No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.
Shaping Public Opinion for Confrontation: Catalan Independence Claims as Represented in Spanish, Catalan, Valencian, and Basque Editorials
Abstract
Editorials represent a newspaper’s principal means of ideological positioning and serve to identify the attitude of each newspaper and its readership to some of the main actors in any given conflict, especially those that are political in nature. Catalonia’s independence movement has experienced a surge in recent years. The turning point came in July 2010, after Spain’s constitutional court ruled against some aspects of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (the legislation regulating the relationship between the Catalan autonomous community and the Spanish state). The ruling annulled some of the articles of the statute. The demonstration in support of Catalan independence that took place on September 11, 2012, was considered the most important among several mass rallies held for this purpose over successive years on Catalonia’s National Day. This article presents the results of a qualitative and quantitative analysis of editorial articles published around these two key dates, with the goal of studying each newspaper’s treatment of political actors and their degree of identification with these actors. Their use of arguments aimed at persuading readers and legitimizing a given position during the specified time periods in 2010 and 2012 will also be studied. The study focuses on the editorial articles published by several newspapers in four distinct regional contexts: Catalonia, Valencia, the Basque Country, as well as the whole of Spain. The analyzed articles were published a few days before and after July 10, 2010, and September 11, 2012.
... Rocío Zamora-Medina and Leonarda García-Jiménez DOI: 10.25200/BJR.v18n1.2022.1421 Xicoy et al., 2017). The media and the social networks, notably Twitter Hernández-Santaolalla & Sola-Morales, 2019;Arce et al., 2020;Carrasco et al., 2018), intensified the debate with such radically opposing arguments that the referendum attempt has been defined as "a totally polarized media war" (López-Olano & Fenoll, 2019, p. 2). ...
... and so we will only give a brief description of a situation which has been explained in greater detail in works such as Cetrá and Harvey (2019), Marcet et al. (2014), Ordeix and Ginesta (2013), Xicoy et al. (2017). ...
... In general, the relationship between Spain and Catalonia has historically been complex, but a turning point in this tension came with the decision of the Constitutional Court in 2010 to reject various articles in the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of 2005 which aimed to obtain more sovereignty for Catalonia, and which had been passed by both the Catalan and Spanish parliaments (Xicoy et al., 2017). This annulment brought about an increase in separatist feelings, with a subsequent wave of protests and demonstrations within Catalonia, and "provoked disappointment and frustration with the expectations of greater self-governance" (Ballesteros, 2015b, p. 163). ...
This research includes an analysis of the media frameworks built around the Catalan government's attempt to organize the referendum for independence from Spain on Oct 1 st , 2017. Based on previous studies on the use of pragmatic and symbolic frameworks during independence processes, the objective is to identify the main interpretive frameworks, actors, and actions that starred in the symbolic battle over national identities, comparing (1) the media coverage of the referendum in two national, two international, and two regional newspapers with (2) the social debate on Twitter. The comparative quantitative analysis shows how the media prioritized emotional information and historical aspects, with notable differences between the national media and the social debate on Twitter. The coverage in international
... Ballesteros Herencia (2015), who had analysed the previous referendum attempt, was already pointing out the conflictive frame and the high level of polarisation: Madrid's press used conflict more intensely and described criminal features and negative evaluations with reference to the actions of Catalan institutions and officials, which were absent in the Catalan press (Xicoy et al. 2017). Balcells and Padró-Solanet (2019) focus on the perceived spiral of silence affecting unionist supporters. ...
Even though the independence referendum held in 2017 in Catalonia was unsuccessful, the large role of the media together with easy, fast international broadcasting and the fear of a possible mimic effect in other regions made the entire world observe and discuss the event. The purpose of this article is to analyse the media coverage of the referendum in two benchmark British newspapers, The Guardian and The Telegraph . Based on hypotheses that the news coverage regarding the Catalonian referendum might be prone to the dissemination of information according to the editorial position of the newspapers, this research has analysed 188 news pieces by using framing analysis. The first hypothesis, that both newspapers adapted their versions of the story to readers according to the predisposition of the different editorial trends of each newspaper, was not confirmed. The results allow us to conclude that in the news of the benchmark British press regarding the illegal referendum in Catalonia, fair journalistic coverage prevailed.
