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Ever Closer Union: An Introduction to European Integration
Abstract
Revisión del pasado, presente y futuro del proyecto de integración europea: desde su concepción como Comunidad Económica en los años cincuenta, hasta la formación de la Unión Europea, en los noventa. Se estudian las instituciones que han estado involucradas en el proceso de integración, así como las políticas internacionales (agrícolas, comerciales, económicas y financieras) que han surgido a partir de la firma de los tratados que han dado forma a la Unión Europea.
... Nevertheless, those works that do look at the situation of the earlier relations between the EU and Latin America in general and Mercosur in particular agree that there has been a clear change in EU-Latin America relations since the mid-to late 1980s (e.g. Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995 ;Laporte Galli 1995 ;Anacoreta Correia 1996 ;Ayuso 1996 ;Dauster 1996 ;Piening 1997 ;Cepal 1999 ;Hoste 1999 ;Freres 2000 ;Youngs 2000 ;Vasconcelos 2001 ;Sanahuja 2003 ;Smith 2003 ;Cienfuegos 2006 Dinan 1999 ;Sanchez Bajo 1999 ;Santander 2005 ) suggest that it was the early 1990s that marked the change in EU-Latin American relations. The change in relations at some point between the 1980s and 1990s tends to be explained by several issues. ...
... Another set of scholars cite the affi nity between the EU and Latin America as the main reason for both the development of relations and for the two regions becoming 'natural' partners (for example, see Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995 ;Sanahuja 2004 ;Freres 2000 ;Freres and Sanahuja 2005 ). According to Dinan ( 1999 ), since 1960 the traditional relations between the EU and Latin America were the result of the close socio-historical and cultural links between the two regions. This perspective also suggests that this relationship would become even closer as a direct consequence of the Iberian membership of the EU. ...
... If that is indeed the case, then the political emphasis of those agreements is clear. For some, it has been important to stress that the EU ' s role in Latin America -even if it is part of the broader strategy to increase the EU ' s political and economical role at global level -is still less prominent even than the EU ' s role in Asia ( Dinan 1999 ). For Freres ( 2000 ) this is not explained by a lack of power, but rather by a lack of common will. ...
This monograph seeks to examine the motivations for the European Union’s (EU) policy towards the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the EU’s most important relationship with another regional economic integration organisation. This monograph argues that the dominant explanations in the literature -- balancing the US, global aspirations, being an external federator, long-standing economic and cultural ties, economic interdependence, and the Europeanization of Spanish and Portuguese national foreign policies – fail to adequately explain the EU’s policy. In particular, these accounts tend to infer the EU’s motives from its activity. Drawing extensive primary documents, this monograph argues that the major developments in the relationship -- the 1992 Inter-institutional Agreement and the 1995 Europe Mercosur Inter-regional Framework Cooperation Agreement – were initiated by Mercosur and supported mainly by Spain. This means that rather than the EU pursuing a strategy, as implied by most of the existing literature, the EU was largely responsive.
... The EU Framework Programmes for Research and Technological Development, for example, have been increased substantially since their creation in 1984. However, de facto, the allocation of funding and projects have most often followed the fair return principle (funds have been allocated proportionally to the financial contributions of Member States) even if this was not explicitly required by the programmes and goes against the spirit of European integration and the Single Market (Dinan 2005(Dinan , 2006Defraigne and Nouveau 2022). ...
... US administrations used their financial leverage through the Marshall Plan and the European Payment Union to push their Western European allies towards a more integrated European market. They also imposed the reinsertion of West Germany's industry in Western Europe (Dinan 2005). As soon as the fear of a Soviet invasion and of communist parties in Western Europe seizing power receded in the minds of national political and business elites, national rivalries became less constrained, considerably slowing down the European integration process in the late 1950s, 1960s and 1970s (Defraigne 2004). ...
... A better integrated Community would enable a selection of the fittest enterprises through an intensification of intra-European competition. The inefficient or small firms unable to adapt to the new post-Fordist differentiated production methods would be eliminated and the fittest could grow and benefit from the economies of scale generated by these new methods of production (Defraigne 2004;Dinan 2005;Gillingham 2003). ...
... This mechanism generated the much-needed economic interdependence among the member states and paved the way for resolving their political differences, especially between France and Germany. The Treaty of Rome was signed in March 1957 and led to the creation of the European Economic Community (EEC) which was built on the foundations of unity between France and Germany (Dedman, 1996;Dinan, 1999;Hussain, 2017). The Treaty of Rome cited the word 'social' 46 times, showing the significance of social issues for the Community (EEC, 1957). ...
... Another development was the Single European Act (SEA) signed on 17 February 1986 in Luxembourg. It also empowered the EEC's provisions in relation to a European social policy (Dedman, 1996;Dinan, 1999;Hussain, 2017). ...
