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The Implications of Marijuana Decriminalization and Legalization on Crime in the United States
Abstract
Through 2014 Uniform Crime Report (UCR) data for all 50 U.S. states, this research explores the relationship between decriminalization and recreational and medical marijuana legalization and crime rates and arrests for drug abuse violations. When comparing states that changed their marijuana laws between 2010 and 2014 to states without any change, results indicate that any decrease in crime rate was not dependent upon changes in laws. Results indicate that while the trend is for property and violent crime rates to be higher in states where marijuana remains illegal, the difference is not statistically significant. When comparing states where marijuana has been decriminalized and states where medical marijuana has been legalized to states where it has not, the trend is that property and violent crime rates appear to be lower in both decriminalized and medically legalized states, but the difference is not statistically significant. Analysis also reveals that there are no significant differences in 2014 crime rates based on the degree to which the state has legalized/decriminalized marijuana (completely illegal, decriminalized or medically legal, decriminalized and medically legal). Even when controlling for factors that may lead to crime, the legal status of marijuana in states failed to significantly predict property or violent crime rates in 2014. States may turn to this research when considering their marijuana laws.
... They found no evidence that reclassification from a felony to a misdemeanor caused an increase in crime. Maier et al. (2017) studied the effects of cannabis decriminalization. Through an examination of Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) data from the FBI, they studied the relationship between cannabis decriminalization and crime rates, specifically, murder, robbery, rape, burglary, motor vehicle theft, or drug abuse arrests between 2010-2014. ...
... Through an examination of Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) data from the FBI, they studied the relationship between cannabis decriminalization and crime rates, specifically, murder, robbery, rape, burglary, motor vehicle theft, or drug abuse arrests between 2010-2014. Maier et al. (2017) found that the rates of these specific crimes, except homicide, declined during this time, despite any state's decision to decriminalize cannabis. ...
... Property crimes were often discussed as a method of funding an offender's addiction. This finding refutes the findings of Maier et al. (2017), whose research indicated a reduction in property crime post-Proposition 47. The participants described an innate desire to make positive steps toward rehabilitating addicted offenders, even through punitive acts such as incarceration, to aid the offender in overcoming the underlying causations of addiction. ...
i>The purpose of this transcendental phenomenological study was to explore how law enforcement officers in Los Angeles County described their lived experiences of engaging in discretionary enforcement behaviors when policing narcotics crimes. Rational choice theory was utilized as the theoretical lens for the study. Convenience sampling was used to recruit 15 active law enforcement officers in Los Angeles County. Data were collected through open-ended surveys, semi-structured interviews, and reflexive memos. The data were coded utilizing thematic analysis with the assistance of NVivo 12 Plus. Three primary themes were evident from the data: (1) positive reinforcement-motivators, (2) justifications for reduced narcotics enforcement, and (3) methods of reduced enforcement. Findings revealed law enforcement officers, much like offenders’ criminal behaviors in rational choice theory, can be dissuaded from discretionary enforcement behaviors with adequate negative reinforcement. Implications of the study’s findings, limitations, and recommendations for future research are discussed. </i
... Finally, the systemic violence model infers that violence is unavoidable within the drug market because there is no right way or not right institutional mechanism that would solve disputes between actors. Violence seems to be a reasonable option to protect territory and goods and to resolve disputes between dealers and users (Goldstein, 1985;Maier, Mannes, & Koppenhofer, 2017). ...
... Maier et al. (Maier et al., 2017) divided the US states studied into four groups according to their cannabis policy (full prohibition, decriminalization, medical cannabis, and legalization settings) and compared whether the policy was related to crime rates during the period 2010 to 2014. They found that any decrease in crime rate is not associated with legislative changes. ...
... They found that any decrease in crime rate is not associated with legislative changes. A statistically non-significant result showed that while the trend for property and violent crime rates was higher in states where cannabis remains illegal, the rates were lower in states where decriminalization and medical cannabis laws exist (Maier et al., 2017). According to similar research based on panel data from 1970 to 2012 in the USA, a 4-12% reduction in robberies, larcenies, and burglaries was found to be associated with medical cannabis laws, while the impact was limited for depenalization of cannabis, where even burglary and robbery rates increased by 6-11%. ...
The report aims to identify legal frameworks, models, and implementation practices of the decriminalization policies and to assess their empirical results. Statistics show that the prevalence of drug use has increased for decades all around the world despite all the strict measures taken. Decriminalization policy has emerged as a response to unbalanced prohibitionist drug policy, which creates not only social injustices at the individual level but also public health problems and high social costs at the macro level. On the other hand, decriminalization is a complex framework and is generally used as an umbrella term representing contemporary strategy. Governments have tailored this framework according to their priorities and expectations. The report categorizes models, implementations, and outcomes to evaluate results. Besides, by providing overall results from three European countries, we aim to assess the impact of the contextual factors and variation of the results. We hope the report will contribute to the discussion of developing better policy models managing drug problems.
... The impact of medicinal marijuana legislation (MML) on crime has had rather null or inconclusive results (Chu, 2014;Chu and Townsend, 2018;Gavrilova, Kamada, and Zoutman, 2018;Huber, Newman, and Lafave, 2016;Maier, Mannes, and Koppenhofer, 2017;Morris et al., 2014;Shepard and Blackley, 2016). This literature relied on UCR violent and property offenses (Gavrilova et al., 2018;Huber et al., 2016;Maier et al., 2017;Morris et al., 2014;Shepard and Blackley, 2016) or marijuana possession arrests (Chu, 2014) with panel designs to remove unobserved heterogeneity between states. ...
... The impact of medicinal marijuana legislation (MML) on crime has had rather null or inconclusive results (Chu, 2014;Chu and Townsend, 2018;Gavrilova, Kamada, and Zoutman, 2018;Huber, Newman, and Lafave, 2016;Maier, Mannes, and Koppenhofer, 2017;Morris et al., 2014;Shepard and Blackley, 2016). This literature relied on UCR violent and property offenses (Gavrilova et al., 2018;Huber et al., 2016;Maier et al., 2017;Morris et al., 2014;Shepard and Blackley, 2016) or marijuana possession arrests (Chu, 2014) with panel designs to remove unobserved heterogeneity between states. Research by Chu (2014) remains the only study to find an increase in crime after the implementation of MMLs. ...
... Research by Chu (2014) remains the only study to find an increase in crime after the implementation of MMLs. Other literature has found nonsignificant results post implementation of MMLs (Chu and Townsend, 2018;Maier et al., 2017;Shepard and Blackley, 2016) or reductions in property and violent crime (Chu and Townsend, 2018;Gavrilova et al., 2018;Huber et al., 2016;Morris et al., 2014;Shepard and Blackley, 2016). ...
The legalization of medical marijuana remains a controversial policy. An important dimension of marijuana legalization is the siting of dispensaries and their influence on a surrounding community. Specifically, dispensaries, if they engender criminogenic opportunities via changes in routine activities, have the potential to increase crimes in the areas surrounding medicinal marijuana dispensaries (MMDs). Using a quasi-experimental design, we examine the relationship between MMDs and crime using micro-spatial units in a novel location. Street level geocoded crime data for violent and nonviolent crime patterns before and after the opening of MMD’s in Washington, D.C. Crime is analyzed with 100 m buffers around each dispensary and control location drawn from propensity score matching. Differences between crime rates pre- and postoperation are compared. With the exception of one location, crime decreased or remained constant in geographical areas following the opening of a dispensary. MMDs do not appear to have an immediate criminogenic effect. Implications for future research regarding potential confounding factors and data limitations are discussed.
... A county-level difference-in-differences and spatial regression design-based examination utilizing the staggered legalization of non-medical cannabis in Washington (2012) and Oregon (2014) (Dragone et al., 2019) found significant legalization-associated reductions in cases of rapes and property crimes in Washington (2013-2014) relative to Oregon and relative to pre-legalization (2010)(2011)(2012). UCR data-based property and violent crime data analysis for all 50 US states (2014) identified trends, but were only non-significantly lower in US states that had previously decriminalized or legalized cannabis, compared to states without such changes, with results independent of the degree of liberalization reforms implemented (Maier et al., 2017). ...
... Important for public health-oriented frameworks for cannabis control, harms from cannabis use are not limited to users only, but-similar to other prevalently used psychoactive drugs-involve increased risks for harm-to-others, including the perpetration of violence (Cafferky et al., 2018;Doran et al., 2012). This is notwithstanding ecological observations for population-level crime trends in liberalized (US-based) policy settings, where increased legal cannabis availability may actually help to reduce criminogenic impacts, possibly through reduced consumption of other, psychoactive violence-inducing drugs (e.g., alcohol) (Dragone et al., 2019;Maier et al., 2017). Moreover, in the epidemiologic reality of cannabis use-similar to other adverse outcomes-the risks for violence perpetration may not be evenly distributed. ...
Public health-oriented frameworks for cannabis use of control, including legalization, are evolving. Most frameworks aim to reduce cannabis-related health harms that materialize among users; there has been comparably limited focus on cannabis-related “harm-to-others”. A longstanding issue for other psychoactive substances, and increasingly recognized form of cannabis-related harm-to-others involves violence/aggression. We briefly review relevant epidemiological and psycho-behavioral data related to cannabis-related violence and aggression, and discuss intervention prospects. Systematic review and other study data show a moderately positive association between cannabis use and perpetration of physical (including intimate-partner) violence, for example involving assault, aggression, and fighting; this risk may be further elevated by intensive use patterns. Such harms may involve injuries/deaths and contribute to the cannabis-related burden of disease. Within the contexts of public health-oriented frameworks for cannabis control, greater awareness and targeted interventions regarding the risk for exposure to violence related to cannabis use should be promoted in addition to protections for users’ health.
... Another aspect to consider regarding legalization is the possible reduction in the number of legal cases and everything crime related, including violence. Studies show that in the states where marijuana was legalized during 2010 and 2014, there were no statistically significant differences in the rates of property crime, but violent crime, murder, aggravated assault, robbery, and theft appeared to be higher in states where marijuana was completely banned (Maier, Mannes & Koppenhofer, 2017). ...
... It is still unknown whether the legalization of recreational cannabis has affected the variations detected in crimes, and if so, how. It will still take some time for data that may clarify these issues to become available, although the most recent studies have not found any associations between changes in legalization and the increase or decrease in crime (Maier et al., 2017). However, certain meta-analyses have shown that cannabis use is linked to violence in high-risk populations and those with severe mental problems, so measures should be taken to mitigate the risks (Dellazizzo, Potvin, Athanassiou & Dumais, 2020). ...
... Otro aspecto a considerar respecto a la legalización es la posible reducción de los procesos legales y todo lo relacionado con los delitos, incluyendo la violencia. Los estudios muestran que en los estados en los que se ha legalizado la marihuana durante 2010 y 2014, aunque no hubo diferencias estadísticamente significativas en las tasas de delitos contra la propiedad, los delitos violentos, el asesinato, el asalto agravado, el robo y el hurto parecen ser más altos en los estados donde la marihuana está completamente prohibida (Maier, Mannes y Koppenhofer, 2017). ...
... Se desconoce todavía si la legalización del cannabis recreativo ha podido influir y de qué forma en las variaciones detectadas en los delitos. Habrá que esperar todavía un tiempo hasta que podamos disponer de datos que puedan aclarar estas cuestiones, aunque los estudios más recientes no han encontrado ninguna asociación entre los cambios legales y el incremento o disminución de la delincuencia (Maier et al., 2017). Sin embargo, ciertos metaanálisis han demostrado que el consumo de cannabis está asociado con la violencia en poblaciones de alto riesgo y con problemas mentales graves, por lo que se deben adoptar medidas para mitigar los riesgos (Dellazizzo, Potvin, Athanassiou y Dumais, 2020). ...