... Com s'ha vist en els resultats, l'advertència d'una identitat valenciana en situació d'amenaça, ressonant amb els discursos enarborats per la dreta valenciana dels anys de la transició, es reprén gràcies al protagonisme que el procés independentista català té en l'actualitat política. Aquesta compta amb el recolzament legitimador de mitjans com Las Provincias, clau en l'anomenada Batalla de València, i que en els darrers anys ha demostrat una ferma i oberta actitud d'oposició i crítica al sobiranisme a Catalunya(Xicoy, Perales García i Xambó, 2017). La idea del «perill catalanista» no hi és, però, en el missatge electoral de Vox, en la mesura que l'ús d'aquesta ...
Les eleccions autonòmiques de 2019 a la Comunitat Valenciana han plantejat un nou escenari per a l'espectre ideològic conservador, ja que per primera vegada eren tres les formacions que es disputaven aquest vot amb possibilitats d'accedir a les Corts. A més a més, la notorietat aconseguida per l'extrema dreta en el nou panorama polític suposava un desafiament per a la resta de partits. L'objectiu d'aquesta investigació és analitzar com van afrontar la campanya el Partit Popular, Ciudadanos i Vox en un context que els obligava a actuar com a adversaris electorals, però també com a possibles futurs aliats parlamentaris. Aquest treball de recerca examina l'actuació i el discurs de campanya d'aquests tres partits a partir de l'anàlisi del contingut de la cobertura periodística dels diaris Levante-EMV i Las Provincias. L'estudi s'interessa per conéixer els emmarcats preferents, els temes dominants, les ressonàncies culturals i el quadrat ideològic construït per aquestes formacions. Els resultats mostren que l'emmarcat estratègic d'estil de lideratge predominà en la informació d'aquests partits, que van concentrar el seu discurs en temes d'economia i identitat, especialment sobre aspectes ressonants entre l'electorat conservador. Mentre que els temes propis de l'extrema dreta no afecten greument el discurs dels partits majoritaris, Vox tractà d'obrir-se pas distanciant-se del PP, que al seu torn es va veure obligat a reivindicar-se com el partit de referència de la dreta. Cs és el que en més ocasions va fer circular un missatge de possible cooperació entre les tres forces.
... El primero de ellos recupera así una de las claves electorales de la derecha conservadora del País Valenciano (Ridaura Martínez, 2016), mien-Discursos en competencia en la derecha política valenciana DEBATS · Volumen 134/1 · 2020 tras que Cs aprovecha su valor simbólico porque lo considera coherente con su firme oposición al nacionalismo catalán, uno de los principios impulsores del partido y, probablemente, una de las claves que explican que haya ido sumando apoyos electorales en los últimos años en Cataluña, y también en el resto del Estado. Como se aprecia en los resultados, la advertencia de una identidad valenciana en situación de amenaza, que resonaba en los discursos enarbolados por la derecha valenciana de los años de la transición, se retoma gracias al protagonismo que el proceso independentista catalán tiene en la actualidad política y cuenta con el respaldo legitimador de medios como Las Provincias, clave en la llamada Batalla de València, y que en los últimos años ha demostrado una actitud firme y abierta de oposición y crítica al soberanismo en Cataluña(Xicoy, Perales García y Xambó, 2017). La idea del «peligro catalanista» no está, sin embargo, en el mensaje electoral de Vox, puesto que el uso ...
