of open science practices, arguing these costs may outweigh benefits and stifle discovery of novel findings. We scrutinize these researchers' (a) statistical concern that heightened stringency with respect to false-positives will increase false-negatives and (b) metascientific concern that larger samples and executing direct replications engender opportunity costs that will decrease the rate of making novel discoveries. We argue their statistical concern is unwarranted given open science proponents recommend such practices to reduce the inflated Type I error rate from .35 down to .05 and simultaneously call for high-powered research to reduce the inflated Type II error rate. Regarding their metaconcern, we demonstrate that incurring some costs is required to increase the rate (and frequency) of making true discoveries because distinguishing true from false hypotheses requires a low Type I error rate, high statistical power, and independent direct replications. We also examine pragmatic concerns raised regarding adopting open science practices for relationship science (preregistration, open materials, open data, direct replications, sample size); while acknowledging these concerns, we argue they are overstated given available solutions. We conclude benefits of open science practices outweigh costs for both individual researchers and the collective field in the long run, but that short term costs may exist for researchers because of the currently dysfunctional academic incentive structure. Our analysis implies our field's incentive structure needs to change whereby better alignment exists between researcher's career interests and the field's cumulative progress. We delineate recent proposals aimed at such incentive structure realignment.
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Debate surrounding the issue of inequality and hierarchy between social groups has become increasingly prominent in recent years. At the same time, individuals disagree about the extent to which inequality between advantaged and disadvantaged groups exists. Whereas prior work has examined the ways in which individuals legitimize (or delegitimize) inequality as a function of their motivations, we consider whether individuals’ orientation towards group-based hierarchy motivates the extent to which they perceive inequality between social groups in the first place. Across 8 studies in both real- world (race, gender, and class) and artificial contexts, and involving members of both advantaged and disadvantaged groups, we show that the more individuals endorse hierarchy between groups, the less they perceive inequality between groups at the top and groups at the bottom. Perceiving less inequality is associated with rejecting egalitarian social policies aimed at reducing it. We show that these differences in hierarchy perception as a function of individuals’ motivational orientation hold even when inequality is depicted abstractly using images, and even when individuals are financially incentivized to accurately report their true perceptions. Using a novel methodology to assess accurate memory of hierarchy, we find that differences may be driven by both anti-egalitarians underestimating inequality, and egalitarians overestimating it. In sum, our results identify a novel perceptual bias rooted in individuals’ chronic motivations towards hierarchy-maintenance, with the potential to influence their policy attitudes.
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Categorizing racially ambiguous individuals is multifaceted, and the current work proposes social-motivational factors also exert considerable influence on how racial ambiguity is perceived, directing the resolution of ambiguity in a manner that is functionally beneficial to the perceiver. Four studies tested two motivations related to social belonging: belonging needs and racial identification. Greater need to belong and racial identification (Study 1), and two types of social belonging threats—social exclusion (Studies 2a and 2b) and racial identity threat (Study 3)—predicted more categorizations of racially ambiguous Black/White faces as Black, with White participants more likely to categorize ambiguous faces as outgroup members (i.e., Black; Studies 1, 2a, 2b, and 3) and Black participants more likely to categorize ambiguous faces as ingroup members (Study 2b). Results also demonstrated that self-affirmation mitigated this motivated categorization for Whites (Study 3), illustrating the malleability of social categorization and its dependency on serving self-relevant goals.
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The United States, like many nations, continues to experience rapid growth in its racial minority population and is projected to attain so-called majority-minority status by 2050. Along with these demographic changes, staggering racial disparities persist in health, wealth, and overall well-being. In this article, we review the social psychological literature on race and race relations, beginning with the seemingly simple question: What is race? Drawing on research from different fields, we forward a model of race as dynamic, malleable, and socially constructed, shifting across time, place, perceiver, and target. We then use classic theoretical perspectives on intergroup relations to frame and then consider new questions regarding contemporary racial dynamics. We next consider research on racial diversity, focusing on its effects during interpersonal encounters and for groups. We close by highlighting emerging topics that should top the research agenda for the social psychology of race and race relations in the twenty-first century. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Psychology Volume 67 is January 03, 2016. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/catalog/pubdates.aspx for revised estimates.