In recent years, there have been important legislative changes in many countries regarding the use of cannabis for medicinal and/or recreational purposes, which have facilitated access to it. Uruguay, Canada and some of the US states are the only jurisdictions that have legalised recreational consumption, applying different legislative models. The aim of this review is to analyse the effects that the legalisation of recreational cannabis has had on its use and its consequences. In general, the evidence accumulated to date indicates that the legalisation of cannabis has been associated with a decrease in the price of the substance, higher concentration of THC (potency), greater diversity of presentations for consumption, lower risk perception and an increase in consumption in adults and moderately in adolescents (even though it is illegal for them to consume), as well as an increase in the adverse consequences derived from cannabis consumption on public health. There has been a decrease in drug-related arrests, but the illegal market continues to be frequently used. No increase in the demand for treatment due to cannabis consumption has been detected. Therefore, these legislative changes have so far failed to achieve their main objectives, which were to suppress the illegal market and protect the most vulnerable groups, while on the contrary, they seem to imply an increase in some of the negative aspects associated with cannabis consumption. However, taking into account that most of these legislative changes have entered into force relatively recently, a longer follow-up period is required to be able to draw definitive conclusions.
... Since legalization, other studies have generally determined marijuana laws are not predictive of higher crime rates, or to have an exacerbating effect on any part I index crimes (Morris et al. 2014;Maier et al. 2017;Lu et al. 2019). Rates of most part I index crimes actually appear lower in states where marijuana has been decriminalized, significantly so for aggravated assault and larceny rates, which does not support the notion that marijuana use could decrease inhibitions and lead to increased aggression. ...
... Rates of most part I index crimes actually appear lower in states where marijuana has been decriminalized, significantly so for aggravated assault and larceny rates, which does not support the notion that marijuana use could decrease inhibitions and lead to increased aggression. Additionally, the assumption that legalizing marijuana will lead to increased use and arrest for other drugs is not supported, as states where marijuana has been decriminalized also do not see a significant difference in drug abuse arrest violations (Maier et al. 2017;Shepard and Blackley 2016). ...
Objective
This study follows the lead of Makin et al. (Police Quarterly 22(1): 31–55, 2019) who found that marijuana legalization is associated with a marginal increase in clearance rates for some crimes but not for others.Methods
We build on their work attempting to replicate their findings by using the synthetic control method and fixed-effects models. A 50-state panel data set was constructed and analyzed. The dependent variables were aggregated violence and property crime rates. The independent variable was dichotomously measured recreational marijuana legislation.ResultsMarijuana legalization is not a meaningful avenue of increasing clearance rates.Conclusion
The synthetic control method is useful for aggregate-level crime policy analysis when experimental methods are not available. The argument that the police would do a better job at reducing serious crime and/or arresting serious criminal offenders if they were not preoccupied with marijuana users is unfounded in this analysis.
... It included states -such as Nevada and New York -that did not have lower arrest rates for cannabis offences in the 'decriminalized' group. Maier et al. (2017) found no significant differences in recorded rates of any crime between states that had or had not decriminalized cannabis possession. ...
... This posited causal chain should increase the scale, profitability and violence related to organized crime, because increased profitability would increase the incentives of organized crime groups to use violence to control markets that are not legally regulated - Goldstein's (1985) 'systemic' violence. However, neither Huber et al. (2016 nor Maier et al. (2017) observe an increase in homicide in decriminalized US states. A previous study found a reduction in violence in states that decriminalized cannabis in the 1970s (Newman and Newman, 2015). ...
Alternatives to criminalization for the simple possession of illicit drugs are increasingly of interest to policy makers. But there is no existing theoretically based, empirically tested framework that can inform development and evaluation. This article presents a realist programme theory of such alternatives. It bases this on a realist review, which followed the Realist and Meta-narrative Evidence Syntheses: Evolving Standards (RAMESES). It describes the systematic process of searching the literature in English on nine relevant countries (Australia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Jamaica, Netherland, Portugal, the UK, the USA) for information on alternative measures in three categories: depenalization; diversion; and decriminalization. It shows how these measures – in theory and in practice – combine with pre-existing social conditions and institutional contexts to trigger mechanisms across three causal pathways (normative; criminal justice; and health and social services). It shows how some posited causal processes are more empirically supported than others. Alternative measures can reduce harms imposed by criminal justice processes without increasing drug use or related health and crime harms, but this depends on specific combinations of contexts, mechanisms and outcomes.
... It is also unclear if or how marijuana legalization impacts crime on a macro level. Studies have found that legalization is not associated with an increase in index crime rates (Harper & Jorgensen, 2022;Lu et al., 2019;Maier et al., 2017) and that it may even lead to a reduction in drug possession offenses for more serious substances like heroin (Wu & Cullenbine, 2022). Still, others have observed an association between marijuana legalization and increased property or violent crimes (Wu et al., 2021) or simple assault (Wu & Willits, 2022). ...
Objectives. This study examines the impact of recreational marijuana legalization on Black-White disparities in overall prison incarceration and drug-related prison incarceration in Colorado (CO) and Washington State (WA).
Methods. We employ a quasi-experimental research design via a matching approach using the synthetic control method (SCM) as well as the difference-in-differences (DiD) method, using data from the National Corrections Reporting Program (NCRP) and the U.S. Census Bureau’s state population estimates from 2006-2018.
Results. Our findings suggest that recreational marijuana legalization in these two legalized states is not associated with sizable and significant decreases in Black-White disparities in overall prison incarceration rates or drug-related prison incarceration rates over the post-legalization period, relative to the nonlegalized states.
Conclusions. Recreational marijuana legalization in CO and WA has had a limited impact on lessening racial inequality in imprisonment.
... A major comparative analysis was conducted between 2010 and 2014 in states with changed and unchanged marijuana laws (Maier et al. 2017). While California was the first state in 1996 to allow the sale of medical cannabis for patients with painful diseases, crime levels were explicitly examined in Colorado, Washington, and bordering states based on the adoption of recreational marijuana. ...
Legalized medical cannabis is implemented in 44 states in the USA while recreational marijuana legislation has challenged the law enforcement community. The public safety concerns of citizens involve a perceived increase in crimes, marijuana being a gateway for hard drug usage, the influx of residents from bordering states, increased fatal crashes, and the depletion of vital resources. In New Jersey, the State Police Forensic Science Laboratory System is the primary support system for law enforcement and laboratory professionals. Several Fatality Analysis Reporting System training programs are offered statewide, while the critical need remains to review enforcement practices. This study examines current medical cannabis enforcement practices to determine pending challenges and establish solutions for the state's oversight of legalized recreational marijuana.
... In general terms there is a paucity of research examining the effects of cannabis legalization on policing and relatedly on crime, though such research is expanding in scope and sophistication. Peer-reviewed research on the impact of recreational legalization on crime is not plentiful by any means, but generally the findings reported indicate that decriminalization, or even the informal deprioritization of cannabis crimes, does not appear to result in increased prevalence, more widespread use, or increased crime rates MacCoun & Reuter, 2001;Maier et al., 2017;Reinarman et al., 2004). There is some evidence that legalization may increase crime clearances for some types of crime that police wish to investigate . ...
This paper presents qualitative findings associated with the experiences of those tasked with enforcing laws within a novel environment of cannabis legalization. Research partner agencies and participants included local, state, and tribal law enforcement agencies in Washington and bordering areas of Idaho. Semi-structured interviews explored the pre- and post-legalization experiences of 92 police professionals (ranging from first-line officers to agency leadership). Findings suggest that law enforcement authorities in Washington felt insufficiently prepared for cannabis legalization, are now concerned about greater exposure of youth to cannabis as a result of legalization, and broadly believe that cannabis-related impaired driving has increased markedly and poses a major public safety problem for them. These issues, alongside pressing needs in the areas of agency staffing, training, and equipment related directly to dealing with cannabis legalization outcomes, necessitate attention by policymakers to mitigate major operational challenges. These same or similar issues are likely to arise in other states moving toward the commercialization and regulation of cannabis.
... However, cannabis use is less likely to lead to most types of crime (e.g., violence) because it reduces aggression, and therefore does not lead to the kind of inter-personal violence often associated with alcohol and stimulants (e.g., cocaine) (Boles & Mioto, 2003;Moore & Stuart, 2005). Early assessments of the effects of cannabis legalization on crime in some states in the US where cannabis had been legalized either found no differences, or slight decreases in some types of crime (e.g., violence, property crime) when compared to states where cannabis had not been legalized (Brinkman & Mok-Lamme, 2019;Dragone et al., 2019;Lu et al., 2019;Maier, Mannes, & Koppenhofer, 2017;Morris et al., 2014). ...
Background and aims: Studies have shown that support for cannabis decriminalization and legalization is highest among users, but there is little research on constructions of cannabis decriminalization in the narratives of users who are also dealers. The aim of this study was to explore discursive constructions of cannabis consumption and decriminalization in dealers’/users’ accounts of the drug’s harms.
Methods: A qualitative study was undertaken in which in-depth interviews were conducted with 31 commercially oriented Nigerian men drug dealers who also use drugs. They were recruited through snowball sampling. Data analysis was based on a social constructionist approach to grounded theory, which emphasizes the role of language and discourse in the construction of reality.
Results: While harms from cannabis use were recognized, these were constructed as being relative to consumption practices and user’s ability to manage drug effects. Accounts used different discourses and rhetorical strategies to deconstruct popular views of cannabis as a dangerous drug, including minimizing harms by juxtaposing them with harms from more potent drugs as well as with benefits from use. Harms were, however, amplified in relation to decriminalization to delegitimize the policy approach due to concerns about potential increase in consumption and harms to inexperienced consumers.
Conclusions: Constructions of cannabis-related harms in the participants’ accounts served discursively to delegitimize cannabis decriminalization, without stigmatizing its use and the users. There exists a need to raise awareness on cannabis decriminalization and legalization as part of measures to bolster support for policy reforms among stakeholder groups (e.g., consumers).
... Early assessments of the impacts of cannabis legalization on (mostly US-based) population-level crime found that it is either not associated with differences, or rather associated with slight decreases in the incidence of specific types of (e.g., property, violent) crimes, when compared to non-legalization states. Thus, current evidence does not point to criminogenic effects attributable to liberalization policies (Brinkman & Mok-Lamme, 2019;Dragone et al., 2019;Lu et al., 2019;Maier et al., 2017;Morris et al., 2014;Shepard & Blackley, 2016). These outcomes are important towards public healthand safety-related considerations for different cannabis control options, and so warrant further thorough examination. ...
Cannabis control policies in a few countries have recently shifted from criminal prohibition-based regimes to legalization of use and supply. While cannabis’ newly emerging status of legality may suggest a coming “end” for criminology-based interest in the drug, these fundamental changes rather open a window to a new set of criminological research issues and questions, mostly focusing on cannabis use and related behaviors, and their relation to crime and justice. Based on a joint, personal record of several decades of criminological research on cannabis, we briefly review the rationale for five fundamental topics and issues of cannabis-related research associated with legalization. These include: 1) the deterrent effect of prohibition; 2) illicit production, markets and supply in a legalization regime; 3) use enforcement; 4) cannabis-impaired driving; 5) cannabis and crime. This constitutes an—albeit subjectively selective—“post-legalization” research agenda for a cannabis-focused criminology. Other possible areas of research focus or interest within fundamentally different paradigms of criminology (e.g., “critical criminology”) are identified and encouraged for development. Overall, the proposed research agenda for a post-legalization cannabis criminology should both contribute discipline-specific knowledge to improved cannabis-related public health and safety as well as allow for important debate and development in this evolving and important research field while entering a new (“post-legalization”) era.
... In 2012, Colorado was the first state to legalize cultivation, purchase, and use of cannabis for recreational purposes (Maier et al., 2017). A report released in 2018 estimated that from 2015 to 2017, overall cannabis sales in Colorado increased from $996 million to $1.5 billion (increase of 51.6%). ...
Objectives:
Indoor marijuana grow operations (IMGOs) are increasing due to legalization of recreational and medicinal cannabis at the state level. However, the potential exposures of IMGO workers have not been well studied. Mold exposure has been identified as a major occupational health concern. Mold-specific quantitative polymerase chain reaction (MSQPCR) can provide quantitative exposure data for fungi at the species level. The purpose of this study was to characterize the airborne fungal burden using MSQPCR and to evaluate the applicability of an airborne Environmental Relative Moldiness Index (ERMI) in IMGOs.
Methods:
Air and dust samples were collected inside and outside the IMGOs and then analyzed via MSQPCR. These data were then used to calculate IMGO-specific ERMI scores. Culturable air samples were collected on agar plates and analyzed via microscopy. Differences were evaluated between indoor and outdoor concentrations, as well as between air and dust samples. The agreement between MSQPCR and culture-based methods was also evaluated.
