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Gender and Far Right Politics in Europe
Abstract
This book is a systematic consideration of the link between the extreme right and the discourse about developments in regard to gender issues within different national states. The contributors analyze right-wing extremist tendencies in Europe under the specific perspective on gender. The volume brings together the few existing findings concerning the quantitative dimension of activities carried out by men and women in different countries, and illuminates and juxtaposes gender ratios along with the role of women in right-wing extremism. Along with the gender-specific access to right-wing groups, the chapters look at networks, organizational forms, specific strategies of female right-wing extremists, their ideologies (especially regarding femininity and masculinity), hetero normativity, discourses on sexuality, and preventive and counter-strategies. The book will be of use to students and scholars interested in gender and politics, European politics, and political extremism.
Chapters (23)
The article has two aims. The first is to illuminate the contributions of antiracist scholarship and feminist studies to an understanding of the upsurge of extreme-right-wing cultural racist parties throughout Europe. The second is to explore how women active in the Sweden Democrats (SD), a Swedish version of these parties, name and act upon their identities as members of what many citizens and a growing number of scholars define as a racist party. We argue that the SD, despite its efforts to include women in the party, is confronted by two contending nationalist narratives: on the one hand that of a gender-equal Sweden and on the other the need for traditional gender roles to be treated as vital for the maintenance of the nation.
The Finns Party challenges the Finnish status quo on gender equality and creates a counter-trend to recent developments, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Firstly, the party is male-dominated: its conservative agenda mobilizes especially male voters, and inside the party men are more conservative and right wing. Secondly, the party’s equality discourse belittles gender discrimination and helps to conceal power structures that cause gender inequality. In this regard, the Finns Party represents a backlash to gender equality politics in Finland, and its electoral gains can be seen in part as the victories of a new wave of masculinist politics.
Over the past few years, attacks by far-right extremists have occurred throughout Europe. In London, David Copeland’s 1999 Compton Street bombing has remained the most notable. As the far right seems to be making political strides and increasing its mostly street-based terror in many European countries, little has been researched about contemporary British right-wing extremism, probably because of the widespread notion that the country is not an ideal breeding ground for this political ideology. Moreover, gender has only recently become a central issue in the observation and examination of far-right terror. Elementary information regarding women in far-right politics and movements is widely lacking. This article critically reviews research trends, extracts information about women’s involvement in far-right extremism and points to essential gaps in existing research.
The article gives an overview of different phases in German research on women and/or gender and the far right in recent decades, including quantitative and qualitative aspects. After some introductory remarks on the development of the far right in Germany in general, the first phase of research on far-right women is characterised as “making women visible” and the second (and on-going) phase as “from assumptions to empirical findings”. In this context, the German “Forschungsnetzwerk Frauen und Rechtsextremismus” (Research Network on Women and Right Wing Extremism) is presented. After that the relatively new research focus on constructions of masculinities within the far-right, as a third phase of gender-sensitive research, is described.
This chapter demonstrates exemplarily how fundamental gender is a category for analysing the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) and its rearticulation of politics and ideology, and why further research is necessary. First of all, it focuses on theories concerning right-wing extremism in Austria and what gaps result from ignoring or isolating gender issues. Subsequently, it takes a look at the functions of female party members on the one hand, and the importance of male bonding on the other hand. Finally, it tries to analyse the gender structure of anti-Muslim racism and anti-feminism within the FPÖ and its political environment.
In this chapter, I present my research on women around Jobbik, the biggest radical right party in Hungary. In November 2015, Jobbik was the second biggest party, that is—despite the radical right gender gap—supported by women as well. The main argument is that the party and the subculture around it offer possibilities to women in order to gain their support, with the result that women see meaningful ways they can be involved in the activities. The process that I have observed is what I call alternative emancipation. I distinguish three different types of women according to their different socio-economic status, motivation and ways of implementing this alternative emancipation in the radical right in Hungary today.