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Categorizations of multiracial individuals provide insight into the psychological mechanisms driving social stratification, but few studies have explored the interplay of cognitive and motivational underpinnings of these categorizations. In the present study, we integrated research on racial essentialism (i.e., the belief that race demarcates unobservable and immutable properties) and negativity bias (i.e., the tendency to weigh negative entities more heavily than positive entities) to explain why people might exhibit biases in the categorization of multiracial individuals. As theorized, racial essentialism, both dispositional (Study 1) and experimentally induced (Study 2), led to the categorization of Black-White multiracial individuals as Black, but only among individuals evaluating Black people more negatively than White people. These findings demonstrate how fundamental cognitive and motivational biases interact to influence the categorization of multiracial individuals. © The Author(s) 2015.
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Categorizations of multiracial individuals provide insight into the development of racial concepts. Children's (4-13 years) and adults', both White (Study 1) and Black (Study 2; N = 387), categorizations of multiracial individuals were examined. White children (unlike Black children) more often categorized multiracial individuals as Black than as White in the absence of parentage information. White and Black adults (unlike children) more often categorized multiracial individuals as Black than as White, even when knowing the individuals' parentage. Children's rates of in-group contact predicted their categorizations. These data suggest that a tendency to categorize multiracial individuals as Black relative to White emerges early in development and results from perceptual biases in White children but ideological motives in White and Black adults. © 2015 The Authors. Child Development © 2015 Society for Research in Child Development, Inc.
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Using a random sample of 243 Muslims in Lebanon and Syria, we examined whether support for Hezbollah or for Al Qaeda is predicted by functionally-relevant emotional responses to specific threats perceived to be posed by Americans. In line with the sociofunctional approach, perceived resource domination threat from Americans elicited anger, and perceived value contamination threat elicited disgust/contempt toward Americans. Importantly, these intergroup emotions in turn differentially predicted support for Hezbollah and Al Qaeda through desires for the organizations to accomplish different goals to address the threat perceptions. Specifically, anger toward Americans predicted support for Hezbollah through desires for the organization to restore threatened symbolic resources by bringing pride and respect to Arabs. In contrast, disgust/contempt toward Americans predicted support for Al Qaeda through desires for the organization to protect threatened ingroup values by de-contaminating Islam from Western cultural influence. Theoretical explanations and implications for addressing and mitigating hostilities between the groups are discussed.
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A new conceptualization and measurement of social dominance orientation—individual differences in the preference for group based hierarchy and inequality—is introduced. In contrast to previous measures of social dominance orientation that were designed to be unidimensional, the new measure (SDO7) embeds two theoretically-grounded subdimensions of SDO – SDO-Dominance (SDO-D) and SDO-Egalitarianism (SDO-E). SDO-D constitutes a preference for systems of group-based dominance in which high status groups forcefully oppress lower status groups. SDO-E constitutes a preference for systems of group-based inequality that are maintained by an interrelated network of subtle hierarchy-enhancing ideologies and social policies. Confirmatory factor and criterion validity analyses confirmed that SDO-D and SDO-E are theoretically distinct and dissociate in terms of the intergroup outcomes they best predict. For the first time, distinct personality and individual difference bases of SDO-D and SDO-E are outlined. We clarify the construct validity of SDO by strictly assessing a preference for dominance hierarchies in general, removing a possible confound relating to support for hierarchy benefitting the ingroup. Consistent with this, results show that among members of a disadvantaged ethnic minority group (African Americans), endorsement of SDO7 is inversely related to ingroup identity. We further demonstrate these effects using nationally representative samples of U.S. Blacks and Whites, documenting the generalizability of these findings. Finally, we introduce and validate a brief four-item measure of each dimension. This paper importantly extends our theoretical understanding of one of the most generative constructs in social psychology, and introduces powerful new tools for its measurement.