Results:
Based on the geometric means for non-zero values of each fungal species across all IMGOs, the total airborne concentration was approximately 9100 spore equivalent (SE) m-3 with an interquartile range (IQR) of 222 SE m-3. The indoor/outdoor ratio of geometric means across all 36 species per IMGO ranged from 0.4 to 6.2. Significantly higher indoor concentrations of fungal species, including Aspergillus spp., were observed. An average airborne ERMI score of 7 (IQR = 7.6) indicated a relatively high burden of mold across a majority of operations. The ERMI scores were driven by the high concentrations of Group 1 species with a mean of 15.8 and an IQR of 13. There were 63 additional species identified in the culturable air samples not included in the ERMI.
Conclusions:
High concentrations of airborne fungi were identified in IMGOs. Our evaluation of the ERMI based on MSQPCR as a rapid diagnostic and risk assessment tool for industrial hygienists in the IMGO setting is equivocal. ERMI did not identify all relevant fungal species associated with this specific occupational environment. We identified several issues with using the ERMI calculation. At this time, the catalog of fungal species needs to optimized for the occupational setting to ensure adequate coverage, especially for those species expected to be found in this burgeoning industry. Further research is necessary to elucidate the link between the ERMI score of airborne samples, worker exposure and health effects in grows to generate an acceptable index score for use in occupational exposure assessments.
... cannabis-impaired driving, illegal sales/ production, border controls), and so net fiscal impacts remain unpredictable. Furthermore, legalising cannabis seems to have brought no changes or, in some instances, slight decreases in property and violent crime rates in the US jurisdictions that have legalised recreational cannabis, at least suggesting no adverse effects in this area [131][132][133][134]. ...
Issues
Non‐medical cannabis policies are changing, including towards legalisation‐with‐regulation frameworks. New Zealand will hold a public referendum on cannabis legalisation in 2020. We reviewed data on cannabis use and health/social harms; policy reform options; experiences with and outcomes of reforms elsewhere; and other relevant considerations towards informing policy choices in the upcoming referendum.
Approach
Relevant epidemiological, health, social, criminal justice and policy studies and data were identified and comprehensively reviewed.
Key Findings
Cannabis use is common (including in New Zealand) and associated with risks for health and social harms, mainly concentrated in young users; key harms are attributable to criminalisation. ‘Decriminalisation’ reforms have produced ambivalent results. Existing cannabis legalisation frameworks vary considerably in main parameters. Legalisation offers some distinct advantages, for example regulated use, products and user education, yet outcomes depend on essential regulation parameters, including commercialisation, and policy ecologies. While major changes in use are not observed, legalisation experiences are inconclusive to date, including mixed health and social outcomes, with select harms increasing and resilient illegal markets. It is unclear whether legalisation reduces cannabis exposure or social harms (e.g. from enforcement) for youth.
Implications/Conclusions
No conclusive overall evidence on the outcomes of legalisation elsewhere exists, nor is evidence easily transferable to other settings. Legalisation offers direct social justice benefits for adults, yet overall public health impacts are uncertain. Legalisation may not categorically improve health or social outcomes for youth. Legalisation remains a well‐intended, while experimental policy option towards more measured and sensible cannabis control and overall greater policy coherence, requiring close monitoring and possible adjustments depending on setting‐specific outcomes.
... To understand the association of marijuana decriminalization and arrest rates, a growing number of studies have evaluated the effect of this policy change on arrests for possession (Grucza et al., 2018;Maier et al., 2017;Pacula et al., 2005Pacula et al., , 2003Plunk et al., 2019) and how it differs between youths and adults (Grucza et al., 2018;Plunk et al., 2019). However, the impact of decriminalization on arrest rates disparities across race, sex, and age as well as other marijuana offenses such as sales/manufacturing has received limited attention. ...
Background
Marijuana decriminalization holds potential to reduce health inequities. However, limited attention has focused on assessing the impact of decriminalization policies across different populations. This study aims to determine the differential effect of a marijuana decriminalization policy change in Philadelphia, PA on marijuana arrests by demographic characteristics.
Methods
Using a comparative interrupted time series design, we assessed whether the onset of marijuana decriminalization in Philadelphia County was associated with reduction in arrests rates from 2009 to 2018 compared to Dauphin County. Stratified models were used to describe the differential impact of decriminalization across different demographic populations.
Results
Compared to Dauphin, the mean arrest rate for all marijuana-related crimes in Philadelphia declined by 19.9 per 100,000 residents (34.9% reduction), 17.1 per 100,000 residents (43.1% reduction) for possession, and 2.8 per 100,000 resident (15.9% reduction) for sales/manufacturing. Arrest rates also differed by demographic characteristics post-decriminalization. Notably, African Americans had a greater absolute/relative reduction in possession-based arrests than Whites. However, relative reductions for sales/manufacturing-based arrests was nearly 3 times lower for African Americans. Males had greater absolute/relative reduction for possession-based arrests, but lower relative reduction for sales/manufacturing-based arrests compared to females. There were no substantial absolute differences by age; however, youths (vs. adults) experienced higher relative reduction in arrest rates.
Conclusions
Findings suggest an absolute/relative reduction for possession-based arrests post-decriminalization; however, relative disparities in sales/manufacturing-based arrests, specifically for African Americans, increased. More consideration towards the heterogeneous effect of marijuana decriminalization are needed given the unintended harmful effects of arrest on already vulnerable populations.
... For example, Cerda et al. (2017) looks to uncover the relationship between recreational marijuana laws and usage of marijuana by adolescents. Maier et al. (2017) examines the relationship between recreational marijuana laws and crime levels. Brinkman and Mok-Lamme (2019) also examines crime using both micro-level crime and dispensary data in Denver, Colorado. ...
Colorado was one of the first states in the US to legalise the personal use and possession of marijuana on 6 November 2012. Using various estimation techniques, the purpose of this study is to examine the possible demographic and spatial factors influencing the voting behaviour of Coloradans on the issue of recreational marijuana legalisation. After the inclusion of many variables of interest, spatial spillovers from neighbouring counties do not appear to have been responsible for the vote outcome, despite visual evidence suggesting otherwise. Party affiliation and the native Coloradan population composition of counties appear to be the driving forces on the margin behind the voting results of Amendment 64.
... Additionally, one study in Colorado found that the perception of risk of use declined following policy change [1]. These studies also examined crime statistics pre/post-policy change, but results were mixed as to whether any significant changes did occur [1,66]. Ongoing studies investigating preto post-legal changes in Canada will hopefully shed more light on these issues [67•, 68, 69]. ...
Purpose of Review
This review aims to summarize and critically evaluate the current literature on the associations between individual and socio-cultural factors that increase risk for cannabis use disorder (CUD), and policy change.
Recent findings
Epidemiological studies show that areas with permissive legal cannabis climates are associated with greater individual risk factors for CUD. This includes (1) higher rates of edible consumption and vaping, (2) higher delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) potency and lower cannabidiol (CBD) levels, and (3) younger age of initiation of use.
Summary
A change in the socio-cultural level, such as shifts in the legalization of cannabis, could interact with individual-level factors in their associations with CUD. There is currently a lack of empirical studies that evaluate this interaction. We propose that future research consider a bioecological framework for CUD to allow for a comprehensive understanding of the effects of legal climate that could inform policy and clinical practice.
... 11 This may reflect a more lenient attitude toward marijuana, given recent changes in its legal status in several states. 12 In New York State, marijuana was decriminalized in June 2019, meaning that the possession of up to 2 ounces is treated as a violation instead of a crime. Our study suggested a leniency toward the use of marijuana, as its presence on UDTs did not deter physicians from renewing prescriptions for controlled substances and many UDT specimens were not tested for marijuana (and excluded from this study), though our study was conducted prior to this change in legal status. ...
Objective: The effect of specific urine drug testing (UDT) results on physician prescribing habits has not been well described. The primary objective was to report renewal rates of chronically prescribed controlled substances based on types of inconsistent UDT results. Methods: We conducted a retrospective chart review over a 5-month period comparing prescription renewals rates for patients with consistent versus inconsistent UDTs. Inconsistent UDTs were defined by prescribed drug not detected or the presence of heroin, cocaine, nonprescribed opioids, nonprescribed benzodiazepines, or marijuana. Results: Of the 474 UDTs reviewed, 214 (45.1%) were inconsistent. The most common findings among inconsistent UDTs, including overlapping results, were prescribed drug not detected (26.8%) and the presence of marijuana (20.7%), nonprescribed opioids (9.9%), and nonprescribed benzodiazepines (6.1%). In contrast, cocaine (5.5%) and heroin (0.4%) were less likely to be found on UDTs for this population. The relative risk (RR) of prescription renewal was 0.64 (95% CI 0.57-0.71) for inconsistent UDTs versus consistent UDTs. Within the inconsistent UDTs, the renewal rates when marijuana (79.6%) or nonprescribed opioids or benzodiazepines (63.6%) were present were much higher than when heroin or cocaine were present (0.0%; P < .001). Patients whose prescribed controlled substance was not detected had a 55.8% renewal rate. Conclusions: Prescription renewal rates were high when patient UDTs contained nonprescribed marijuana, opioids, and benzodiazepines, or when the prescribed drug was not detected. Prescription renewal rates were low when illicit drugs, such as heroin and cocaine, were detected.
... Se desconoce todavía si la marihuana ha podido influir y de qué forma en las variaciones detectadas en los delitos. Habrá que esperar todavía un tiempo hasta que podamos disponer de datos que puedan aclarar estas cuestiones, aunque los estudios más recientes no han encontrado ninguna asociación entre los cambios legales y el incremento o disminución de la delincuencia (Maier, Mannes, y Koppenhofer, 2017;Shepard y Blackley, 2016). ...
Casi todos los países del mundo han firmado los tratados internacionales que prohíben la produc-ción, distribución y posesión de cannabis. No obstante, algunos han ido despenalizado el uso de estas drogas, llegando incluso a desarrollar formas de legalización atenuada. El caso más conocido es el de Holanda, que implementó una legalización de facto desde 1976. Sin embargo, estas ten-dencias se han mantenido al margen del sistema internacional prohibitivo, que ha liderado Estados Unidos desde sus inicios. Sorprendentemente, en la última década algunos países americanos han desarrollado importantes procesos para despenalizar el uso y legalizar la producción y venta de marihuana y sus derivados. Estos cambios legales se restringieron inicialmente a los usos terapéu-ticos y paliativos, pero recientemente han involucrado también el uso libre o "recreativo". En este artículo revisamos brevemente los procesos de legalización que están teniendo lugar en Uruguay, Canadá y Estados Unidos, así como los principales factores que pueden haberlos facilitado. Luego repasamos los efectos ya perceptibles de estos cambios en lo que concierne a los niveles y patrones de consumo, la percepción pública de los riesgos y la transformación de los productos cannábicos y sus formas de administración. También revisamos los datos disponibles sobre el impacto de estos procesos en el uso de otras drogas, los accidentes de tráfico, las intoxicaciones y la delincuencia. Finalmente nos planteamos cómo estos experimentos americanos podrían afectar al estatus legal y las políticas dominantes en Europa con respecto a las drogas ilegales más demandadas.
Most countries have signed the international treaties banning the production, distribution, and possession of cannabis. Several countries have nevertheless decriminalized the use of these drugs, and even implemented some forms of attenuated or “de facto” legalization, the best-known case being found in the Netherlands since 1976. These trends nonetheless remained marginal to the international prohibitive system, which was headed by the U.S. since its inception. Surprisingly, in the last decade, some American countries have implemented major processes decriminal- izing the use and legalizing the production and sale of marijuana and its derivatives. These legal changes were initially restricted to therapeutic and palliative uses, but recently they have involved free or “recreational” use as well. In this paper, we briefly review the legalization processes that are taking place in Uruguay, Canada, and the United States, as well as the main factors that may have facilitated them. Then we review the main aspects of the legalization processes as well as the initial perceptible effects of these changes on consumption levels and patterns, on the public perception of risks, and on the transformation of cannabis products, and their forms of administration. We also appraise the data available on the effect of these processes on the use of other psychoactive drugs, traffic accidents, intoxications and levels of criminality. We conclude by questioning how these American experiments could affect the legal status and the dominant policies in Europe concerning the most widely-demanded of illegal drugs.