This chapter deals with the presence of women in the Spanish far right, and the gender approach of extreme-right parties. It focuses on programmes and articles that are publicly available on the internet. Due to the fact there are no investigations and sociological studies on this issue, the aim is to get a first idea about the presence of women in extreme-right activities and the positions the organisations take up in relation to gender aspects in their family concepts. The evaluated sources have been selected from different right-wing and populist organisations which reflect the main ideological categories within the modern Spanish far right.
In 2011, Marine Le Pen succeeded her father as leader of the French National Front party. With the declared objective of transforming the NF into a large mainstream party with a vocation to govern, she engaged in an enterprise of ‘modernisation’ of the party’s public image. This chapter explores the relationship among gender, religion, secularism and the recent ideological developments in this party, by locating them in the specifics of the French political and cultural context. Firstly, the chapter sets the scene of Marine Le Pen’s ‘de-demonisation’ strategy, by presenting the heated and highly gendered public debates on multiculturalism, religion and secularism which have taken place in France in the past decades. Secondly, the chapter explores the gendered dimension of the NF ideology and its transformation. The conclusion points to changes and continuities which can be observed in the NF ideology in relation to women and gender.
This paper is funded on data collected through an ERC Starting Grant, ‘A comparative study of women’s and men’s participation in the Northern League (Italy) and the National Front (France)’, University of Glasgow, 2012-2014. It was prepared/finalised while the author was holding a Marie Sklodowska-Curie Fellowship of the European Commission, ‘Migrant Christianity. Migration, Religion and Work in Comparative Perspective: Evangelical 'ethnic churches' in Southern Europe’, European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, 2015-2018.
Nationalism is a political ideology and phenomenon with real consequences in history and society that have to do also with gender. The position and role of women in the state/society, according to Greek manifestations of nationalism, are explored in this work. The analysis is made by highlighting two very important chronological periods: The “4th of August Regime (1936–1941) and today. As with nationalism in other countries, also in Greece, women get connected to nation through motherhood, through their biological ability to give birth. Though they are encouraged to be active in society, in reality their space in social reality is restricted and defined by their identity as mothers, breeders of the next generation. The Spartan woman has served repeatedly as the model that embodies the true call for Greek women, according to nationalists. As the two chronological periods share similarities in the difficulties faced by the country, there are also similarities in the way gender has been viewed.
Over the last 20 years, the evolution of gender arrangements has transformed the far right in Europe, especially in Germany and in France: both the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) and the French National Front (FN) have undergone a significant feminisation which has impacted on their sociological, strategic and ideological orientation. The analysis of the function, activities and political ideas of their women’s organisations provides information on the consequences of women’s involvement in political processes—in terms of power sharing as well as political practice or ideological change—within the far-right parties.
The paper briefly presents the genesis and discourse of anti-gender movements in Europe and the challenge they pose to liberal democracy. Then it critically analyses the interpretative frameworks elaborated so far for understanding these movements. The major conclusions of the paper are twofold: (1) Anti-gender movements confront us with the analytical limits of country case studies, which cannot be understood only on the basis of local national characteristics and political developments, but need to be studied in a broader framework. Nor are conceptualizations of these as backlash, homophobia, anti-feminism or a strategy of the Catholic Church sufficient. (2) Anti-gender fundamentalism points to societal crisis phenomena going beyond gender equality and LGBTQ rights. These movements and their success are symptoms and consequences of deeper socio-economic, political and cultural crises of liberal democracy.
This article compares the far right in Europe and the USA. It shows similarities in terms of the growing numbers and importance of women, the focus on ethnic-religious groups as a primary target (Jews in the USA, Muslims in Europe), and the emphasis on the dangers of women’s sexuality. There are also substantial differences between the US and European far right. Unlike in Europe, far-rightists in the USA are not affiliated with a political party, do not seek to attract public approval, find few allies, and have less interest in promoting gender equity. Future research is needed on masculinity and on-line interactions in the far right, as well as on the similarities and differences among far-right movements over time and across national and regional borders.