Las elecciones autonómicas de 2019 en la Comunidad Valenciana supusieron un nuevo escenario para el espectro ideológico conservador, puesto que por primera vez eran tres las formaciones que se disputaban el voto de la derecha con posibilidades de acceder a las Cortes. Además, la notoriedad conseguida por la extrema derecha en el nuevo panorama político suponía un desafío para el resto de partidos. El objetivo de esta investigación es analizar cómo afrontaron la campaña el Partido Popular, Ciudadanos y Vox en un contexto que los obligaba a actuar como adversarios electorales, pero también como posibles futuros aliados parlamentarios. Este trabajo de investigación examina la actuación y el discurso de campaña de estos tres partidos a partir del análisis del contenido de la cobertura periodística de los diarios Levante-EMV y Las Provincias. El estudio pretende conocer los encuadres preferentes, los temas dominantes, las resonancias culturales y el cuadrado ideológico construido por estas formaciones. Los resultados muestran que el encuadre estratégico de estilo de liderazgo predominó en la información sobre estos partidos, los cuales concentraron su discurso en temas de economía e identidad, especialmente sobre aspectos resonantes entre el electorado conservador. Aunque los temas propios de la extrema derecha no afectaron de manera grave al discurso de los partidos mayoritarios, el PP se vio obligado a reivindicarse como partido de referencia de la derecha, al tratar Vox de tomar distancia respecto a él. Ciudadanos fue el partido que en más ocasiones hizo circular un mensaje de posible cooperación entre las tres fuerzas.
... The so-called procés, which culminated in the key date of the failed referendum for independence on 1 October 2017, has played out in a difficult, heated media environment: the application of the hypothesis of selective exposure (Stroud, 2010;Mutz & Young, 2011) among Spain's geographically central and periphery media outlets has caught the attention of Lidia Valera (2018), clearly revealing the sharp segmentation of audiences corresponding to their national identities. This polarized phenomenon in the Spanish press as regards the matter has a long track record, with those who consider the Diada (Catalans' national day) of 11 September 2012 to be a point of inflexion (Xicoy, Perales García & Xambó, 2017). Within the theories on framing, other authors have claimed that polarization with the use of the context of conflict has been used in three out of four news items on the matter (Ballesteros Herencia, 2015). ...
The Catalan procés has undergone intense polarization in the media, both in the traditional media and the social networks, where the Russian corporation RT has been accused of supporting the independence movement. From a quantitative perspective, we have carried out a comparative analysis of the coverage of the Catalan procés in Facebook by the corporations RT, BBC and DW. In spite of RT’s proximity to the independence movement, the results do not reveal significant differences between the media corporations. Even so, users’ reactions to publications in Facebook suggest sympathy for
Catalan independence.
... Capdevila 2015;Ordeix and Ginesta 2014;Perales-García and Pont-Sorribes 2017;Pont-Sorribes et al. 2018;Xicoy et al. 2017;Micó and Carbonell 2017;Dekavalla and Montagut 2018). In this context, the three-year period that stretches from 9 November 2014 until 1 October 2017 has seen a dialectical escalation between those political actors supporting independence and those who do not, leading to a scenario of intense polarization, accompanied by a deep crisis of political legitimation(Gagnon and Sanjaume-Calvet 2017;Cetrà et al. 2018). ...
The current Catalan political conflict provides an opportunity to study how a particular case reflects the dynamics established between political actors, media and citizens in the public sphere (Castelló and Capdevila 2015; Ordeix and Ginesta 2014; Perales-García and Pont-Sorribes 2017; Pont-Sorribes et al. 2018; Xicoy et al. 2017; Micó and Carbonell 2017; Moragas-Fernández et al. 2018; Dekavalla and Montagut 2018). In this context, the three-year period that stretches from 9 November 2014 until 1 October 2017 has seen a dialectical escalation between those political actors supporting independence and those who do not, leading to a scenario of intense polarization, accompanied by a deep crisis of political legitimation (Gagnon and Sanjaume-Calvet 2017; Cetrà et al. 2018).
... It is a highly partisan media system (Chaqués Bonafont and Baumgartner 2013), with newspapers adopting explicitly partisan editorial preferences (Baumgartner and Chaqués Bonafont 2015). In recent years, they have given greater importance to the Catalan conflict than to any other Spanish political issue in a rather personalized way between the main leaders of the two camps (Xicoy et al. 2017(Xicoy et al. : 1053. This has given rise to many studies. ...
Postprint version available here (in open access): http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/37215.
This article assesses the media treatment of the Catalan referendum on independence (October 2017) in the Québec context. By conducting a quantitative and deductive content analysis of articles published in the four major Québec newspapers, we analyse how Québec newspapers frames the conflict regarding their historical editorial position about the Québec independence project. In addition, we examine how the comparison between Québec and Catalonia fit into the media coverage. Our results confirm the dominant use of the conflict frame for media coverage of political issues. They also point out the importance of internal and institutional factors like the importance of press agencies or the presence of correspondent on the ground as features influencing frames. In terms of editorial position, data suggest that similar issues between two stateless nations do not automatically involve a similar media treatment. We suggest the concept of ‘projection effect’ to bring nuances to the ‘mirror effect’ proposed in the literature.