... A major development in European regionalism is the establishment of the EU through the Maastricht Treaty or the Treaty on European Union on 7 February 1992 (Dinan, 1999). In this Treaty, 11 members signed the complete 'Social Chapter or Protocol', which includes social security/protection of the workforce, equal opportunities, equal working conditions, information, consultation, employee representation, right to protest and job creation (BBC, 2017;European Commission, 1997). ...
There is little research done on the social agenda of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). As an analysis of the organization's social agenda is relevant to the challenges and opportunities offered by COVID-19, this article aims to draw lessons for SAARC from the development model of the European Union (EU). Erstwhile literature on SAARC has not compared its progress in terms of social development with that of the EU. Hence, this study aims to answer the following questions: What are the key differences between the social development approaches of the two organizations, and what can SAARC learn from the EU's social model? The analysis in this research is largely based on an extensive review of official documents from the EU and SAARC. This article argues that collective social development is in line with SAARC's functionalist approach that prioritizes cooperation in non-controversial areas like human security. Based on the comparative analysis, this article proposes a three-tier social development approach for comprehensive social development across South Asia. This study argues that, despite its socio-economic and political challenges, SAARC has a lot to gain from adopting the EU’s social model.
... The Kyoto protocol has been used in developed countries, such as the USA, Canada and China, to reduce CO2Es. The European nations have already stepped up the initiative to decrease GHGs emanations using advanced expertise [1,111]. Germany, France, Italy, and the United Kingdom also used patents for OECD due to their R&D investment, green technologies, and higher patent ...
... The Kyoto protocol has been used in developed countries, such as the USA, Canada and China, to reduce CO 2 Es. The European nations have already stepped up the initiative to decrease GHGs emanations using advanced expertise [1,111]. Germany, France, Italy, and the United Kingdom also used patents for OECD due to their R&D investment, green technologies, and higher patent production than the other European countries. ...
Energy plays an imperative role in global economies, such that products and services are generally dependent on energy use. This study leads to the application of environmental policies under green research and development (R&D) investment in Pakistan. Existing research has tried to analyze the effects of R&D investment associated with patent applications using the logarithmic mean Divisia index (LMDI) method called PATENT. The objective of this method is to examine the variations in R&D activities motivated by the reduction of fossil fuel power. The research contributes the following: (1) the R&D reaction is the main factor in raising the number of patent applications, while R&D efficiency needs more enhancements. (2) Reaction and production effects are imperative in raising the number of patent applications during the study period. (3) R&D expenditure presents a significant rise in renewable energy technologies (RETs), by 6.7% yearly, which ultimately impacts the economy, sustainability, and the environment. (4) Energy intensity shows a lowering trend in economic development, which confirms that that share of energy will decline, and that Pakistan will move towards significant contributions. Finally, the results show that raising R&D investments, technology transfer and engendered measures are the authentic approaches to Pakistan’s environmental and economic development. Based on the analyzed method, the study recommends that environmental regulation policies’ efficiency be incremented by investing and joining them with RETs. Furthermore, the concerned policies linked with the estimated outcomes are provided below.
... A summit of heads of state or government of the member states, together with the President of the European Commission, provides general political direction for the European Union, considers fundamental questions related to the 'constitution' and construction of the EU, and makes decisions on the most contentious issues (Dinan 1998). It is not the legislature: this is the function of the Council of the European Union. ...
... The institutions and policies of the EU are summarised in a series of free booklets, Europe on the Move, which are updated periodically (available from the UK Office of There are a great many general accounts of the making of the European Union, including the very comprehensive Encyclopedia of the European Union edited by Dinan (1998). For a more critical account see Chisholm (1995) Britain on the Edge; for a more theoretical view of European integration, see Nelsen and Stubb (2003) The European Union and Emerson (1998) Redrawing the Map of Europe. ...
... Namely, most new EU member states viewed the Russian Federation as a security threat and as a result they pursued their Atlanticist agenda. On the other hand, the Franco-German axis aimed at creating an alliance with Russia which would be a counterweight to American unilateralism (Dinan, 2005;Czubocha, 2013;Piccardo, 2010). ...
This paper brings sociology to European integration. The author claims that even though the European Union is a unique entity, it can still be analyzed in the framework of international relations. Therefore, the sociological theory of stratificatory differentiation can be applied to European integration. From the formal point of view, all EU member states are equal and remain sovereign actors in international relations; the EU is conceptualized as a network organization. However, this paper concludes that there is an unofficial stratification in the organization based on cultural and economic differences. Western core EU states (France and Germany in particular) constitute the higher stratum; the new (post-communist) member states occupy the subaltern status. The tentative claim of the author is that this unofficial stratification results in a differentiated impact of EU policies on the interests of EU member states.