... Se desconoce todavía si la marihuana ha podido influir y de qué forma en las variaciones detectadas en los delitos. Habrá que esperar todavía un tiempo hasta que podamos disponer de datos que puedan aclarar estas cuestiones, aunque los estudios más recientes no han encontrado ninguna asociación entre los cambios legales y el incremento o disminución de la delincuencia (Maier, Mannes, y Koppenhofer, 2017;Shepard y Blackley, 2016). ...
Most countries have signed the international treaties banning the production, distribution, and possession of cannabis. Several countries have nevertheless decriminalized the use of these drugs, and even implemented some forms of attenuated or “de facto” legalization, the best-known case being found in the Netherlands since 1976. These trends nonetheless remained marginal to the international prohibitive system, which was headed by the U.S. since its inception. Surprisingly, in the last decade, some American countries have implemented major processes decriminalizing the use and legalizing the production and sale of marijuana and its derivatives. These legal changes were initially restricted to therapeutic and palliative uses, but recently they have involved free or “recreational” use as well. In this paper, we briefly review the legalization processes that are taking place in Uruguay, Canada, and the United States, as well as the main factors that may have facilitated them. Then we review the main aspects of the legalization processes as well as the initial perceptible effects of these changes on consumption levels and patterns, on the public perception of risks, and on the transformation of cannabis products, and their forms of administration. We also appraise the data available on the effect of these processes on the use of other psychoactive drugs, traffic accidents, intoxications and levels of criminality. We conclude by questioning how these American experiments could affect the legal status and the dominant policies in Europe concerning the most widely-demanded of illegal drugs. © 2018 Asociacion Espanola de Estudio en Drogodependencias. All Rights Reserved.
... Its application as an environmentally sustainable source for building materials, food production and biofuel is also being explored [7]. Recreational cannabis remains prohibited in Australia, but in other countries such as the United States, has seen the rapid expansion of the recreational marijuana market generating substantial tax revenue and reported reductions of violent crime [8][9][10]. However, the impact of the legalisation of recreational marijuana from a public health perspective is still being evaluated and the consequences may take years to become evident [9][10][11]: ...
The legal Australian cannabis industry has been rapidly expanding due to increased awareness of the plant’s therapeutic potential, as well its diverse range of applications including biofuel, textiles, building materials, food, nutritional supplement, and animal feed. The objective of this paper is to describe the current landscape of the commercial Australian cannabis industry, summarise occupational health and safety (OHS) hazards in cannabis-related working environments, and provide suggestions for safeguarding worker health and well-being in this emerging industry.
A comprehensive search of peer-reviewed and grey literature published between 1900 and 2017 was undertaken to identify case studies and original epidemiological research on OHS hazards associated with the cannabis cultivation and the manufacture of cannabis-based products. The review found that the majority of OHS studies were undertaken in the hemp textile industry during the late twentieth century, with a small number of articles published from a variety of occupational environments including forensic laboratories and recreational marijuana farms. Cannabis harvesting and initial processing is labour intensive, and presents a physical hazard Depending on the operation, workers may also be exposed to a variety of biological, chemical, and physical hazards including: organic dusts, bioaerosols, pollen/allergens, volatile organic compounds, psychoactive substances (tetrahydrocannabinol [THC])), noise, and ultraviolet radiation.
Little research has been undertaken on the exposure to inhalable organic dust and other bioaerosols during the commercial cultivation and manufacture of cannabis-based products. Furthermore, there is an absence of Australian-based research and OHS guidance materials to help professionals develop risk management strategies in this evolving industry.
It is recommended that:
• Investigation into the toxicological properties of cannabis dusts, specifically in relation to potential occupational exposures during cultivation and manufacture, should be a priority.
• The interim adoption of the respirable cotton dust exposure standard of 0.2 mg/m³ for workplace exposure in hemp facilities until a cannabis workplace exposure standard is developed, and that exposure to medicinal cannabis containing THC are kept as low as reasonably practicable.
• An industry partnership be established for the development of an Australian health and safety guideline for the production of medicinal cannabis and hemp.
• A classification to meet the requirements of the Global Harmonization Scheme should be undertaken to ensure consistency in the use of safety and risk phrases in cannabis-related industries.
... Furthermore, several other states have decriminalized marijuana and people are only charged a fine for possession and cannot be incarcerated. This typically occurs if a person is caught with less than an ounce of the plant (Maier, Mannes, & Koppenhofer, 2017). Thus, at least in this drug court, people are being admitted for what is either legal behavior or behavior that in other states is treated not much differently from a parking ticket. ...
One method that has been touted to help end mass incarceration is using intermediate sanctions. While intermediate sanctions often present as attractive options, there is evidence that as practiced, these sanctions often result in net widening. One of the most common forms of intermediate sanctions are drug courts, which are often viewed as progressive alternatives to locking up people with substance abuse problems. However, along with the dangers of net widening, scholars have shown that many people admitted to drug courts do not seem to have substance abuse problems and could benefit from lesser criminal justice interventions. In the current study, we analyzed intake data from a drug court to determine: (1) what charge(s) drug participants had and (2) how they became involved with the criminal justice system. Among important findings were that a large number of drug court participants were arrested for the possession of one drug only (often marijuana) and that more than half of participants came to the attention of the criminal justice system through a traffic stop rather than through repeated encounters with the criminal justice system.
... However, in the US there has been a rapid expansion in the legal recreational cannabis market, which has generated substantial tax revenue, as well as reported reductions in violent crime and opioid use in the states where it is legal. (2)(3)(4)(5) • However, the public health impacts of legalising recreational cannabis is still being evaluated and the consequences may take many years to become evident. (3,5) • The illicit status of cannabis over the majority of the 20th century has limited the understanding and control of health hazards associated with its cultivation and production, particularly for the plant varieties that produce elevated levels of psychoactive THC. ...
Introduction
Recently there has been a rapid development of the international medicinal and recreational commercial cannabis industry. In Australia, the downgrading of Cannabis sativa L. to a Schedule 8 controlled substance, when prepared or packed for human therapeutic use, has heralded the introduction of a local medicinal cannabis industry. This paper will present the findings of a gap analysis which will be used for a later student of exposures.
Methods
This project involved a critical review of current approaches to health and safety in the medicinal and recreational cannabis industry in Australia and abroad. The data analysis involved the review of literature related to cultivation and production from the farm through to final product sales, including the policies developed by partner organisations, law enforcement and regulatory agencies, as well as research publications.
Results and discussion
Early studies of the hemp fibre production demonstrate a relationship between inhalable dust exposure and respiratory conditions such as byssinosis, chronic asthma and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). More recently, attention has focused on the allergenic properties of C. sativa L. pollen exposure, as well as healthy and safety hazards on outdoor recreational cannabis farms in the United States. It is evident that there are multiple biological, physical and chemical hazards associated with cannabis cultivation and manufacturing procedures, some that are inherently unique to the plant. A greater understanding of the aetiological properties of medicinal otherwise referred to as drug or hybrid type, C. sativa L. containing greater than 0.35% delta 9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) content is required to determine if exposure control is required, including the development of an occupational exposure limit (OEL).
... Since California approved the first medical cannabis law (MCL) in 1996, 29 states and the District of Columbia have approved some form of MCL. 9,[12][13][14][15] All states with approved MCLs include a list of approved medical conditions that qualify a patient for access to cannabis. 16 Chronic pain is listed as an approved condition (either directly, or by implication) in every state MCL. ...
Importance
Opioid-related mortality increased by 15.6% from 2014 to 2015 and increased almost 320% between 2000 and 2015. Recent research finds that the use of all pain medications (opioid and nonopioid collectively) decreases in Medicare Part D and Medicaid populations when states approve medical cannabis laws (MCLs). The association between MCLs and opioid prescriptions is not well understood.
Objective
To examine the association between prescribing patterns for opioids in Medicare Part D and the implementation of state MCLs.
Design, Setting, and Participants
Longitudinal analysis of the daily doses of opioids filled in Medicare Part D for all opioids as a group and for categories of opioids by state and state-level MCLs from 2010 through 2015. Separate models were estimated first for whether the state had implemented any MCL and second for whether a state had implemented either a dispensary-based or a home cultivation only–based MCL.
Main Outcomes and Measures
The primary outcome measure was the total number of daily opioid doses prescribed (in millions) in each US state for all opioids. The secondary analysis examined the association between MCLs separately by opioid class.
Results
From 2010 to 2015 there were 23.08 million daily doses of any opioid dispensed per year in the average state under Medicare Part D. Multiple regression analysis results found that patients filled fewer daily doses of any opioid in states with an MCL. The associations between MCLs and any opioid prescribing were statistically significant when we took the type of MCL into account: states with active dispensaries saw 3.742 million fewer daily doses filled (95% CI, −6.289 to −1.194); states with home cultivation only MCLs saw 1.792 million fewer filled daily doses (95% CI, −3.532 to −0.052). Results varied by type of opioid, with statistically significant estimated negative associations observed for hydrocodone and morphine. Hydrocodone use decreased by 2.320 million daily doses (or 17.4%) filled with dispensary-based MCLs (95% CI, −3.782 to −0.859; P = .002) and decreased by 1.256 million daily doses (or 9.4%) filled with home-cultivation–only-based MCLs (95% CI, −2.319 to −0.193; P = .02). Morphine use decreased by 0.361 million daily doses (or 20.7%) filled with dispensary-based MCLs (95% CI, −0.718 to −0.005; P = .047).
Conclusions and Relevance
Medical cannabis laws are associated with significant reductions in opioid prescribing in the Medicare Part D population. This finding was particularly strong in states that permit dispensaries, and for reductions in hydrocodone and morphine prescriptions.
... An additional concern is the impact of marijuana on crime and arrests. Some research indicates no differences in property and violent crime rates comparing states where marijuana has been decriminalized or legalized to states where it has not (Maier, Mannes, & Koppenhofer, 2017) and that state medical marijuana legalization may be correlated with a reduction in homicide and assault rates (Morris, TenEyck, Barnes, & Kovandzic, 2014). However, one study documented that, while densities of marijuana outlets were unrelated to property and violent crimes in local areas, the density of marijuana outlets in spatially adjacent areas was positively related to property crime and marijuana-specific crime over time (Freisthler, Gaidus, Tam, Ponicki, & Gruenewald, 2017). ...
The emerging retail market for recreational marijuana use warrants research and surveillance as such markets are established in more US states. This research can be informed by the existing literature regarding tobacco and alcohol, which highlights the impact of spatial access to tobacco and alcohol retailers and exposure to tobacco and alcohol marketing on smoking and drinking among youth and young adults. Prior research indicates that tobacco and alcohol retailers, as well as medical marijuana dispensaries, are disproportionately located in neighborhoods characterized by socioeconomic disadvantage and by higher proportions of racial/ethnic minorities and young adults. Moreover, retail marketing or point-of-sale practices may differentially target subpopulations and differ by neighborhood demography and local policy. This literature and the methods employed for studying the tobacco and alcohol market could inform research on the retail environment for marijuana, as current gaps exist. In particular, much of the existing literature involves cross-sectional research designs; longitudinal studies are needed. Moreover, standardized measures are needed for systematic monitoring of industry marketing practices and to conduct research examining neighborhood differences in exposure to retail marketing for marijuana and its contribution to use modality and frequency, alone and in combination with nicotine and alcohol. The use of standardized measures for tobacco and alcohol marketing have been critical to develop an evidence base from cross-sectional and longitudinal studies that document the impact of retail marketing on substance use by adolescents and adults. Similar research is needed to establish an evidence base to inform federal, state, and local regulations of marijuana.
Background
Globally, cannabis laws and regulations are rapidly changing. Countries are increasingly permitting access to cannabis under various decriminalization, medicalization, and legalization laws. With strong economic, public health, and social justice incentives driving these domestic cannabis policy reforms, liberalization trends are bound to continue. However, despite a large and growing body of interdisciplinary research addressing the policy‐relevant health, safety, and socioeconomic consequences of cannabis liberalization, there is a lack of robust primary and systematic research that comprehensively investigates the consequences of these reforms.