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This chapter summarizes the available evidence on twelve controversies surrounding symbolic racism, which was proposed over 30 years ago to explain new forms of racial conservatism appearing after the civil rights era. The conceptualization of symbolic racism was originally somewhat fuzzy and has evolved over time; but the measurement of it has been surprisingly constant over time; and it seems to form a substantively meaningful and statistically consistent belief system, with two highly correlated variants that differ slightly in the language they use but not in their effects. Its effects on racial politics are quite stable and consistent. It is a distinctive construct necessary for the understanding of Whites' responses to racial politics, not merely redundant with other constructs and hence disposable in the service of parsimony. It focuses on antagonism toward Blacks, which has little to do with either symbolic racism or opposition to policies targeted for Blacks.
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We investigated whether Black-White biracial individuals are perceived as Black in the domain of evaluation. Previous research has documented that White perceivers’ negative evaluation of one Black person leads to a negative implicit evaluation of another Black person belonging to the same minimal group. We built upon this out-group transfer effect by investigating whether perceivers also transferred negative implicit attitudes from one Black person to a novel Black-White biracial person. In three experiments, participants learned about a Black individual who performed undesirable behaviors and were then introduced to a new group member. White perceivers formed negative attitudes toward the original individual and transferred these attitudes to the new group member if she was Black or Biracial, but not if she was White (Experiment 1) or Asian (Experiment 2). Experiment 3 demonstrated that only White participants exhibited transfer to the new Black and Biracial group members; Black participants did not.
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We investigated individual difference predictors of ascribing ingroup characteristics to negative and positive ambiguous targets. Studies 1 and 2 investigated events involving negative targets whose status as racial (Tsarnaev brothers) or national (Woolwich attackers) ingroup members remained ambiguous. Immediately following the attacks, we presented White Americans and British individuals with the suspects' images. Those higher in social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA)-concerned with enforcing status boundaries and adherence to ingroup norms, respectively-perceived these low status and low conformity suspects as looking less White and less British, thus denying them ingroup characteristics. Perceiving suspects in more exclusionary terms increased support for treating them harshly, and for militaristic counter-terrorism policies prioritizing ingroup safety over outgroup harm. Studies 3 and 4 experimentally manipulated a racially ambiguous target's status and conformity. Results suggested that target status and conformity critically influence SDO's (status) and RWA's (conformity) effects on inclusionary versus exclusionary perceptions.
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When the economy declines, racial minorities are hit the hardest. Although existing explanations for this effect focus on institutional causes, recent psychological findings suggest that scarcity may also alter perceptions of race in ways that exacerbate discrimination. We tested the hypothesis that economic resource scarcity causes decision makers to perceive African Americans as “Blacker” and that this visual distortion elicits disparities in the allocation of resources. Studies 1 and 2 demonstrated that scarcity altered perceptions of race, lowering subjects’ psychophysical threshold for seeing a mixed-race face as “Black” as opposed to “White.” In studies 3 and 4, scarcity led subjects to visualize African American faces as darker and more “stereotypically Black,” compared with a control condition. When presented to naïve subjects, face representations produced under scarcity elicited smaller allocations than control-condition representations. Together, these findings introduce a novel perceptual account for the proliferation of racial disparities under economic scarcity.
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Individuals who qualify equally for membership in more than one racial group are not judged as belonging equally to both of their parent groups, but instead are seen as belonging more to their lower status parent group. Why? The present paper begins to establish the role of individual differences and social context in hypodescent, the process of assigning multiracials the status of their relatively disadvantaged parent group. Specifically, in two experiments, we found that individual differences in social dominance orientation-a preference for group-based hierarchy and inequality-interacts with perceptions of socioeconomic threat to influence the use of hypodescent in categorizing half-Black, half-White biracial targets. Importantly, this paper begins to establish hypodescent as a "hierarchy-enhancing" social categorization. (c) 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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Multiracial individuals often do not easily fit into existing racial categories. Perceivers may adopt a novel racial category to categorize multiracial targets, but their willingness to do so may depend on their motivations. We investigated whether perceivers' levels of internal motivation to control prejudice (IMS) and external motivation to control prejudice (EMS) predicted their likelihood of categorizing Black-White multiracial faces as Multiracial. Across four studies, IMS positively predicted perceivers' categorizations of multiracial faces as Multiracial. The association between IMS and Multiracial categorizations was strongest when faces were most racially ambiguous. Explicit prejudice, implicit prejudice, and interracial contact were ruled out as explanations for the relationship between IMS and Multiracial categorizations. EMS may be negatively associated with the use of the Multiracial category. Therefore, perceivers' motivations to control prejudice have important implications for racial categorization processes.