Age is a crucial factor in contemporary society in both economic and cultural terms. Unfortunately it has also become a key element in the stereotype or prejudice mechanisms that in Poland, for example, concern especially the elderly women with mostly right-wing view and high level of religiosity. The analysis concerns discursive practices that reveal various strategies of the aestheticization of political communication and the Polish public debate in general. These strategies are often based on gender symbolism and ageism as opposed to youthism/lookism. The social representations of the right-wing elderly ladies concern their political activism image so in the media discourses they are referred to as “loyal warriors” or “mohair berets”.
In November 2011 the German public was caught off guard by a case of right-wing terrorism. The case disclosed the hitherto unknown extent of right-wing violence. Based on selected print media reports on this event, this chapter shows how media reports of the case worked with gender stereotypes in their published pictures and statements. The analysis of articles in different print media shows that these gender stereotypes are based on right-wing extremist ideology. Further on, the chapter shows how Beate Zschaepe and other witnesses from the NSU network have resorted to gender stereotypical images during the trial to describe themselves and their activities. This has allowed them to water down the political significance of their activities.
In this article, we explore gender discourses in the Austrian far right to provide insights into the strategies used to construct, advocate and uphold a very particular gender worldview. Specifically, we focus on a 2008 publication by Barbara Rosenkranz (representing the far-right Austrian Freedom Party FPÖ), whose book supposedly reveals a conspiracy on the part of feminists, capitalists, Marxists, homosexuals, gender pseudo-scientists and the media that seeks to change human nature. We argue that her book and the discourses she draws on construct an elitist Other to the ‘average citizen’ and a threat to the continued survival of the Austrian nation and its people. We propose the concept of ‘Überfremdung von innen’ to describe the fear of becoming the Other from the inside.
This is a descriptive comparative analysis on the usage of gender in the construction of Muslims in 2006–2007 in four Swedish publications—the liberal Dagens Nyheter, the Evangelical Dagen, the fundamentalist Världen idag and the neo-nationalist journal SD-Kuriren. Världen idag and SD-Kuriren tend to describe Muslims and Islam as threatening, aggressive and the cause of social and political problems. Muslims are associated with negative behaviour. Dagens Nyheter and Dagen avoid describing Muslims and Islam as a threat and more often seek constructive solutions to different problems. Dagens Nyheter describes conflicts between Muslim and Christian actors in political, not religious, terms. Dagen sees Muslims and Christians alike as victims of secularization. Gender is used relatively infrequently as an instrument to construct this image of Muslims and Islam.
This article discusses the antifeminist men’s rights movement and its ideological connections with the political far right. Through the lens of online forums and networks, it explores antifeminist paradigms in Germany, Switzerland and Austria and draws comparisons with the UK. By drawing out the commonalities and disparities between these countries’ networks, the most prominent threads of antifeminist discourse become tangible and comparable to their counterparts in far-right and new-right movements. Organized antifeminism is shown to be both heterosexist and misogynistic, at times racist, and to frequently employ hate speech as an intervention strategy.
This chapter presents a study of the latest work of widely known Croatian singer Marko Perković Thompson, as well as some of his public activities shortly prior to and after his newest release. The spotlights of the research are turned towards gender representations in the lyrics of Thompson’s most recent songs as well as in his public statements and Facebook activity. Furthermore, it discusses Thompson’s stand on some of the ideas that stem from the right fringe of the Croatian political spectrum.
The issue of ‘paedo-sexual perpetrators’ has become one of the best mobilizing topics of the far right in Germany over the past years. Cases of sexual violence against kids are picked up by far-right protagonists in order to exploit anger and anxiety of worried mothers and fathers and, thereby, profit politically from morally objectionable behaviour. Far-right discourse and political action on the issue of child molesting aim at idealizing traditional family values and strengthening law and order by promoting the death penalty. Its strategy can refer to a lurid coverage of such incidents by tabloid media, makes use of strategies of emotionalization and embeds the harsh condemnation of such crimes into ideological narratives in which a heteronormative idea of sexual behaviour, sexual orientation and family relations is set as ‘normal’. In a historical perspective, the paper outlines that the far right has a long tradition in addressing issues of sexuality as proof of a decadent society that suffers from low moral values and the destruction of the biological, heterosexual family.