Objectives
This evidence and gap map (EGM) summarizes the empirical evidence on cannabis liberalization policies. Primary objectives were to develop a conceptual framework linking cannabis liberalization policies to relevant outcomes, descriptively summarize the empirical evidence, and identify areas of evidence concentration and gaps.
Search Methods
We comprehensively searched for eligible English‐language empirical studies published across 23 academic databases and 11 gray literature sources through August 2020. Additions to the pool of potentially eligible studies from supplemental sources were made through November 2020.
Selection Criteria
The conceptual framework for this EGM draws upon a legal epidemiological perspective highlighting the causal effects of law and policy on population‐level outcomes. Eligible interventions include policies that create or expand access to a legal or decriminalized supply of cannabis: comprehensive medical cannabis laws (MCLs), limited medical cannabidiol laws (CBDLs), recreational cannabis laws (RCLs), industrial hemp laws (IHLs), and decriminalization of cultivations laws (DCLs). Eligible outcomes include intermediate responses (i.e., attitudes/behaviors and markets/environments) and longer‐term consequences (health, safety, and socioeconomic outcomes) of these laws.
Data Collection and Analysis
Both dual screening and dual data extraction were performed with third person deconfliction. Primary studies were appraised using the Maryland Scientific Methods Scale and systematic reviews were assessed using AMSTAR 2.
Main Results
The EGM includes 447 studies, comprising 438 primary studies and nine systematic reviews. Most research derives from the United States, with little research from other countries. By far, most cannabis liberalization research focuses on the effects of MCLs and RCLs. Studies targeting other laws—including CBDLs, IHLs, and DCLs—are relatively rare. Of the 113 distinct outcomes we documented, cannabis use was the single most frequently investigated. More than half these outcomes were addressed by three or fewer studies, highlighting substantial evidence gaps in the literature. The systematic evidence base is relatively small, comprising just seven completed reviews on cannabis use (3), opioid‐related harms (3), and alcohol‐related outcomes (1). Moreover, we have limited confidence in the reviews, as five were appraised as minimal quality and two as low quality.
Authors’ Conclusions
More primary and systematic research is needed to better understand the effects of cannabis liberalization laws on longer‐term—and arguably more salient—health, safety, and socioeconomic outcomes. Since most research concerns MCLs and RCLs, there is a critical need for research on the societal impacts of industrial hemp production, medical CBD products, and decriminalized cannabis cultivation. Future research should also prioritize understanding the heterogeneous effects of these laws given differences in specific provisions and implementation across jurisdictions.
Background:
Despite evidence that the U.S. "War on Drugs" is associated with increases in drug-related harm and other negative outcomes, all U.S. states have long criminalized most drug possession. In early 2021, both Oregon and Washington became exceptions to this rule when they fully (Oregon) or partially (Washington) decriminalized possession of small amounts of all drugs.
Methods:
We obtained arrest data for 2019 to 2021 for intervention states (Oregon and Washington) and control states (Colorado, Idaho, Montana, and Nevada). We calculated monthly rates for arrests overall and for violent crimes, drug possession, equipment possession, non-drug crimes, and a set of low-level crimes termed displaced arrests. Using an interrupted time series analysis, we examined changes in monthly arrest rates after the implementation of policy change in Oregon and Washington compared to control states.
Results:
In Oregon, there were 3 fewer drug possession arrests per 100,000 in the month after the policy change; the rate decreased throughout the post-implementation period. In Washington, there were almost 5 fewer drug possession arrests per 100,000 in the month following policy change, and the rate remained stable thereafter. Both declines were significantly greater than in comparison states. There were also statistically significant reductions in arrests for possession of drug equipment in Washington and a significant increase in displaced arrests in Oregon. There were no significant changes in overall arrests, non-drug arrests or arrests for violent crime in either state, relative to controls.
Conclusion:
This analysis demonstrates that it is possible for state drug decriminalization policies to dramatically reduce arrests for drug possession without increasing arrests for violent crimes, potentially reducing harm to people who use drugs and their communities. Additional research is needed to determine whether these legal reforms were associated with changes in overdose rates and other drug-related harms.
In October 2018, Canada legalized recreational cannabis. Key goals of legalization included reducing access by minors and eliminating the illicit market. Now, three years into the legal regime, important public policy questions are beginning to emerge. With police being tasked to enforce the Cannabis Act and associated provincial/territorial legislation, there is a critical need to understand their experiences, including the successes they have had, challenges they have experienced, and issues that remain unresolved. This paper begins to address these issues by presenting results from a qualitative study involving law enforcement personnel who, through their primary roles and responsibilities, have been actively involved in overseeing cannabis enforcement (in supervisory roles) since legalization in October 2018. Three key findings emerged from the analyses, and all were tied to the overarching perception that the illicit cannabis market has persisted since legalization: 1) there is a small but significant pattern of abuse of the medical system of production and distribution, specifically tied to designated grower provisions; 2) there are many challenges associated with halting online sales of illicit cannabis; and 3) the issue of unregulated sales of cannabis from Indigenous reserves remains a “hot button” political issue, in need of resolution.
Background:
We previously reported that the 2018 Canadian Cannabis Act, allowing youth to possess up to 5 g dried cannabis or equivalent for personal use/sharing, was associated with short-term (76 days) post-legalization reduction in police-reported cannabis-related crimes among youth. To establish whether the change might be sustained, we now estimate this association during a much longer time period by including an additional three years of post-legalization data.
Methods:
Using national daily police-reported criminal incident data from January 1, 2015-December 31, 2021 from the Canadian Uniform Crime Reporting Survey (UCR-2), the study employed Seasonal Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (SARIMA) time series models to assess the associations between legalization and youth (12-17 years) cannabis-related offenses (male, n = 34,508; female, n = 9529).
Results:
Legalization was associated with significant reductions in both male and female police-reported cannabis-related offenses: females, 4.04 daily incidents [95% confidence interval (CI), 3.08; 5.01], a 62.1% decrease [standard error (se), 34.3%]; males, 12.42 daily offenses (95% CI, 8.99; 15.86), a reduction of 53.0% (se, 22.7%). There was no evidence of associations between cannabis legalization and patterns of property or violent crimes.
Conclusions:
Results suggest that the impact of the Cannabis Act on reducing cannabis-related youth crimes is sustained, supporting the Act's objectives to reduce cannabis-related criminalization among youth and associated effects on the Canadian criminal justice system.
Researchers have explored the effects of marijuana legalization on a range of outcomes, including crime and public health. Relatively few, however, have explored the effects of legalization on measures of black market activity. To fill a gap in the literature, this study examined the effects of recreational and medical marijuana legalization on United States Postal Inspection Service (USPIS) marijuana seizure activity. A state-level panel data analysis (with data from 2010 – 2019) revealed that states’ legalization schemes were correlated with seizures. Specifically, medical legalization was associated with increased seizures, irrespective of shipment origin. The key takeaway is that legalization affects black market activity, as measured by federal USPIS seizures. This is important because prior studies of the marijuana legalization—black market nexus were either speculative as to the connections or concerned solely with drug pricing. Implications and limitations are discussed.
The legalization of marijuana for recreational use continues to expand across America. Colorado and Washington were the first states to legalize marijuana in 2012. A primary concern regarding legalization is how these policy changes affect crime rates. Researchers have begun to estimate the effect marijuana legalization has had on crime rates. We extend this literature by using a different analytical approach. State level data covering years 2000–2019 were analyzed using the synthetic control method to find that legalizing marijuana for recreational use in Colorado and Washington was generally not associated with variations in index crime rates. These findings substantiate prior research. Increased crime rates should not be a primary concern as more states move to adopt recreational marijuana use legislation. Instead, the benefits to states via harm reduction, increased tax revenue, and a more efficient allocation of policing resources ought to be more of a consideration for states when passing recreational marijuana legislation.
How cannabis legalization affects users’ behaviors? In this paper, we describe changes in the way users access cannabis in Uruguay before and after the implementation of cannabis regulation. We explore the differences between users that access through the legal, black, and gray markets. To do so, we rely on two face-to-face surveys of high-frequency users using the Respondent Driven Sample technique. The first survey was conducted at the beginning of the regulation implementation in 2014, and the second one in 2017. Results indicate that cannabis users gradually moved to the legal market, and most switched to the gray market. Furthermore, users kept acquiring cannabis from the black market even when using legal mechanisms. Considering these results, we argue that the strict regulations imposed in Uruguay may have operated as barriers for consumers to abandon the black market completely. These findings show that the specifics of each legalization policy matter.
The purpose of this study was to survey a random sample of police departments in Colorado to assess their views on the impact of marijuana legalization in the state. While police perceptions have been used in prior research to assess other topics, very few studies have assessed police perceptions of marijuana legalization. To address this, police officers and sheriff deputies at 64 randomly selected police departments across Colorado were administered surveys that assessed the impact marijuana has had on enforcement and their personal perceptions of marijuana. In addition, qualitative questions were asked to explore these topics in greater detail. The findings of the 131 respondents suggest that most police officers in Colorado are slightly supportive of legalization, but have noted that it has made their job more difficult.
This study estimates the association between sanctuary policies and crime in the United States by exploiting an increase in state and local sanctuary policy adoption in 2014. Counties that adopted sanctuary policies in 2014 experienced a decrease of 17.9 violent crimes per 100,000 inhabitants per year (0.02 percentage points) compared to counties that continued to cooperate with Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency (ICE), with the relationship driven by decreases in robberies and assaults. This result implies that sanctuary policies avoid $101 million per year in crime costs. Conversely, ICE cooperation increases crime costs in local communities by $3.28 billion per year.
Significant support exists in the United States for legalization of marijuana/cannabis. As of 2021, 36 states and four territories approved the legalization of medical cannabis via medical marijuana laws (MMLs), and 15 states and District of Columbia (DC) have adopted recreational marijuana laws (RMLs). We performed structured and systematic searches of articles published from 2010 through September 2021. We assess the literature pertaining to adolescent marijuana use; opioid use and opioid-related outcomes; alcohol use; tobacco use; illicit and other drug use; marijuana growing and cultivation; employment, earnings, and other workplace outcomes; academic achievement and performance; criminal activity; perceived harmfulness; traffic and road safety; and suicide and sexual activity. Overall, 113 articles satisfied our inclusion criteria. Except for opioids, studies on use of other substances (illicit drugs, tobacco, and alcohol) were inconclusive. MMLs and RMLs do not generate negative outcomes in the labor market, lead to greater criminal activity, or reduce traffic and road safety.
Mental health and substance use disorders are highly prevalent among incarcerated individuals. Many prisoners reenter the community without receiving any specialized treatment and return to prison with existing behavioral health problems. We consider a Beckerian law enforcement theory to identify different channels through which access to healthcare may impact ex-offenders’ propensities to recidivate, and empirically estimate the effect of access to public health insurance on criminal recidivism. By exploiting variation in state Medicaid expansion decisions, we find that increased access to healthcare through Medicaid coverage reduces recidivism among offenders convicted of violent and public order crimes. The decomposition of recidivism rates shows that this reduction is driven by marginal recidivists who, but for Medicaid expansions, would be reconvicted for the type of crime for which they were previously convicted. Analyses of potential mechanisms show an increase in criminal justice referrals to addiction treatment, which may reduce impulsive behavior. Back-of-the-envelope calculations also indicate that there are substantial cost reductions from providing Medicaid coverage to former inmates.
In Latin America, the legalization of drugs—where it occurred—has been driven mainly by elites, although much attention has been placed on public opinion. Considering that efforts toward legalization have been top-down, analysis should concentrate on opinions of the governing elites. To undertake such an analysis, we draw on data from surveys conducted in 18 Latin American parliaments (2012–2018), and we examine elite perspectives on the legalization of all drugs. Results from a Bayesian hierarchical logistic analysis show that in countries where the government is less effective, and where public health problems persist, legislators are less likely to support legalization. We argue that this is due to a lack of trust by MPs in legalization as a solution to trafficking. Wherever those concerned with drug trafficking see the current government as problematic, they will be less likely to support so challenging and complex a policy as drug legalization.