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According to the principle of hypodescent, multiracial individuals are categorized according to their most so-cially subordinate group membership. We investigated whether the tendency to apply this principle is relat-ed to political ideology. In three studies, participants categorized a series of morphed faces that varied in terms of racial ambiguity. In each study, self-reported conservatism (vs. liberalism) was associated with the tendency to categorize ambiguous faces as Black. Consistent with the notion that system justification mo-tivation helps to explain ideological differences in racial categorization, the association between conserva-tism and hypodescent was mediated by individual differences in opposition to equality (Study 2) and was stronger when U.S. participants categorized American than Canadian faces (Study 3). We discuss ways in which the categorization of racially ambiguous individuals in terms of their most subordinate racial group may exacerbate inequality and vulnerability to discrimination.
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Although evidence from a variety of disciplines suggests that skin tone is a basis of discrimination among Blacks, research in social psychology has virtually ignored this topic. Two experiments examined the causal role of skin tone in the perception and representations of Blacks. Paralleling the effect of race and other social category dimensions, Study 1 showed that variation in skin tone can influence the organization of social information. Study 2 demonstrated differentiation in stereotypes of Blacks based on skin tone. Results from both investigations suggest that skin tone is an important factor in both Blacks’ and Whites’ representations of Blacks.
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Understanding the perception of multiracial persons is increasingly important in today's diverse society. The present research investigated the process of categorizing multiracial persons as “Multiracial.” We hypothesized that perceivers would make fewer Multiracial categorizations of multiracials and that these categorizations would take longer than monoracial categorizations. We found support for these hypotheses across six experiments. Experiment 1 demonstrated that perceivers did not categorize morphed Black–White faces as Multiracial with the same frequency with which they categorized Black and White faces as Black and White (respectively), and that categorizations of multiracials as Multiracial took longer than monoracial categorizations. Experiment 2 replicated and extended these effects to real Black–White faces. Experiment 3 showed that these findings generalized to Asian–White faces. We used pixel variance analysis to show that these effects were not due to increased variance among Multiracial faces. The image analysis showed that the Black–White morphs and real biracials were actually less varied than either the Black or White sets of faces. Experiments 4 and 5 demonstrated that cognitive load and time constraints detrimentally affected multiracial, but not monoracial, categorizations. Experiment 6 showed that imbuing monoracial categories with importance decreases the use of the Multiracial category. Implications of these findings for understanding perceptions of multiracial persons are discussed.
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The purpose of this study was to examine the extent to which racial contexts moderate the importance and function of intragroup skin-tone stigma among Black Americans. One hundred and thirty-two Black students were recruited from both a predominantly Black university and a predominantly White university and completed measures on skin tone, skin-tone importance, peer-group acceptance, self-esteem, and racial identification. The authors found that Black students in the predominantly Black university placed significantly higher importance on skin tone than Black students in the predominantly White university. Furthermore, both higher perceived peer acceptance and higher self-esteem were correlated with darker skin tone at the Black university but not at the White university. However, stronger racial identity was equally correlated with darker skin tone in both contexts. The results of this study suggest that the importance of skin tone is moderated by racial context.
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The current study examines perceived status differences among ethnic groups. Consistent with a group dominance perspective, three samples of American university students revealed that perceived ethnic status differences increased to the extent that individuals had low ethnic status, perceived their society to be unfair, and were lower on social dominance orientation. In addition, social dominance orientation moderated the relationship between perceived status differences and perceived societal fairness such that perceived unfairness was associated with perceived status differences only for those low on social dominance orientation. Discussion suggests that variability in perceived status differences stems from group position, and that understanding the origins of individuals’ perceptions of status differences may be a basic and necessary step to improve intergroup relations.