The article deals with the construction of masculinity in the New-Right group “Identitäre Bewegung” (Generation Identity). For this purpose, an overview of the history and ideological content of the group is given. A further focus of the article is to discuss the function and role of masculinity within the movement.
Women play a specific role within modern right-wing extremism. Disengagement and deradicalization work must take this into account. The chapter discusses existing concepts of projects which work with right-wing-oriented and right-wing extremist women in Germany and outlines certain demands concerning the further conceptual development of this specific kind of deradicalization work.
It is beyond doubt that the extreme right has changed over the last few decades. Right-wing extremists have ceased to be the bunch of mostly young male neo-Nazi skinheads who march the streets and commit violent hate crimes—if the picture ever was that simple in the first place. The success of the French extreme right party leader Marine Le Pen, or Beate Zschäpe, the only surviving member of the core of the German neo-Nazi terror cell “National Socialist Underground”, have revealed that women are an important part of the extreme right—and that they are not only followers but also activists in crucial positions and perpetrators of extreme right violence in Germany (Köttig 2004).
The postscript briefly sums up the results presented in this book in respect of propagated and lived gender roles in the far right. It reveals overlapping areas in the political activity of diverse extreme-right actors in Europe. Topics for future research are identified and strategies for practitioners in politics and civil society are suggested. It is pointed out that special attention should be paid in the academic debate to the different roles played by women and to the function of men and constructions of masculinity in the extreme right.
... For this endeavour, we deploy the concept of the 'far-right continuum' (Norocel, 2023) to account for the complexity of this field of research while providing much-needed conceptual rigour. We embed the concept solidly into the field of political science scholarship that recognises the key role played by intersections of gender and white supremacy in understanding both the ideological underpinnings and the workings of the various far-right entities (Spierings and Zaslove, 2015;Köttig et al, 2017;Blee, 2020;Geva, 2020a). To this, we add the concept of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1991;Verloo, 2006;Collins, 2009;Ferree, 2009;Mügge et al, 2018). ...
... Scholars examining critically different 'configurations of anti-egalitarian, antidemocratic, authoritarian, fascist, xenophobic, racist, ethno-nationalist, anti-Muslim, anti-Semitic, anti-LGBTQ+, anti-gender, reactionary and hierarchical agendas' (Blee, 2020: 416) have deployed various strategies to provide conceptual consistency for their scholarly endeavours. For the purpose of this article, we opt for the theoretical construct of the 'far-right continuum' (Norocel, 2023), which conceptualises the far right as a continuously changing range of discreetly connected entities whose politics are inherently rooted in traditionalist and retrogressive gender politics (see Spierings and Zaslove, 2015;Norocel, 2016;Köttig et al, 2017;Blee, 2020;Geva, 2020a;2020b;Norocel et al, 2022). The concept accounts for the shifting boundaries between what is considered 'mainstream' and 'far right' in any given context by highlighting the shared metapolitical ambition of the entities within this continuum, which is to programmatically 'shift attitudes and boundaries of what is generally deemed to be acceptable democratic speech and establish their own cultural and political hegemony debate' (Norocel, 2022: 1). ...
... In this conceptual article, we have explored critically the ways in which the intersectional subjectivity of scholars of the far right influences, demands and expands the type of emotional labour across three interconnected arenas. To do so, we have assembled the study's theoretical scaffolding by, first, anchoring the concept of the 'far-right continuum' (Norocel, 2023), which provides conceptual rigour yet accounts for the complexity of the political phenomenon it describes, into the field of political science scholarship that recognises the key role played by gender in understanding both the ideological underpinnings and workings of the various far-right entities (Spierings and Zaslove, 2015;Norocel, 2016;Köttig et al, 2017;Blee, 2020;Geva, 2020a;2020b;Norocel et al, 2022). To this, we added intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1991;Verloo, 2006;Collins, 2009;Ferree, 2009;Choo and Ferree, 2010;Mügge et al, 2018;Labelle, 2020;Siow, 2023) in order to shed light onto the relational dynamic between the focus of far-right studies (more clearly, the various entities and their interactions on the far-right continuum) and the scholars undertaking these studies (that is, the researchers themselves and their intersectional subjectivity). ...