This review article assays the scholarly and popular press literature on the opportunities and challenges the growing legalized cannabis industry offers U.S. local governments and communities. Localities are an important focus because in many states with legalized cannabis, local jurisdictions have authority to prevent or condition its cultivation, sale, and use. Opportunities potentially flowing to localities from legalization include increased tax revenues and land values, business expansion, and increased employment; public health and safety benefits; and the potential for legalization to advance social and racial inclusion. Challenges include the possibility that economic benefits will be more limited than anticipated; complex regulatory environments facing local governments and cannabis businesses, possible increases in pollution, blight, and public health and safety concerns; and less advancement of social and racial equity than hoped by advocates. We offer recommendations for scholars investigating cannabis governance concerns and practitioners directly grappling with them.
Some experts want cannabis, especially marijuana, prohibited while others want it legalized along with a marijuana tax to pay for its ostensible harms. Although they cite alarming studies that tell of marijuana’s negative effects—that it is as a gateway to harmful drugs, mental illness, and crime—innumerable studies question whether those harms occur. They show instead that marijuana is mostly harmless, and that it is an effective treatment for dozens of medical conditions. That leaves no case for taxing it, but those who believe in the necessity of expanding government revenue are not likely to let go of what could be a lucrative moneymaker.
Objective:
To examine the efficacious components of a computer-delivered brief intervention (CBI) for reducing marijuana use among adults presenting to a low-income urban emergency department (ED), which a prior report found to decrease marijuana use at a 6-month follow-up.
Method:
Participants were 237 ED patients reporting recent drug use (46% male; 54% African-American; mean age, 30.7) who were randomized to receive a CBI consisting of an interactive program guided by a virtual health counselor. The primary outcome was past 30-day marijuana use at 6-month follow-up assessed using the Timeline Follow-Back (TLFB). Intervention components related to change in marijuana use at 6 month follow-up examined in the current study included participant responses to items within five CBI domains that were rooted in motivational interviewing: goals for change, strengths, evoking-change (concerns about use and benefits of change), challenges, and tools for change.
Results:
The evoking-change domain was related to significant reductions in marijuana use at 6 months (B = -2.91, SE = 1.10, p < .01). Within this domain, items focused on concerns about family and friends were related to reductions in marijuana use of up to 5.5 fewer days of marijuana use in the past month (B = -5.49, SE = 1.63, p < .01).
Conclusions:
An ED-based brief intervention, delivered by computer, was effective in reducing marijuana use. Intervention components focused on perceived concerns about use and benefits of change in relation to family and friends were critical domains within a CBI associated with reductions in marijuana use at 6-month follow-up.
Objectives:
This study presents information on the status and impact of medical and legalized marijuana, and the latest data on attitudes and prevalence of use since implementation of these laws. Recent reports from epidemiologists in Denver and Seattle are summarized to give the readers a sense of the changes as these laws have taken effect in their communities.
Methods:
The status of these laws is reviewed and the results of surveys taken before and after the laws were enacted are presented, along with data on changing potency and driving under the influence of marijuana.
Summary:
Prevalence of use by youths has not increased, but their negative attitudes towards the risk of using marijuana have decreased, and use by adults has increased. Potency continues to increase, as has the proportion of drivers testing positive for use of the drug. Data from Denver show increases in hospital admissions, emergency department visits, and calls to poison centers, with decreasing arrests and admissions to substance abuse treatment programs. Data from the Seattle area show similar decreases in treatment admissions and police involvement, but also increased prevalence of more frequent use.
Conclusions:
Current data suggest that increases in marijuana use preceded legalization in 2012. Treatment admissions were declining before these laws, but some indicators of morbidity seem to be increasing subsequent to legalization, with modest increases in poison center calls in both states and increases in acute medical visits in Denver. Data are needed to understand the relationship between the patterns and amounts of use in terms of consequences, and data on the health conditions of those receiving medical marijuana and the impact of higher potency.
Goldstein posited that drugs and violence are related in three primary ways, namely, psychopharmacologically, systemically, and economic compulsively. Although Goldstein’s framework is a robust explanation of the drugs and violence nexus, it largely ignores the experiences of the actors, and the mechanism and experiences linking motive to action remain underexplored and vague. To understand the causal relationships detailed by Goldstein and others, we believe that it is important to look at the phenomenological basis of his drugs and violence connections. Drawing on interviews with a sample of 30 incarcerated carjackers, we identify three narratives in offenders’ accounts that tie drug use to violence. Two of these (“it wasn’t the real me” and “expected violence in drug areas”) are expressions of Goldstein’s mechanisms, while the third one (“addicts are deserving victims”) indicates the importance of symbolic boundaries for harmdoing. We argue that drug users draw from culturally circulating stories present in both conventional and street culture to explain the drug violence links and that the presence of these stories is a contributing factor in drug-related violence. Further work within Goldstein’s framework would thus benefit from including meanings commonly held and understood in the world of heavy drug users and street offenders who commit violence.
Using annual time-series data for the United States, 1946-1982, two hypotheses are tested: (1) The level of the unemployment rate in any given year will have a negative partial contemporaneous effect on detrended fluctuations (increases or decreases) in seven Index Crime rates (homicide, rape, aggravated assault, robbery, burglary, larceny-theft, and motor vehicle theft) in that year. (2) Unemployment-rate fluctuations from one year to the next will have a positive partial effect on detrended crime-rate fluctuations in the next year. These hypotheses are developed from a theoretical model that identifies the former with a criminal opportunity effect, and the latter with a criminal motivation effect, of aggregate unemployment on crime. For burglary, robbery and larceny-theft, empirical support is found for the expected pattern of partial effects. However, the relative sizes of the effects are such that the total impacts of unemployment-through both partial effects-are negative. In addition, only the negative-levels effect is exhibited for homicide and motor vehicle theft, while rape and aggravated assault show no consistent association with either levels or fluctuations in the unemployment rate. Interpretations for these findings are discussed.
Debate has surrounded the legalization of marijuana for medical purposes for decades. Some have argued medical marijuana legalization (MML) poses a threat to public health and safety, perhaps also affecting crime rates. In recent years, some U.S. states have legalized marijuana for medical purposes, reigniting political and public interest in the impact of marijuana legalization on a range of outcomes.
Relying on U.S. state panel data, we analyzed the association between state MML and state crime rates for all Part I offenses collected by the FBI.
Results did not indicate a crime exacerbating effect of MML on any of the Part I offenses. Alternatively, state MML may be correlated with a reduction in homicide and assault rates, net of other covariates.
These findings run counter to arguments suggesting the legalization of marijuana for medical purposes poses a danger to public health in terms of exposure to violent crime and property crimes.
One of the most influential accounts of the causal connection between drug use and crime was developed by Paul Goldstein in a tripartite conceptual framework that divided explanations of the connection into 'economic-compulsive', 'psychopharmacological' and 'systemic' (Goldstein 1985). The aim of this paper is to examine the validity of the taxonomy in explained drug-related crime across different crime types and to identify some of the mechanisms involved. This was done by interviewing drug-misusing offenders currently serving sentences of imprisonment in the United Kingdom about the role of drug use in their recent crimes. The paper concludes that Goldstein's taxonomy should be refined to take into account the wide range of factors that influence the connection between drug use and crime.
In this paper we present a "routine activity approach" for analyzing crime rate trends and cycles. Rather than emphasizing the characteristics of offenders, with this approach we concentrate upon the circumstances in which they carry out predatory criminal acts. Most criminal acts require convergence in space and time of likely offenders, suitable targets and the absence of capable guardians against crime. Human ecological theory facilitates an investigation into the way in which social structure produces this convergence, hence allowing illegal activities to feed upon the legal activities of everyday life. In particular, we hypothesize that the dispersion of activities away from households and families increases the opportunity for crime and thus generates higher crime rates. A variety of data is presented in support of the hypothesis, which helps explain crime rate trends in the United States 1947-1974 as a byproduct of changes in such variables as labor force participation and single-adult households.
In 1996, California was the first state to pass a Compassionate Use Act allowing for the legal use of marijuana for medical purposes. Here we review several current policy and land use environmental interventions designed to limit problems related to the influx of medical marijuana dispensaries across California cities. Then we discuss the special challenges, solutions, and techniques used for studying the effects of these place-based policies. Finally, we present some of the advanced spatial analytic techniques that can be used to evaluate the effectiveness of environmental interventions, such as those related to reducing problems associated with the proliferation of medical marijuana dispensaries. Further, using data from a premise survey of all the dispensaries in Sacramento, this study will examine what characteristics and practices of these dispensaries are related to crime within varying distances from the dispensaries (e.g., 100, 250, 500, and 1,000 feet). We find that some security measures, such as security cameras and having a door man outside, implemented by medical marijuana dispensary owners might be effective at reducing crime within the immediate vicinity of the dispensaries.
Evaluated the impact of Nebraska's 1979 decriminalization of 1st-offense possession of an ounce or less of marihuana by (a) assessing its effectiveness, (b) clarifying general issues regarding the decriminalization of marihuana, and (c) gaining insight into the issues surrounding the legal theory of decriminalizing a broad range of victimless crimes. Data indicate that decriminalization tends to increase the effectiveness of society's sanction against proscribed behavior with less cost to the individual and society. (7 ref)
Routine activities theory purports that crime occurs in places with a suitable target, motivated offender, and lack of guardianship. Medical marijuana dispensaries may be places that satisfy these conditions, but this has not yet been studied. The current study examined whether the density of medical marijuana dispensaries is associated with crime.
An ecological, cross-sectional design was used to explore the spatial relationship between density of medical marijuana dispensaries and two types of crime rates (violent crime and property crime) in 95 census tracts in Sacramento, CA, during 2009. Spatial error regression methods were used to determine associations between crime rates and density of medical marijuana dispensaries, controlling for neighborhood characteristics associated with routine activities.
Violent and property crime rates were positively associated with percentage of commercially zoned areas, percentage of one-person households, and unemployment rate. Higher violent crime rates were associated with concentrated disadvantage. Property crime rates were positively associated with the percentage of population 15-24 years of age. Density of medical marijuana dispensaries was not associated with violent or property crime rates.
Consistent with previous work, variables measuring routine activities at the ecological level were related to crime. There were no observed cross-sectional associations between the density of medical marijuana dispensaries and either violent or property crime rates in this study. These results suggest that the density of medical marijuana dispensaries may not be associated with crime rates or that other factors, such as measures dispensaries take to reduce crime (i.e., doormen, video cameras), may increase guardianship such that it deters possible motivated offenders.
In the last 25 years, there have been a large number of studies conducted on the connection between drug misuse and crime. However, there have been few attempts to date to conduct a meta-analysis of this research. There have also been few attempts to breakdown the relationship by type of drugs and type of crime. This paper investigates the relationship between drug use and criminal behavior by conducting a systematic review of the literature and a meta-analysis of the strength of the relationship. Results of a review of 30 studies showed that the odds of offending were three to four times greater for drug users than non-drug users. The odds of offending were highest among crack users and lowest among recreational drug users. This relationship held true across a range of offence types, including robbery, burglary, prostitution and shoplifting. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of the study for research on the drugs‑crime connection and for government policy.1
The purpose of this study was to examine experiencing violence as a predictor of subsequent drug relapse among a sample of former crack, cocaine, and heroin users in Baltimore, MD, USA. The sample consists of 228 former drug users in Baltimore who were recruited through street outreach. Mixed-effects models were used to examine experiencing violence as a predictor of drug relapse at follow-up after adjusting for clustering of responses among participants living in the same census block. Using longitudinal data, we found that experiencing violence in the past year predicted drug relapse at 2-year follow-up among former drug users. Results indicate experiencing violence is a determinant of drug use relapse and highlight the importance of addressing the fundamental issues of violence experienced in inner-city communities. Addressing the extent of recent violence among drug treatment participants, providing coping skills, and reducing community violence are strategies that may address the link between violence and drug relapse.
To examine the association between cannabis use during adolescence and young adulthood, and subsequent criminal charges.