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In the present chapter, we move away from the traditional focus on the outgroup encountered in the literature on intergroup relations and argue that the ingroup is psychologically primary. We build upon the notion of entitativity first proposed by Campbell (1958) and suggest that entitative ingroups meet basic needs related to group membership better than less coherent ingroups. We provide initial support for the privileged status of entitative ingroups by reviewing contemporary research on group homogeneity. Next, we report on a research program showing that social identification and ingroup entitativity go hand in hand. First, we address the influence of ingroup identification on group entitativity in such phenomena as the “black sheep” effect and ingroup overexclusion. Second, we examine the impact of ingroup entitativity on social identification. We conclude by proposing that ingroup entitativity may also be related to a feeling of efficacy which need not produce conflict and discrimination toward outgroups. Globally, the accumulated evidence strongly suggests that the perception of ingroup entitativity plays a key role in intra- and intergroup relations.One's own family is an ingroup; and by definition all other families on the street are outgroups; but seldom d o they clash… One knows that one's lodge has distinctive characteristics that mark it off from all others, but one does not necessarily despise the others. The situation it seems can best be stated as follows: although we could not perceive our own ingroups excepting as they contrast to outgroups, still the ingroups are psychologically primary. We live in them, by them, and sometimes, for them. Hostility toward outgroups helps strengthen our sense of belonging, but it is not required (Allport, 1954, pp. 40–41).
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Twenty years have passed since Sears (1986)103. Sears , D. O. 1986. College sophomores in the laboratory: Influences of a narrow data base on social psychology's view of human nature. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology., 51: 515–530. [CrossRef], [Web of Science ®]View all references alerted social psychologists to the many possible dangers faced by relying on a database composed mostly of students, especially with respect to the generalizability of the theoretical conclusions we come to. With a focus this time on the prejudice literature, this article examines how much has changed in our approach to whom we study. Content analyses show that prejudice researchers who publish in social psychology's major journals continue to rely heavily on student samples. Next, data are presented showing that important differences may exist between student and nonstudent participants in terms of how prejudice-related variables are expressed and used. The article concludes by raising metatheoretical concerns about the continued use of student samples both in the conclusions we arrive at as a science and in the very topics we study in the prejudice literature, with various recommendations suggested for decreasing this trend in relying on such a narrow database.
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Monoracial people typically encounter correct views about their race from others. Multiracial people, however, encounter different views about their race depending on the situation. As a result, multiracial (but not monoracial) people may regard race as a less visible aspect of the self that they hope others will verify during social interactions. Multiracial people should therefore value others' accuracy about their race more than monoracial people. In Study 1, multiracial and monoracial participants expected to meet a partner who was accurate or confused about their racial backgrounds. Multiracial (but not monoracial) participants reported heightened interest in interacting with an accurate partner. In Study 2, multiracial (but not monoracial) participants perceived accurate partners as more likely than confused partners to fulfill their needs for self-verification during an interaction. Increased expectations for self-verification, moreover, explained multiracial (but not monoracial) participants' heightened interest in interacting with accurate partners. The results suggest that multiracial (but not monoracial) people view race as an aspect of the self (like personality traits or values) requiring verification from others during interactions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
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Using a stratified random sampling procedure, we interviewed 200 residents of Beirut, Lebanon and surrounding areas in order to test predictions of a dual process model of prejudice. We examined the role of social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) in predicting prejudice toward Americans, mediating the relationships between personality dimensions and prejudice, and predicting intergroup emotions indirectly through intergroup threat perceptions. Three main findings emerged. First, whereas RWA was a positive predictor of prejudice toward Americans, SDO was a negative predictor. Second, RWA mediated a positive relationship between a social conforming personality and prejudice toward Americans; SDO mediated a negative relationship between a tough-minded personality and prejudice. Third, value threat perceptions mediated a positive relationship between RWA and feelings of disgust toward Americans; economic threat perceptions mediated a negative relationship between SDO and anger toward Americans. Applications and extensions of the dual process model in non-Western populations are discussed.