This conceptual article examines the relational dynamic between the research field focusing on the far right and those critical scholars that endeavour to undertake these studies. It is theoretically anchored in the field of political science scholarship that recognises the key role played by gender in understanding both the ideological underpinnings and the workings of various far-right entities and by intersectionality in explaining complex systems of power and inequality. Specifically, this article addresses how the complex subjectivity of scholars of the far right shapes the demands for and experiences of emotional labour along three interconnected arenas: the fieldwork, neoliberal academia and their private lives. The conclusion highlights the need for more attention to the ways in which unequal demands for emotional labour in the academic context perpetuate existing inequalities and that institutions should improve support for scholars whose work demands a high degree of emotional labour.
... This includes scholarly studies on the centrality of gender in farright parties' ideology, and the genderedness of far-right political leaders and voters in Europe (Weeks et al. 2024;Scrinzi 2023;Dietze & Roth 2020;Spierings et al. 2015). It also includes literature on the impact of far-right parties on gender equality policies and democratic backsliding (Krizsán & Roggeband 2021, 2018Lombardo, Kantola & Rubio 2021;Köttig, Bitzan & Petö 2017). ...
The far right’s resistance against gender equality in parliaments
disrupts and polarises parliamentary work on gender
equality. A classification of far-right parties’ strategies against
gender equality in parliament is necessary to understand
current challenges faced by gender equality and LGBTI+
rights in parliaments. A qualitative analysis of semi-
structured interviews with members of the Parliament of
Catalonia and parliamentary debates allows us to identify
the strategies of active opposition against gender equality
since the entry of the far-right party Vox in parliament.
Results show that Vox’s anti-gender strategies negatively
affect gender equality and the quality of democratic deliberation
in Spain even in a parliament such as the Catalan that
presents a high level of institutionalisation of gender
equality.
... Por otra parte, la atención al cruce entre diferentes tipos de desigualdades -entre ellas, la de género-cuenta con un incipiente desarrollo en las políticas públicas, siendo mayor en el ámbito internacional que en el marco de políticas nacionales o locales (Christoffersen, 2021;Hankivsky y Jordan-Zachery, 2019). En todo caso, lejos de existir una linealidad en la adopción de estos enfoques en la praxis política, el abordaje de la desigualdad de género, y en menor medida de las desigualdades entrecruzadas, ha venido con frecuencia acompañado por resistencias que se han visto reforzadas en los últimos años con la emergencia de actores políticos con un claro discurso antigénero (Köttig et al., 2017;Verloo, 2018). ...
En los últimos años la denominada revolución industrial 4.0 está
impactando en el mundo del trabajo y las relaciones laborales. Una
realidad que puede reforzar las desigualdades de género existentes
y las discriminaciones múltiples resultantes de la intersección con
otros tipos de desigualdad (como las basadas en la clase social, la edad, el
origen étnico o la orientación afectivo-sexual, entre otras).
El presente capítulo aborda qué contenidos entran en la agenda en el caso
español y, en concreto desde una perspectiva feminista, examina si la desigualdad
de género y la intersección entre las diferentes desigualdades se
incorporan en la definición del problema público y si se delimitan acciones
específicas al respecto. A la par, explora los puntos en común y divergencias
en el abordaje de estas cuestiones por parte de los distintos grupos parlamentarios
(2016-2022).
... With regard to the 'grid' dimension (Kitschelt and Rehm 2014), we focus on views towards sexual diversity and gender equality. Research shows that radical right parties are typically antifeminist actors (Köttig, Bitzan, and Petö 2018), including the AfD (e.g., Berg, 2018;Fangen & Lichtenberg, 2021;Reinhardt et al., 2024). The perspective on gender is largely shaped by nativist ideology, which views the patriarchal heterosexual family as the foundation of the nation (Mudde 2019). ...