... Our aim is to explore the relationships between metaphors and frames through this case study and not to answer questions about the media framing of the event per se. As we will suggest in the next section, this case provides fruitful ground for exploring our questions above, because discourse on the issue of Catalan autonomy over the years has been found to be highly metaphorical (Castelló and Capdevila, 2015) and also because there is a dominant frame in public discourse on this issue, namely the "process" frame, whose content is complex and open to different definitions (Xicoy et al., 2017). Based on our above discussion, we suggest that the process frame comprises a network of different metaphoric frames in our corpus, co-existing within the same media texts and interconnected through a logical hierarchy. ...
This article draws on metaphor and framing theory to build on our understanding of how metaphor works to frame issues. It suggests that metaphors not only may operate as frames in themselves, but they can also combine in hierarchies of metaphoric frames which together co-construct superordinate metaphoric or non-metaphoric frames. Using insights from theory on mixed metaphor, metaphor hierarchies and scenarios, the article introduces the new concept “metaphoric frame networks” to explain interconnections and relationships between frames and metaphors within the same texts, which could at first appear to be unrelated. The article proposes a set of criteria by which a metaphoric frame network can be defined and distinguished from simpler frames. The argument of the article is then illustrated through an empirical analysis of the process frame in television coverage of the 2015 Catalan regional election.
... In keeping with that, Santa Ana (1999, p. 195) points out that metaphors can be used creatively by political parties 'as a heuristic for exploring new conceptualizations of political semantic domains', and, therefore, they 'embody otherwise amorphous or remote concepts in ways that the public can readily understand'. In the case of Catalonia, which is undergoing a long-term political conflict named 'the Catalan transition' (Ordeix & Ginesta, 2014;Xambó, Perales, & Xicoy, 2014;Xicoy, Perales-García, & Xambó, 2017), the uncertainty about the outcome of this situation prompted political actors to use metaphorical expressions when defining their proposals for changing the country's status quo (Moragas-Fernández, 2016). ...
Political actors use metaphor in their speeches in order to frame political issues [Charteris-Black, J. (2011). Politicians and rhetoric: The persuasive power of metaphor. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan]. If they succeed in imposing a particular (metaphorical) frame, especially when there is no agreement on the definition of certain political issues, this can become the prevailing way for referring to that issue [Semino, E. (2008). Metaphor in discourse. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press]. In this research, we argue that this was the case for the metaphor of the JOURNEY in the Catalan political conflict during electoral periods. To that end we use Critical Metaphor Analysis [Charteris-Black, J. (2004). Corpus approaches to critical metaphor analysis. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan] to analyse televised campaign ads from the last three elections for the Parliament of Catalonia – from 2010, 2012, and 2015 – in order to identify how political actors’ use metaphors to talk about the Catalan political situation during these years and to verify if JOURNEY metaphor resulted into the dominant narrative. The results show that the political situation has been conceptualized in terms of a ‘process en route,’ although the narratives generated by the political actors that shaped that discourse differ.
El vínculo entre política y eventos deportivos es un fenómeno que tiene efectos no sólo en la política interna de los Estados, sino también en las relaciones estatales, en particular en aquellos contextos de grandes eventos. Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el evento preolímpico del recorrido de la antorcha olímpica como una representación geopolítica que contribuye a que el Estado reafirme su soberanía territorial en relación con las disputas territoriales. Se analiza ese ritual icónico presentándolo como un instrumento utilizado en contextos de disputas de soberanía, por medio de lo que llamamos “costura territorial”. A este fin, se han escogido tres ediciones de las Olimpiadas en que se identificaron conflictos de carácter político-territorial en los países que las albergaron: Barcelona, 1992; Beijing, 2008; y Londres, 2012. La metodología utilizada combinó dos estrategias: el mapeo y análisis de la selección de ciudades escogidas para el paso de la antorcha olímpica y la realización de una revisión de la prensa local de las sedes, durante el periodo de los Juegos. Para la triangulación metodológica, fueron analizados materiales oficiales de los Juegos Olímpicos y de los Comités Olímpicos. De esa manera, el carácter geopolítico del sistema olímpico se expone por medio de este ritual específico y se exalta la importancia de los deportes en el escenario de la política mundial.