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Indicates that research in social psychology has largely been based on college students tested in academic laboratories on academiclike tasks. How this dependence on one narrow data base may have biased the main substantive conclusions of sociopsychological research in this era is discussed. Research on the full life span suggests that, compared with older adults, college students are likely to have less crystallized attitudes, less formulated senses of self, stronger cognitive skills, stronger tendencies to comply with authority, and more unstable peer-group relationships. These peculiarities of social psychology's predominant data base may have contributed to central elements of its portrait of human nature. According to this view, people are quite compliant and their behavior is easily socially influenced, readily change their attitudes and behave inconsistently with them, and do not rest their self-perceptions on introspection. The data base may also contribute to this portrait of human nature's strong emphasis on cognitive processes and to its lack of emphasis on personality dispositions, material self-interest, emotionally based irrationalities, group norms, and stage-specific phenomena. The analysis implies the need both for more careful examination of sociopsychological propositions for systematic biases introduced by dependence on this data base and for increased reliance on adults tested in their natural habitats with materials drawn from ordinary life. (127 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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The number of multiracial individuals in America, many of whom define their racial identity in different ways, has grown dramatically in recent years and continues to increase. From this demographic shift a movement seeking unique racial status for multiracial individuals has emerged. The multiracial movement is distinguishable from other race-based movements in that it is primarily driven by identity rather than the quest for political, social, or economic equality. It is not clear how equal protection doctrine, which is concerned primarily with state-created racial classifications, will or should accommodate multiracialism. Nor is it clear how to best reconcile the recognition of individual identity with the continuing need to address group-based racial discrimination and subordination. In this Essay, I explore the potential impact of multiracialism and multiracial identity in particular-on the future of racial classifications under equal protection doctrine. As a framework for its analysis, the Essay invokes two theories used to interpret the meaning of equal protection: antisubordination and anticlassification. Viewed solely through the lens of multiracial identity, the common normative understanding of these two approaches contorts. While antisubordination is often perceived as more beneficial for groups battling entrenched racial hierarchy, it may facilitate unique harms for multiracial individuals seeking to carve out a racial identity distinct from traditionally defined racial categories. And although anticlassification is often viewed by progressives as detrimental to the pursuit of true racial equality, it may lend more support to policies of racial self-identification and the recognition of a unique multiracial identity. A looming danger, therefore, is that anticlassification advocates wishing to dismantle frameworks rooted in traditional notions of race may exploit multiracialism to "undo" race and to undermine the use of racial classifications altogether. In response to that possibility, this Essay argues that although law and identity inevitably inform and impact one another, they also serve distinct purposes that should not be improperly conflated in the context of multiracialism. The construction of identity is ultimately a very personal endeavor, and although legal recognition may be one aspect of identity, in the area of race, the law has a more powerful function to play in preventing racial subordination. Where possible, the law should accommodate multiracial individuals who wish to define their own racial identity, but as long as it remains more aspirational than realistic, the individual's perception of race should not be used or manipulated to undermine the use of racial classifications to counter societal race discrimination.
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With growing diversity and increased media attention to inequality, it is likely that stigmatized-group members will have increased political influence on social issues affecting other stigmatized groups. When might members of different stigmatized groups see commonality in their experiences or disadvantaged status, and when might another stigmatized group be treated solely as an out-group? This article provides an overview of new and important lines of research examining how perceived discrimination may shape intergroup relations among members of different stigmatized groups. Specifically, perceived discrimination is highlighted as a potentially common experience for members of different stigmatized groups that at times elicits coalitional attitudes, but is often solely experienced as a threat to social identity and thus elicits intergroup derogation. The dimensions on which individuals are stigmatized, aspects of their discrimination experiences, and contextual factors are important for predicting whether perceiving discrimination will spur coalition or derogation. This topic is vital for understanding intergroup relations and political behavior in the 21st century.