Data were obtained from the Young in Norway Longitudinal Study. A population-based sample (n = 1353) was followed from 13 to 27 years of age. Data were gathered on cannabis use, alcohol consumption and alcohol problems, and use of other illegal substances such as amphetamines, cocaine and opiates. In addition, extensive information on socio-demographic, family and personal factors was collected. This data set was linked to individual-level information from official Norwegian crime statistics.
We found robust associations between cannabis use and later registered criminal charges, both in adolescence and in young adulthood. These associations were adjusted for a range of confounding factors, such as family socio-economic background, parental support and monitoring, educational achievement and career, previous criminal charges, conduct problems and history of cohabitation and marriage. In separate models, we controlled for alcohol measures and for use of other illegal substances. After adjustment, we still found strong associations between cannabis use and later criminal charges. However, when eliminating all types of drug-specific charges from our models, we no longer observed any significant association with cannabis use.
The study suggests that cannabis use in adolescence and early adulthood may be associated with subsequent involvement in criminal activity. However, the bulk of this involvement seems to be related to various types of drug-specific crime. Thus, the association seems to rest on the fact that use, possession and distribution of drugs such as cannabis is illegal. The study strengthens concerns about the laws relating to the use, possession and distribution of cannabis.
This book, first published in 2002, represents a systematic discussion of the Gateway Hypothesis, a developmental hypothesis formulated to model how adolescents initiate and progress in the use of various drugs. In the United States, this progression proceeds from the use of tobacco or alcohol to the use of marijuana and other illicit drugs. This volume presents a critical overview of what is currently known about the Gateway Hypothesis. The authors of the chapters explore the hypothesis from various perspectives ranging from developmental social psychology to prevention and intervention science, animal models, neurobiology and analytical methodology. This volume is original and unique in its purview, covering a broad view of the Gateway Hypothesis. The juxtaposition of epidemiological, intervention, animal and neurobiological studies represents a new stage in the evolution of drug research, in which epidemiology and biology inform one another in the understanding of drug abuse.
Recent work finds that medical marijuana laws reduce the daily doses filled for opioid analgesics among Medicare Part-D and Medicaid enrollees, as well as population-wide opioid overdose deaths. We replicate the result for opioid overdose deaths and explore the potential mechanism. The key feature of a medical marijuana law that facilitates a reduction in overdose death rates is a relatively liberal allowance for dispensaries. As states have become more stringent in their regulation of dispensaries, the protective value generally has fallen. These findings suggest that broader access to medical marijuana facilitates substitution of marijuana for powerful and addictive opioids.
Importance:
Historical shifts are occurring in marijuana policy. The effect of legalizing marijuana for recreational use on rates of adolescent marijuana use is a topic of considerable debate.
Objective:
To examine the association between the legalization of recreational marijuana use in Washington and Colorado in 2012 and the subsequent perceived harmfulness and use of marijuana by adolescents.
Design, setting, and participants:
We used data of 253 902 students in eighth, 10th, and 12th grades from 2010 to 2015 from Monitoring the Future, a national, annual, cross-sectional survey of students in secondary schools in the contiguous United States. Difference-in-difference estimates compared changes in perceived harmfulness of marijuana use and in past-month marijuana use in Washington and Colorado prior to recreational marijuana legalization (2010-2012) with postlegalization (2013-2015) vs the contemporaneous trends in other states that did not legalize recreational marijuana use in this period.
Main outcomes and measures:
Perceived harmfulness of marijuana use (great or moderate risk to health from smoking marijuana occasionally) and marijuana use (past 30 days).
Results:
Of the 253 902 participants, 120 590 of 245 065(49.2%) were male, and the mean (SD) age was 15.6 (1.7) years. In Washington, perceived harmfulness declined 14.2% and 16.1% among eighth and 10th graders, respectively, while marijuana use increased 2.0% and 4.1% from 2010-2012 to 2013-2015. In contrast, among states that did not legalize recreational marijuana use, perceived harmfulness decreased by 4.9% and 7.2% among eighth and 10th graders, respectively, and marijuana use decreased by 1.3% and 0.9% over the same period. Difference-in-difference estimates comparing Washington vs states that did not legalize recreational drug use indicated that these differences were significant for perceived harmfulness (eighth graders: % [SD], -9.3 [3.5]; P = .01; 10th graders: % [SD], -9.0 [3.8]; P = .02) and marijuana use (eighth graders: % [SD], 5.0 [1.9]; P = .03; 10th graders: % [SD], 3.2 [1.5]; P = .007). No significant differences were found in perceived harmfulness or marijuana use among 12th graders in Washington or for any of the 3 grades in Colorado.
Conclusions and relevance:
Among eighth and 10th graders in Washington, perceived harmfulness of marijuana use decreased and marijuana use increased following legalization of recreational marijuana use. In contrast, Colorado did not exhibit any differential change in perceived harmfulness or past-month adolescent marijuana use following legalization. A cautious interpretation of the findings suggests investment in evidence-based adolescent substance use prevention programs in any additional states that may legalize recreational marijuana use.
Background and AimsIn 2014 the legislature of Vermont, USA passed a law requiring the Secretary of Administration to report on the consequences of legalizing marijuana. The RAND Corporation was commissioned to write that report. This paper summarizes insights from that analysis that are germane to other jurisdictions. Method
Translation of key findings from the RAND Corporation report to the broader policy debate. ResultsMarijuana legalization encompasses a wide range of possible regimes, distinguished along at least four dimensions: which organizations are allowed to produce and supply the drug, the regulations under which they operate, the nature of the products that can be distributed and taxes and prices. Vermont's decriminalization had already cut its costs of enforcing marijuana prohibition against adults to about $1 per resident per year. That is probably less than the cost of regulating a legal market. Revenues from taxing residents' purchases after legalization could be many times that amount, so the main fiscal cost of prohibition after decriminalization relative to outright legalization may be foregone tax revenues, not enforcement costs. Approximately 40 times as many users live within 200 miles of Vermont's borders as live within the state; drug tourism and associated tax revenues will be important considerations, as will be the response of other states. Indeed, if another state legalized with lower taxes, that could undermine the ability to collect taxes on even Vermont residents' purchases. Conclusions
Analysis of possible outcomes if Vermont, USA, legalized marijuana reveal that choices about how, and not just whether, to legalize a drug can have profound consequences for the effects on health and social wellbeing, and the choices of one jurisdiction can affect the options and incentives available to other jurisdictions.
State medical marijuana programs have proliferated in the United States in recent years. Marijuana sales are now estimated in billions of dollars per year with over two million patients, yet it remains unlawful under Federal law, and there is limited and conflicting evidence about potential effects on society. We present new evidence about potential effects on crime by estimating an economic crime model following the general approach developed by Becker. Data from 11 states in the Western United States are used to estimate the model and test hypotheses about potential effects on rates of violent and property crime. Fixed effects methods are applied to control for state-specific factors, with adjustments for first-order autocorrelation and cross-section heteroskedasticity. There is no evidence of negative spillover effects from medical marijuana laws (MMLs) on violent or property crime. Instead, we find significant drops in rates of violent crime associated with state MMLs.
Aims:
To determine whether the density of marijuana dispensaries in California, USA, in 2012-2013 was related to violent and property crimes, both locally and in adjacent areas, during a time in which local law enforcement conducted operations to reduce the number of store-front medical marijuana dispensaries.
Design:
Data on locations of crimes and medical marijuana dispensaries as well as other covariates were collected for a sample of 333 Census block groups. .
Setting:
Long Beach, California, USA from January 2012 through December 2013.
Observations:
A total of 7,992 space-time observations (from 333 Census block groups over 24 time points).
Measurements:
Outcome measures focused on block-group counts of violent and property crimes. Predictors were numbers of local and adjacent-area medical marijuana dispensaries. Covariates included markers of alcohol availability as well as area demographic and economic characteristics.
Findings:
After adjustment for covariates, density of medical marijuana dispensaries was unrelated to property and violent crimes in local areas but positively related to crime in spatially adjacent areas [IRR = 1.02, CI (1.01, 1.04) for violent crime, IRR = 1.02, CI (1.01, 1.03) for property crime].
Conclusions:
Using law enforcement to reduce medical marijuana dispensaries in California appears to have reduced crime in residential areas near to, but not in, these locations. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
The unique nature of recreational marijuana policy makes for a compelling study in the policy adoption and implementation process. As a local control state, Colorado cities, municipalities, and counties may choose whether or not to adopt marijuana legalization policies in their jurisdictions and how to do so. This research is based on survey and panel data from Colorado local officials regarding issues of adoption and implementation in their jurisdictions. Overall, the initial findings show that the decision regarding adoption was a result of a combination of policy determinants (both cultural and economic) and policy diffusion (from prior policies on medical marijuana). Factors related to public opinion, economics, and prior policy on medical marijuana affected both the decision to permit and the decision to prohibit. Policy diffusion also appears important in early implementation, as cities use the existing medical marijuana policies to shape recreational marijuana policies.
Background:
Adolescent use of marijuana is associated with adverse later effects, so the identification of factors underlying adolescent use is of substantial public health importance. The relationship between US state laws that permit marijuana for medical purposes and adolescent marijuana use has been controversial. Such laws could convey a message about marijuana acceptability that increases its use soon after passage, even if implementation is delayed or the law narrowly restricts its use. We used 24 years of national data from the USA to examine the relationship between state medical marijuana laws and adolescent use of marijuana.
Methods:
Using a multistage, random-sampling design with replacement, the Monitoring the Future study conducts annual national surveys of 8th, 10th, and 12th-grade students (modal ages 13-14, 15-16, and 17-18 years, respectively), in around 400 schools per year. Students complete self-administered questionnaires that include questions on marijuana use. We analysed data from 1 098 270 adolescents surveyed between 1991 and 2014. The primary outcome of this analysis was any marijuana use in the previous 30 days. We used multilevel regression modelling with adolescents nested within states to examine two questions. The first was whether marijuana use was higher overall in states that ever passed a medical marijuana law up to 2014. The second was whether the risk of marijuana use changed after passage of medical marijuana laws. Control covariates included individual, school, and state-level characteristics.
Findings:
Marijuana use was more prevalent in states that passed a medical marijuana law any time up to 2014 than in other states (adjusted prevalence 15·87% vs 13·27%; adjusted odds ratio [OR] 1·27, 95% CI 1·07-1·51; p=0·0057). However, the risk of marijuana use in states before passing medical marijuana laws did not differ significantly from the risk after medical marijuana laws were passed (adjusted prevalence 16·25% vs 15·45%; adjusted OR 0·92, 95% CI 0·82-1·04; p=0·185). Results were generally robust across sensitivity analyses, including redefining marijuana use as any use in the previous year or frequency of use, and reanalysing medical marijuana laws for delayed effects or for variation in provisions for dispensaries.
Interpretation:
Our findings, consistent with previous evidence, suggest that passage of state medical marijuana laws does not increase adolescent use of marijuana. However, overall, adolescent use is higher in states that ever passed such a law than in other states. State-level risk factors other than medical marijuana laws could contribute to both marijuana use and the passage of medical marijuana laws, and such factors warrant investigation.
Funding:
US National Institute on Drug Abuse, Columbia University Mailman School of Public Health, New York State Psychiatric Institute.
Research on drug use often fails to account for drug dealing in most analyses of violence and other systemic risks associated with illegal drugs. The current study examined whether drug dealing, independent of its connection to drug use, increases involvement with delinquent peers, violence, weapons, and other drug-related conflicts. Data were drawn from the first two waves of the Toledo Adolescent Relationships Study (N = 1,148). Hierarchical linear models were used to investigate changes in these behaviors that resulted from the respondents’ involvement in drug dealing and drug use. Results indicate that involvement in drug dealing, controlling for drug use, increases violence and other systemic risks to a level that drug use alone is not likely to achieve. Findings also show, however, that drug use among dealers may reduce violence and limit contact with delinquent peers.