El artículo aborda el papel de los actores políticos clave en el inicio del conflicto catalán, Rajoy (presidente de España) y Mas (presidente de Cataluña). A partir de una tipología de marcos de conflicto y de estrategias de producción del discurso ideológico, se analizan seis discursos de ambos en relación con acontecimientos relevantes. Los marcos presentes en los discursos de Mas son el político, el simbólico y el normativo. En los de Rajoy, el pragmático y el normativo. Los factores contextuales influyen en la variación de los marcos y las estrategias de los actores. Los marcos utilizados por ambas partes retroalimentan sus posiciones y amortiguan los argumentos del adversario. Los argumentos pragmáticos de Rajoy se contrarrestan con los elementos del marco simbólico secesionista. Y los argumentos de legalidad constitucional chocan con los de legitimidad democrática del separatismo.
Since 2010 the Catalan secessionist movement has been reported on extensively in the global media. Beginning with the 2010 demonstrations against the decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court to reject a new Catalan statute of autonomy, and covering subsequent events such as the unofficial self-determination referendum in 2017, the trial and imprisonment of Catalan political leaders, and the violent protests against the verdicts; the events in the region have all featured heavily on the front pages of the international press. This study analyzes how US and UK newspapers have covered the Catalan independence movement during the period from 2010 to 2019. To do so, this study focuses on two US newspapers ( The New York Times and The Washington Post) and two from the UK newspapers ( The Daily Telegraph and The Guardian) and observes how the positions of the Spanish and Catalan governments are represented through the analysis of the frames used to construct the newspapers’ coverage, as well as the overall tone and the sources used by the journalists. To detect the dominant framework, a framing analysis is undertaken from a communicative and deductive perspective, applying Semetko and Valkenburg’s classification. In-depth interviews are also conducted with the newspapers’ Spanish-based foreign correspondents which allows the analysis to include the correspondents’ views on the difficulties faced by them during their time spent while covering the conflict. The study’s primary conclusion is that the international press downplays the significant role played by social movements and civil society in the secession movement, with a strong preference shown by journalists to rely on representatives of official sources as the most valid spokespersons for the movement. Secondly, the study finds that media attention follows closely the flash-points of the conflict with more coverage appearing at the moments of greater political tension between the Spanish and Catalan governments. This suggests that civil society mobilizations attract less interest from the media that instead prefers to focus on developments in the political sphere.
Este artículo analiza los marcos de conflicto predominantes en la prensa de ámbito estatal (El País y El Mundo) y catalán (La Vanguardia y El Periódico de Cataluña) durante la fase de gestación del proceso independentista (2010-2014). Para ello, se ha elaborado una nueva tipología sobre marcos de conflicto atendiendo a su nivel de sustantividad. El estudio ha permitido comprobar que el origen territorial incide en la definición del conflicto que elabora la prensa y en su preferencia por un determinado modelo de organización territorial, aunque no lo determina. Es más bien la identificación entre partidos y medios la variable que mejor explica la orientación «independentista, constitucionalista o federalista» de cada periódico. Asimismo, se ha constatado la actuación de la prensa como agente de polarización en función de la preferencia del modelo territorial.
Tras la evidente situación de inestabilidad política vivida en Cataluña durante los últimos años, aunada a la crisis social y económica generada por la pandemia, se realizaron unas elecciones atípicas en un escenario caracterizado por unos altos índices de polarización. La presente investigación, mediante una metodología cuantitativa y cualitativa, pretende estudiar las estrategias populistas y los principales temas que los nueve candidatos a presidir el Govern han difundido en su cuenta oficial de Twitter durante el transcurso de la campaña. Los resultados más relevantes demuestran que todos los líderes se han caracterizado por emplear al menos un elemento propio del discurso populista.