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America is preoccupied with race statistics--perhaps more than any other nation. Do these statistics illuminate social reality and produce coherent social policy, or cloud that reality and confuse social policy? Does America still have a color line? Who is on which side? Does it have a different "race" line--the nativity line--separating the native born from the foreign born? You might expect to answer these and similar questions with the government's "statistical races." Not likely, observes Kenneth Prewitt, who shows why the way we count by race is flawed. Prewitt calls for radical change. The nation needs to move beyond a race classification whose origins are in discredited eighteenth-century race-is-biology science, a classification that once defined Japanese and Chinese as separate races, but now combines them as a statistical "Asian race." One that once tried to divide the "white race" into "good whites" and "bad whites," and that today cannot distinguish descendants of Africans brought in chains four hundred years ago from children of Ethiopian parents who eagerly immigrated twenty years ago. Contrary to common sense, the classification says there are only two ethnicities in America--Hispanics and non-Hispanics. But if the old classification is cast aside, is there something better?
Book
Part I. From There to Here - Theoretical Background: 1. From visiousness to viciousness: theories of intergroup relations 2. Social dominance theory as a new synthesis Part II. Oppression and its Psycho-Ideological Elements: 3. The psychology of group dominance: social dominance orientation 4. Let's both agree that you're really stupid: the power of consensual ideology Part III. The Circle of Oppression - The Myriad Expressions of Institutional Discrimination: 5. You stay in your part of town and I'll stay in mine: discrimination in the housing and retail markets 6. They're just too lazy to work: discrimination in the labor market 7. They're just mentally and physically unfit: discrimination in education and health care 8. The more of 'them' in prison, the better: institutional terror, social control and the dynamics of the criminal justice system Part IV. Oppression as a Cooperative Game: 9. Social hierarchy and asymmetrical group behavior: social hierarchy and group difference in behavior 10. Sex and power: the intersecting political psychologies of patriarchy and empty-set hierarchy 11. Epilogue.
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A number of scholars recently have argued for fundamental changes in the way psychological scientists conduct and report research. The behavior of researchers is influenced partially by incentive structures built into the manuscript evaluation system, and change in researcher practices will necessitate a change in the way journal reviewers evaluate manuscripts. This article outlines specific recommendations for reviewers that are designed to facilitate open data reporting and to encourage researchers to disseminate the most generative and replicable studies. These recommendations include changing the way reviewers respond to imperfections in empirical data, focusing less on individual tests of statistical significance and more on meta-analyses, being more open to null findings and failures to replicate previous research, and attending carefully to the theoretical contribution of a manuscript in addition to its methodological rigor. The article also calls for greater training and guidance for reviewers so that they can evaluate research in a manner that encourages open reporting and ultimately strengthens our science. © The Author(s) 2014.
Article
Patterns of racial classification in the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health are examined. The survey's large sample size and multiple indicators of race permit generalizable claims about patterns and processes of social construction in the racial categorization of adolescents. About 12 percent of youth provide inconsistent responses to nearly identical questions about race, context affects one's choice of a single-race identity, and nearly all patterns and processes of racial classification depend on which racial groups are involved. The implications of the findings are discussed for users of data on race in general, and for the new census data in particular.
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Using social dominance theory and structural balance theory to analyze the political and psychological perspectives of subordinated peoples, we argue that struggles between dominant and subordinated polities are embedded in layered power structures. In such contexts, it is important to examine publics' political desires and interests in relation to their political elites' positions or choices of political tactics and allegiances. To illustrate these arguments, we used random urban samples surveyed in March 2010 to examine Lebanese and Syrian citizens' favorability toward their governments and Hezbollah (a quasi-government faction with significant relations to the governments of Iran, Syria, Lebanon, and the United States). As theorized, citizens' favorability depended on (i) how much they view their government as providing services for them, (ii) opposition to general group dominance, (iii) opposition to US oppression, and (iv) their governments' alignments vis-à-vis the US. Implications for political psychology and international relations theory are discussed.