Drugs and violence were shown to be related in three possible ways: psychopharmacologically, economic compulsively, and systemically. These different forms of drug related violence were shown to be related to different types of substance use, different motivations of violent perpetrators, different types of victims, and differential influence by social context. Current methods of collecting national crime data were shown to be insensitive to the etiological role played by drug use and trafficking in creating violent crime. No evidence currently exists as to the proportions of violence engaged in by drug users and traffickers that may be attributed to each of the three posited models. We need such data. My own impression, arising from research in New York, is that the area of systemic violence accounts for most of the violence perpetrated by, and directed at, drug users. Systemic violence is normatively embedded in the social and economic networks of drug users and sellers. Drug use, the drug business, and the violence connected to both of these phenomena, are all aspects of the same general life style. Individuals caught in this lifestyle value the experience of substance use, recognize the risks involved, and struggle for survival on a daily basis. That struggle is clearly a major contributor to the total volume of crime and violence in American society.
As experts in the health care of children and adolescents, pediatricians may be called on to advise legislators concerning the potential impact of changes in the legal status of marijuana on adolescents. Parents, too, may look to pediatricians for advice as they consider whether to support state-level initiatives that propose to legalize the use of marijuana for medical purposes or to decriminalize possession of small amounts of marijuana. This policy statement provides the position of the American Academy of Pediatrics on the issue of marijuana legalization, and the accompanying technical report ( available online) reviews what is currently known about the relationship between adolescents' use of marijuana and its legal status to better understand how change might influence the degree of marijuana use by adolescents in the future.
We estimate the effect of medical marijuana laws (MMLs) in ten states between 2004 and 2012 on adolescent and adult use of marijuana, alcohol, and other psychoactive substances. We find increases in the probability of current marijuana use, regular marijuana use and marijuana abuse/dependence among those aged 21 or above. We also find an increase in marijuana use initiation among those aged 12-20. For those aged 21 or above, MMLs further increase the frequency of binge drinking. MMLs have no discernible impact on drinking behavior for those aged 12-20, or the use of other psychoactive substances in either age group.
Copyright © 2015 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
More and more states have passed laws that allow individuals to use marijuana for medical purposes. There is an ongoing, heated policy debate over whether these laws have increased marijuana use among non-patients. In this paper, I address that question empirically by studying marijuana possession arrests in cities from 1988 to 2008. I estimate fixed effects models with city-specific time trends that can condition on unobserved heterogeneities across cities in both their levels and trends. I find that these laws increase marijuana arrests among adult males by about 15–20%. These results are further validated by findings from data on treatment admissions to rehabilitation facilities: marijuana treatments among adult males increased by 10–20% after the passage of medical marijuana laws.
The medicalization of marijuana represents an evolving trend across the United States, yet researchers have yet to focus on the reasons users obtain cannabis licenses or the changing methods of State control that emerge in the legal-medicalized industry. In this article I draw on 40 in-depth interviews and participant observation with undergraduate cardholders to examine college students' motivations to get medical marijuana cards and the process of social learning and resocialization they undergo in shifting away from an illicit and unregulated market to one that is State-sanctioned and controlled. I analyze the medicalization of cannabis as part of a “new culture of crime control” (Garland 200129.
——— . 2001 . The Culture of Control: Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society . Chicago , IL : The University of Chicago Press . View all references), showing how, in contrast to criminalization, the legal-medical model offers the State potent forms of social control at the structural, cultural, and interactional levels of society. I conclude with a discussion of the benefits gained by the State from this legal-medicalization on both the effects and causes of crime.
Abstract The cannabis policy landscape is changing rapidly. In November 2012 voters in Colorado and Washington State passed ballot initiatives to remove the prohibition on the commercial production, distribution, and possession of cannabis. This paper does not address the question of whether cannabis should be legal; it instead focuses on the design considerations confronting jurisdictions that are pondering a change in cannabis policy. Indeed, whether or not cannabis legalization is net positive or negative for public health and public safety largely depends on regulatory decisions and how they are implemented. This essay presents eight of these design choices which all conveniently begin with the letter "P": production, profit motive, promotion, prevention, potency, purity, price, and permanency.
The state-level legalization of medical marijuana has raised concerns about increased accessibility and appeal of the drug to youth. The objective of this study was to assess the impact of medical marijuana legalization across the United States by comparing trends in adolescent marijuana use between states with and without legalization of medical marijuana.
The study utilized data from the Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance Survey between 1991 and 2011. States with a medical marijuana law for which at least two cycles of Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance data were available before and after the implementation of the law were selected for analysis. Each of these states was paired with a state in geographic proximity that had not implemented the law. Chi-squared analysis was used to compare characteristics between states with and without medical marijuana use policies. A difference-in-difference regression was performed to control for time-invariant factors relating to drug use in each state, isolating the policy effect, and then calculated the marginal probabilities of policy change on the binary dependent variable.
The estimation sample was 11,703,100 students. Across years and states, past-month marijuana use was common (20.9%, 95% confidence interval 20.3-21.4). There were no statistically significant differences in marijuana use before and after policy change for any state pairing. In the regression analysis, we did not find an overall increased probability of marijuana use related to the policy change (marginal probability .007, 95% confidence interval -.007, .02).
This study did not find increases in adolescent marijuana use related to legalization of medical marijuana.
Purpose
The state-level legalization of medical marijuana has raised concerns about increased accessibility and appeal of the drug to youth. The objective of this study was to assess the impact of medical marijuana legalization across the United States by comparing trends in adolescent marijuana use between states with and without legalization of medical marijuana.
Methods
The study utilized data from the Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance Survey between 1991 and 2011. States with a medical marijuana law for which at least two cycles of Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance data were available before and after the implementation of the law were selected for analysis. Each of these states was paired with a state in geographic proximity that had not implemented the law. Chi-squared analysis was used to compare characteristics between states with and without medical marijuana use policies. A difference-in-difference regression was performed to control for time-invariant factors relating to drug use in each state, isolating the policy effect, and then calculated the marginal probabilities of policy change on the binary dependent variable.
Results
The estimation sample was 11,703,100 students. Across years and states, past-month marijuana use was common (20.9%, 95% confidence interval 20.3–21.4). There were no statistically significant differences in marijuana use before and after policy change for any state pairing. In the regression analysis, we did not find an overall increased probability of marijuana use related to the policy change (marginal probability .007, 95% confidence interval −.007, .02).
Conclusions
This study did not find increases in adolescent marijuana use related to legalization of medical marijuana.
U.S. law enforcement against the sale and possession of marijuana has been estimated to cost close to $8 billion a year in criminal justice resources. Current enforcement is justified if it provides net benefits greater than alternatives such as a legal, regulated market for marijuana. Prior research suggests that current levels of drug enforcement may increase nondrug crime and hard drug use. Here, local rates of property crime, homicide, and nonmarijuana drug possession are estimated as a function of economic conditions, enforcement effectiveness, and arrests for possession or sale of marijuana. The data consists of a pooled sample of over 1300 U.S. counties (1994–2001). The results suggest that marijuana arrests are associated with increases in homicides, burglaries, motor vehicle thefts, and larcenies along with subsequent increases in hard drug arrests. These results raise significant questions about the merits of policies that focus on criminal justice approaches to marijuana control.
Although policymakers and law enforcement officials argue that medical marijuana laws (MMLs) “send the wrong message” to young
people, previous studies have produced no evidence of a causal relationship between MMLs and marijuana use among teens. Using
data from the national and state Youth Risk Behavior Surveys, the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997, and the Treatment
Episode Data Set, we revisit this relationship. Our results are not consistent with the hypothesis that legalization of medical
marijuana leads to increased marijuana use among teenagers.
In the late 1970s and early 1980s, several important reviews of the literature failed to establish a clear consensus on the relationship between economic conditions and violent crime. The research presented here applies the procedures of meta-analysis to 34 aggregate data studies reporting on violent crime, poverty, and income inequality. These studies reported a total of 76 zero-order correlation coefficients for all measures of violent crime with either poverty or income inequality. Of the 76 coefficients, all but 2, or 97 percent, were positive. Of the positive coefficients, nearly 80 percent were of at least moderate strength (>.25). It is concluded that poverty and income inequality are each associated with violent crime. The analysis, however, shows considerable variation in the estimated size of the relationships and suggests that homicide and assault may be more closely associated with poverty or income inequality than are rape and robbery.
The recreational/dependent drug use dichotomy has very quickly become the established wisdom within drugs literature. The paper uses the concept of ‘drug career’ to demonstrate that this bipolar distinction is problematic. The research it reports suggests that, alongside ‘recreational drug use’ and ‘dependent drug use’, a third form or ‘episode’ of drug use can be observed: what we call here ‘persistent drug use’. Following this exploration of drug careers, the article examines the interaction between drug use and crime. It is purported that a simple unilateral causal explanation is overly simplistic as the relationship is not consistent throughout the career of a drug user and through the qualitative exploration of drug careers the nuances of this relationship are identified. It is therefore suggested that both classifications of drugs and the relationship between drug use and crime are products of local social contexts and environments.
Marijuana use and interpersonal violence are major public health problems. The present review examines the available empirical and theoretical literature on the relationship between marijuana and violence, including past theoretical models, the link between marijuana use and interpersonal violence (including intimate partner violence), and the relationship between marijuana withdrawal and violence. While results from laboratory-based studies are inconclusive, results of cross-sectional and longitudinal research provide support for an association between marijuana use/withdrawal and various types of violence. Given the lack of empirical support for existing models, a new biopsychosocial model of the marijuana–violence relationship is proposed. Examining methods to test this model and application of current findings to treatment are discussed.
The issue before Congress is whether to continue the federal prosecution of medical marijuana patients and their providers, in accordance with the federal Controlled Substances Act (CSA), or whether to relax federal marijuana prohibition enough to permit the medicinal use of botanical cannabis products when recommended by a physician, especially where permitted under state law. Fourteen states, mostly in the West, have enacted laws allowing the use of marijuana for medical purposes, and many thousands of patients are seeking relief from a variety of serious illnesses by smoking marijuana or using other herbal cannabis preparations. Two bills relating to the therapeutic use of cannabis have been introduced in the 111th Congress. The Medical Marijuana Patient Protection Act (H.R. 2835), which would allow the medical use of marijuana in states that permit its use with a doctor's recommendation, was introduced on June 11, 2009, by Representative Barney Frank. The bill would move marijuana from Schedule I to Schedule II of the CSA and exempt from federal prosecution authorized patients and medical marijuana providers who are acting in accordance with state laws. Also, the Truth in Trials Act (H.R. 3939), a bill that would make it possible for defendants in federal court to reveal to juries that their marijuana activity was medically related and legal under state law, was introduced on October 27, 2009, by Representative Sam Farr. For the first time since District of Columbia residents approved a medical marijuana ballot initiative in 1998, a rider blocking implementation of the initiative was not attached to the D.C. appropriations act for FY2010 (P.L. 111-117), clearing the way for the creation of a medical marijuana program for seriously ill patients in the nation's capital. The Obama Administration Department of Justice, in October 2009, announced an end to federal raids by the Drug Enforcement Administration of medical marijuana dispensaries that are operating in "clear and unambiguous compliance with existing state laws." This move fulfills a pledge to end such raids that was made by candidate Obama during the presidential campaign. Claims and counterclaims about medical marijuana-much debated by journalists and academics, policymakers at all levels of government, and interested citizens-include the following: Marijuana is harmful and has no medical value; marijuana effectively treats the symptoms of certain diseases; smoking is an improper route of drug administration; marijuana should be rescheduled to permit medical use; state medical marijuana laws send the wrong message and lead to increased illicit drug use; the medical marijuana movement undermines the war on drugs; patients should not be arrested for using medical marijuana; the federal government should allow the states to experiment and should not interfere with state medical marijuana programs; medical marijuana laws harm the federal drug approval process; the medical cannabis movement is a cynical ploy to legalize marijuana and other drugs. With strong opinions being expressed on all sides of this complex issue, the debate over medical marijuana does not appear to be approaching resolution. This report will be updated as legislative activity and other developments occur.
This work focuses on the many critical areas of America's drug problem, providing a foundation for rational decisionmaking within this complex and multi-disciplinary field. Broken into three sections: Understanding the Problem, Gangs and Drugs, and Fighting Back, topics covered include the business of drugs and the role of organized crime in the drug trade, drug legalization and decriminalization, legal and law enforcement strategies, an analysis of the socialization process of drug use and abuse, and a historical discussion of drug abuse that puts the contemporary drug problem into perspective.
This study was designed to assess the affect of legalization of medical marijuana on drug-related attitudes and use among youths and young adults in selected communities in C