Videos are increasingly being used in social networks for a wide range of purposes, including political campaigning. Here, social media seem to be gaining an edge over the mainstream variety when it comes to making political choices, especially during election campaigns. This paper examines the extent to which social media is used in Valencian Autonomous Government elections and looks at each of the candidate's experiences in this regard in the April 2019 elections. We pay particular attention to the differences between the three networks analysed — Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, and consider what kind of video information is shared. For these purposes, we create nine formal categories, some of which draw on traditional media while others are created ad hoc for our study. Based on these categories, we identify which media are most used, and give guidelines on best practices. We also consider differences in usage between politicians from the left and right ends of the political spectrum. The results point to a general lack of communication strategy in candidates’ use of discretionary video materials.
The 2019 regional government election in The Valencian Country led to a new panorama on the Right. For the first time, there were three political parties competing for votes. In addition, the notoriety gained by the Far Right created a new political scene, posing a challenge to other parties. This paper analyses how the Partido Popular, Ciudadanos and Vox managed a campaign in which they were both electoral opponents but also potentially future parliamentary allies. The research examines the performance and campaign discourse of these three parties based on content analysis of the coverage of two newspapers’ (Levante-EMV and Las Provincias). The study examines the preferred frames of reference, the main topics, the cultural resonances and the ideological frameworks chosen by these parties. The results showed that news on these parties stressed leadership style and strategy — issues that were highlighted in the parties’ discourses given that they resonate strongly with Conservative voters. The issues chosen by the Far Right had little impact on the messages put over by the majority parties. The presence of three rightwing parties meant each tried to differentiate itself from the others. Vox [the farthest on the right, reminiscent of France’s Front National] tried to distinguish itself from the more mainstream Partido Popular (PP), which in turn was forced to defend its position as the ‘institutional’ party of the right. Ciudadanos (Cs) was the right-wing party that spoke most often of potential co-operation among the three forces.
This article is a follow-up to an article published in the American Behavioral Scientist in 2017, titled “Shaping public opinion for confrontation: Catalan independence claims as represented in Spanish, Catalan, Valencian, and Basque Editorials.” At that time, our study was based on opinions expressed in mainstream newspaper editorials during two significant events in Catalonia’s recent history: the demonstration against the Spanish Constitutional Court ruling on the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of July 10, 2010, and the mass pro-independence demonstration held on September 11, 2012. The research sought to compare the press reports published in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Basque Country with those from the rest of Spain (primarily Madrid).
This study applies the same methodology to analyze editorial pieces published during the campaign prior to the Catalan parliamentary elections on December 21, 2017. This date was historically significant for Catalonia because for the first time since the restoration of democracy following the Franco regime, the Spanish state had intervened in Catalonia’s self-rule by using Article 155 of the Spanish constitution to call snap elections. At the time, the lead candidates for the pro-independence parties were Oriol Junqueras (Republican Left of Catalonia) and Carles Puigdemont (Together for Catalonia), the former in prison and the latter abroad (or in “exile,” according to secessionists). In light of the opposing opinions and perspectives, we believe it is worth analyzing and comparing mainstream editorials from Catalonia (Barcelona) and Spain (Madrid) once again, to ascertain the dominant narratives used in both to explain the Catalan and Spanish position and frame of reference. We have extended the scope to include mainstream online as well as printed media with a view to achieving a better understanding and providing a wider overview of the public agenda and debate at that time.