In light of the BSW's rapid initial success, a debate about the party's voter base emerged, raising the question whether the BSW emerges as a new competitor to the AfD and potentially draws support from it. Our article contributes to this debate by examining AfD and BSW voters in Thuringia, focussing in-depth on culturally conservative and far-right views as well as various political grievances. Drawing on data from a representative survey, our study shows that AfD voters in Thuringia mirror the typical profile of radical right voters in other European countries. In contrast, the results for BSW voters contradict previous findings. Anti-immigrant attitudes, as well as other views from the broader spectrum of far-right ideology are not significantly associated with BSW support. Furthermore, political grievances are only to a very limited extent the driving factor for BSW support. Therefore, we conclude that BSW does not represents a new competitor for the AfD in Thuringia.
The lived experience of racism, for individuals and groups, involves the cumulative and connected impacts of racism operating from systemic and structural to overt and interpersonal levels across all social spheres. The legacies of historical racism, as well as the interplay of factors such as gender and class, add further complexity and nuance to these experiences. This edited work explores the layered and multidimensional nature of racism through its structure of eleven linked sections, each of which showcases primary research into racism in a particular sphere. Edited by a team of renowned and innovative scholars, the work provides a holistic and interconnected view of racism. It explores racism in a wide range of social domains, including, but not limited to, politics and government; labour and the economy; education and academia; art and culture; and police and criminal justice. The diverse academic traditions of the editors and contributors make this a truly interdisciplinary work, bringing together knowledge and research approaches from across disciplines to examine social, political, economic, historical, and psychological aspects of racism. Included within are scholarly research contributions that explore racism occurring within different social contexts, at national and international levels; its scale and impacts; and approaches to counteract it. Although the primary focus is on the Global North, racisms operating in all parts of the world, whether legacies of European colonialism or not, are included.
Existing literature underscores that gendered narratives legitimize political discourse by invoking imaginary pasts, collective traumas, or ideologies like religion and nationalism. These narratives, shaped by the ontological insecurities of political actors, contribute to an anti-gender climate and a hypermasculinized political sphere. However, their impact on women’s ontological (in)securities remains underexplored. This paper explores the gendered nature of the New Turkey narrative and its impact on women’s insecurities, using Turkey as a case study. It focuses on individual women’s experiences, particularly through the perspectives of women’s NGOs. A historical-discursive analysis of media statements from Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP), along with interviews with women activists, reveals that the JDP narrative stigmatizes gender equality as a Western construct. This approach generates insecurities for “conservative ideal women” while demonizing “other women” excluded from the narrative. The findings highlight a tension between state-level insecurities and women’s ontological insecurities, as the JDP emphasizes a civilizational discourse rooted in collective memory and nostalgia, while women’s insecurities center on political polarization, legislative shifts, and the erosion of gender equality principles.
Dieter Rucht sets out a theoretically oriented discussion of social movements. His intent is not to develop a full-blown theory of social movements but rather to establish the sociological theoretical groundwork that can shape a more fruitful approach to understanding social movements, what he terms an “interactionist, constructionist and process-oriented” approach. The result is a wide-ranging discussion through the lens of this approach of the concepts and arguments that have dominated the field of social movements, although with disappointingly little attention to the scholarship that has challenged and reshaped these dominant ideas.
Femonationalism, or the selective use of feminist discourse to advance far-right causes, has often been analyzed through the lens of party politics. Shifting the focus to grassroots activists, this article studies a group of far-right female activists in France organized as a women-only collective of “identitarian feminists” to explore how these grassroots activists articulate anti-feminist frames while also appropriating selective aspects of feminism. The study relies on three types of empirical data: a long-term digital observation of the collective, a critical analysis of documents, and 10 semi-structured interviews. These data reveal that these activists diverge from traditional anti-feminism and instead reflect a femonationalist appropriation of feminism. This appropriation can be seen in three interconnected frames used by the collective in the fight against street harassment: an opposition to intersectional feminism, the use of postfeminist frames, and the racialization of sexism.
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