Article
In this article, the Society for Personality and Social Psychology (SPSP) Task Force on Publication and Research Practices offers a brief statistical primer and recommendations for improving the dependability of research. Recommendations for research practice include (a) describing and addressing the choice of N (sample size) and consequent issues of statistical power, (b) reporting effect sizes and 95% confidence intervals (CIs), (c) avoiding "questionable research practices" that can inflate the probability of Type I error, (d) making available research materials necessary to replicate reported results, (e) adhering to SPSP's data sharing policy, (f) encouraging publication of high-quality replication studies, and (g) maintaining flexibility and openness to alternative standards and methods. Recommendations for educational practice include (a) encouraging a culture of "getting it right," (b) teaching and encouraging transparency of data reporting, (c) improving methodological instruction, and (d) modeling sound science and supporting junior researchers who seek to "get it right."
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This article explores the possibility that dominant-group members will attempt to appease subordinate groups to protect the hierarchy. In four studies, we find that (a) prohierarchy Whites perceive more intergroup threat when they believe ethnic minorities hold Whites in low regard, (b) prohierarchy Whites respond to ethnic minorities' low regard for Whites by increasing their support for redistributive policies (e.g., affirmative action), (c) the increase in support only occurs when prohierarchy Whites perceive the hierarchy to be unstable, and (d) prohierarchy Whites perceive the hierarchy to be more stable if they believe Whites support redistributive policies. These results suggest that prohierarchy dominant-group members' support for redistributive policies can stem from a concern about maintaining the hierarchical status quo, and provides evidence that support for redistributive policies can be a hierarchy-enhancing strategy.
Book
This study investigated 3 broad classes of individual-differences variables (job-search motives, competencies, and constraints) as predictors of job-search intensity among 292 unemployed job seekers. Also assessed was the relationship between job-search intensity and reemployment success in a longitudinal context. Results show significant relationships between the predictors employment commitment, financial hardship, job-search self-efficacy, and motivation control and the outcome job-search intensity. Support was not found for a relationship between perceived job-search constraints and job-search intensity. Motivation control was highlighted as the only lagged predictor of job-search intensity over time for those who were continuously unemployed. Job-search intensity predicted Time 2 reemployment status for the sample as a whole, but not reemployment quality for those who found jobs over the study's duration. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
This chapter examines one factor that contributes to the current frustrations of black Americans: the operation of a subtle form of racism among individuals that is less overt but just as insidious as old-fashioned racism. Despite encouraging trends in the intergroup attitudes of white Americans, there are still reasons for concern. One reason is that, across a variety of surveys and polls, 10%–15% of the white population still expresses the old-fashioned, overt form of bigotry. These respondents consistently describe blacks as innately less intelligent than whites, say that they will not vote for a well-qualified presidential candidate simply because of that person's race, and oppose programs designed to ensure full integration and equal opportunity. Another reason for concern is that a substantial portion of the white population expresses merely racial tolerance but not true openness to or enthusiasm for full racial equality. A third reason for concern, which is this chapter's current focus, is that there is also evidence that many of the people who are part of the 85%–90% of the white population who say and probably believe that they are not prejudiced may nonetheless be practicing modern, subtle form of bias. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Prior research on the contextual determinants of black racial attitudes has focused on the effects of residential segregation while overlooking differences in the socioeconomic character of neighborhoods. I posit that socioeconomic environments, in particular, the quality and socioeconomic composition of neighborhoods, may affect whether blacks view race as a defining interest in their lives. I test these propositions with a multilevel dataset that merges the 1992–1994 Multi-City Survey of Urban Inequality with block-group–level demographic statistics from the 1990 Census. The results indicate that neighborhood quality and neighborhood socioeconomic composition work at cross-purposes in affecting black racial attitudes. The salience of race recedes with improvements in neighborhood quality yet advances with greater exposure to the race-oriented predispositions of high-status blacks. In closing, I discuss the implications of shifting residential patterns for the future of political consensus and group-based mobilization among African Americans.