If the origin of what is currently known as the “Procés” of independence of Catalonia had to be specified, we would probably coincide in locating it in July 2010, when the ruling of the Constitutional Court against the Statute was made public. On 10 July 2010, a massive demonstration took place in Barcelona against that ruling, which meant some important cuts to the initial text that the Catalan people had endorsed. From that moment on, the disaffection of a good fraction of the Catalans was on the increase and was manifested in massive concentrations on the following 11 September, the Diada de Catalunya (National Day of Catalonia). Especially from the Diada of 2012 and until 2019, these demonstrations attracted many participants. Between these periods, Catalonia has experienced very significant political moments of the “Procés,” especially the consultation of 9 November 2014 and the referendum of 1 October 2017, which led to the imprisonment and exile of Catalan politicians as is well known. We analyze the opinion of different newspapers of general distribution published in Catalunya and Madrid during this period and study the editorials to establish the editorial line of these media. The periods that form part of the study are those related to the demonstration of 10 July 2010, the Diada of 2012, and the campaign for the elections to the Parliament of Catalonia of 12 December 2017. Resumen Si hubiera que precisar el origen de lo que actualmente se conoce como “el Procés” de independencia de Catalunya probablemente coincidiríamos en localizarlo en julio de 2010, cuando se hizo pública la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional en contra del Estatut. El 10 de julio de 2010 tuvo lugar en Barcelona una manifestación multitudinaria en contra de esa sentencia que significaba unos recortes importantes sobre el texto inicial que el pueblo catalán había refrendado. A partir de ese momento, la desafección de buena parte de los catalanes fue en aumento y se hizo manifiesta en las concentraciones masivas durante los siguientes 11 de septiembre, la Diada de Catalunya. Especialmente a partir de la Diada de 2012 y hasta la de 2019 las manifestaciones contaron con numerosos asistentes. Entre estos períodos Catalunya ha vivido momentos políticos del “Procés” muy significativos, especialmente la consulta del 9 de noviembre de 2014 y el referéndum del 1 de octubre de 2017 que comportó las consecuencias de prisión y exilio de los políticos catalanes que todos conocemos. Durante este tiempo hemos analizado la opinión de distintos diarios de difusión general editados en Catalunya y Madrid. Hemos estudiado los editoriales para establecer la línea editorial de estos medios. Los periodos que forman parte del estudio son los relativos a la manifestación del 10 de julio de 2010; la Diada de 2012 y la campaña electoral de las elecciones al Parlament de Catalunya de 21 de diciembre de 2017.
With the independence of Catalonia process as framework, we will compare the journalistic treatment received by the phenomenon in three foreign media, showed in its diffusion through the social network Facebook. BBC, DW and RT are public corporations funded by governments a priori far away from the social and political issues about the separatist debate. Even so, one of them RT, has been publicly accused of acting directly under the influence of the foreign policy guidelines of the Kremlin, and working out well for the independence movement. From a quantitative and qualitative
perspective, we analyze the posts the three media spread in a period of four months (n = 625), including the key date October 1st when the plebiscite attempt occurred, to verify if there is such a bias in the media we look into.
One of the key concepts related to the media's increasing political influence is mediatization. It has even been described as a meta-process, on a par with other social change processes such as globalization and individualization. Despite the fact that the concept has been used for several decades, it remains however a concept referred to more often than properly defined and used to guide systematic empirical research. Against this background and based on the conceptualization of mediatization as a multi-dimensional concept, the purpose of this article is to investigate perceptions of the media's political influence among members of parliament and political news journalists at major national and regional media in Sweden. The results show that both groups attribute great influence to the media, in particular TV, newspapers and radio, and that both groups perceive TV and radio as influential as even the prime minister in terms of how often they manage to place a new issue highest on the political agenda. The results of the study are discussed in light of the theory of an ongoing mediatization of politics.
This article describes the main features of the media system in Valencia, and it discusses and interprets the process by which this system has come into being. Particular emphasis is placed on the dominant role played by the political system, which has led to a wide range of bad informative practices, a strong dependence on the leading Spanish media corporations, notable cultural shortcomings and a considerable decline in the use of Catalan in the media, all of which are obstacles to the development of a democratic, reliable communicative system at the service of the people.
Two authorities in argumentation theory present a view of argumentation as a means of resolving differences of opinion by testing the acceptability of the disputed positions. Their model of a “critical discussion” serves as a theoretical tool for analyzing, evaluating and producing argumentative discourse. This major contribution to the study of argumentation will be of particular value to professionals and graduate students in speech communication, informal logic, rhetoric, critical thinking, linguistics, and philosophy. © Frans H. van Eemeren and Henriette Greebe and Cambridge University Press, 2004.
El objetivo de este libro es proponer una nueva estructura teórica para el estudio de las noticias que aparecen en la prensa. Y la característica principal de su método es analizar las noticias primordiales como un tipo de texto o discurso. De esta manera, el autor pretende dilucidar la cuestión de la especificidad estructural de los discursos periodísticos comparados con otros tipos de discursos.
La construcción social de la Realidad [The Social Construction of Reality]
- P Berger
- T Luckmann
Análisis sociológico de textos o discursos
- J Ibáñez
Ibáñez, J. (1985). Análisis sociológico de textos o discursos. Revista Internacional de Sociología,
43, 119-162.
Discurso y conocimiento. Aspectos teóricos y metodológicos de la crítica del discurso y del análisis de dispositivos
- Jäger S.
- Wodak R.
- Meyer M.
La mediatización del conflicto político: Discursos y narrativas en el contextoespañol
- E Castelló
Castelló, E. (2012). La mediatización del conflicto político: Discursos y narrativas en el contextoespañol. Barcelona, Spain: Laertes.
Teoria dels gèneres periodístics
- L Gomis
Gomis, L. (1989). Teoria dels gèneres periodístics [Theory of journalististic genres].
Anàlisi crítica de la cobertura de l'encaix de Catalunya i Euskadi dins Espanya a través dels discursos de la premsa espanyola, catalana i basca publicats durant la Transició i fins a l'aprovació dels estatuts català i basc (1975-1979) (Doctoral thesis
- C Perales
Perales, C. (2012). Anàlisi crítica de la cobertura de l'encaix de Catalunya i Euskadi dins
Espanya a través dels discursos de la premsa espanyola, catalana i basca publicats durant
la Transició i fins a l'aprovació dels estatuts català i basc (1975-1979) (Doctoral thesis,
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona). Retrieved from http://www.tdx.cat/handle/10803/11
7379?show=full
La argumentación lingüística y sus medios de expresión
- C F Rodríguez
- E R Lara
Rodríguez, C. F., & Alcaide Lara, E. R. (2007). La argumentación lingüística y sus medios de
expresión. Madrid, Spain: Arco Libros.
El recorte de la autonomia: Posicionamiento mediático ante las declaraciones de Aznar y de Zapatero desde el análisis textual
- A Capdevila
- E Ferrán
Capdevila, A., & Ferrán, E. (2012). El recorte de la autonomia: Posicionamiento mediático ante
las declaraciones de Aznar y de Zapatero desde el análisis textual. In E. Castelló (Ed.),
La mediatización del conflicto politico: Discursos y narrativas en el contextoespañol.
Barcelona, Spain: Laertes.
Noves glòries a Espanya: Anticatalanisme i identitat valenciana
- V Flor
Flor, V. (2011). Noves glòries a Espanya: Anticatalanisme i identitat valenciana. Barcelona,
Spain: Afers.
La crisis del modelo de Estado: La sentencia del Estatut de Cataluña y el 10J
- C Perales
- R Xambó
- E Xicoy
Perales, C., Xambó, R., & Xicoy, E. (2012). La crisis del modelo de Estado: La sentencia del
Estatut de Cataluña y el 10J. In E. Castelló (Ed.), La mediatización del conflicto politico:
Discursos y narrativas en el contexto español [Critical analysis of the coverage of the lace
of Catalonia and the Basque Country inside Spain through the discourses of the Spanish,
Catalan and Basque press and published from the Transition to the Catalan and Basque
statutes approval (1975-1979)] (pp. 61-78). Barcelona, Spain: Laertes.
Discurso y conocimiento. Aspectos teóricos y metodológicos de la crítica del discurso y del análisis de dispositivos
- S Jäger
Jäger, S. (2001). Discurso y conocimiento. Aspectos teóricos y metodológicos de la crítica del
discurso y del análisis de dispositivos. In R. Wodak & M. Meyer (Eds.), Métodos de anàlisis crítico del discurso. Barcelona, Spain: Gedisa.
Avui', 'El Periódico' i 'La Vanguardia' (setembre 1998 -abril 2000) (Doctoral thesis
- E Xicoy
Xicoy, E. (2008). Interpretació periodística del conflicte basc. 'Avui', 'El Periódico' i 'La
Vanguardia' (setembre 1998 -abril 2000) (Doctoral thesis, Ramon Llull University).
Retrieved from http://www.tdx.cat/handle/10803/9211?show=full#