... ). AB'nin Afrika ülkeleri ile 24 Avrupa Birliği'nin derinleşme sürecindeki önemli gelişmeler: Avrupa Kömür ve Çelik Topluluğu'nu kuran Paris Antlaşması (1951); Avrupa Ekonomi Topluluğu'nu ve Avrupa Atom Enerjisi Topluluğu'nu kuran Roma Antlaşmaları (1957); Ortak tarım politikasının oluşturulması (1962); Gümrük Birliği'nin tamamlanması (1968); Avrupa siyasi işbirliğinin başlatılması (dış politika koordinasyonu) (1970); Avrupa Konseyi'nin oluşturulması (1975), Avrupa para sisteminin oluşturulması (1979); Tek Pazar programını kuran ve Topluluğun yetkisini çevre politikası, ekonomik ve sosyal yakınlaşma, araştırma ve teknoloji ile sosyal politika alanlarında genişleten Tek Avrupa Senedi'nin oluşturulması (1986); AB'yi ekonomik ve para birliğine yönelik oluşturan, Avrupa siyasi işbirliğini ortak dış ve güvenlik politikasına dönüştüren, adalet ve içişlerinde hükümetler arası işbirliğini öngören Avrupa Birliği Antlaşması (1992); Topluluğun sorumluluğunu adalet ve içişlerinin belirli alanlarında genişleten ve "özgürlük, güvenlik ve adalet" alanı oluşturulmasına yönelik bir hedef tarih belirleyen Amsterdam Antlaşması (1997); ortak para politikası ve tek para biriminin (Euro) oluşturulması (1999); AB kurumlarının ve karar alma sürecinin reformunu öngören Nice Antlaşması (2001); Avrupa'nın Geleceği Sözleşmesi'nin başlaması (2002); Sözleşmenin taslak Anayasa Antlaşması'nı sunması(2003); AB liderlerinin Anayasal Antlaşma'yı imzalamaları (2004)(Dinan, 2005; 3). ...
... Engaging in relations with the EU is also important for Moscow in order to achieve political credibility, and Russia significantly benefits through economic assistance, whereby EU aid and trade agreements represent crucial instruments in the economic transition of Russia 10 . Particularly for this reason, Russia has not attempted to block EU enlargement (Dinan 1999). ...
This paper analyses the relations between the EU and the three European post-Soviet states excluded from the series of upcoming EU enlargement processes – Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova – focusing on the reasons and implications of their non-membership. There are significant consequences for states excluded from EU enlargement, which is fundamentally transforming Europe in terms of trade relations, economic prosperity, political stability and democracy, and border and immigration policies. This is particularly the case for Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova because they each have a history of substantial political and economic relations with other states within the region. The EU’s construction of an external border through the Schengen Agreement especially delineates ‘insiders’ from 'outsiders'. Accordingly my paper asks: Why has the EU excluded Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova from EU enlargement? What are the implications of their exclusion? How are relations developing between these states and the EU and how might the EU develop a strategic foreign policy towards this region?
I am interested in how divisions between the EU and the ‘outsiders’ – Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova – may be forming. I also focus on the issue of Russian relations in this process because of the overwhelming influence that Russia continues to assert on post-Soviet states. I contend that each of the governments of the three states are approaching relations with the EU very differently: Moldova has most overtly broken from Soviet structures demonstrating the greatest commitment to cooperate with the EU; Belarus is seeking to reintegrate with Russia; while Ukraine is increasingly cooperating with western actors but is constrained by Russian relations. I conclude that one of the most significant factors determining whether these states seek integration into EU structures is the existence of foreign policy options beyond Russia.
... It should be mentioned that foreign experts pay much attention to the integration issues as well (Dinan, 1999;Kennedy, 1987). The Russian silence is lagging in this respect. ...
... Maastricht Antlaşması, 1992 yılında imzalanmış ve bu Anlaşma 1993 yılında yürürlüğe girmiştir. Böylece 1993 yılından sonra Avrupa Topluluğu yerini Avrupa Birliği'ne bırakmıştır (Dinan, 2005:5-7). ...
... Il ne s'agit en aucun cas de fabriquer des champions européens à qui la politique industrielle confierait le soin de damer le pion aux Japonais ou aux Américains » (cité in Dévoluy, 2004 : 207). Cette position qui soumet la politique industrielle à la politique de la concurrence se maintient jusque dans les années 2000 (Dinan, 2005: 428 & Huveneers, 2008. ...
COMPÉTITIVITÉ, AUTONOMIE
ET CROISSANCE SOUTENABLE ?
LES POLITIQUES INDUSTRIELLES
ET LES POLITIQUES
DE RECHERCHE DE L’UE
... Walters, 2002). Soddisfare gli standard di controllo delle frontiere richiesti dai membri originali era un prerequisito necessario per l'ammissione di uno Stato agli accordi di Schengen (D. Dinan, 1999). L'Italia ne è un esempio, la cui adesione avvenne solamente dopo una serie di manovre legislative. ...
The concept of border externalisation depicts the process by which migration management and border controls practices are exported to extra-jurisdictional areas, sometimes encroaching on that of third state. These processes create complex and transnational systems of control over human mobility, in which different sovereignties, regional and international actors are involved. Theoretical frameworks based on the notion of crime are often linked to the concept of state sovereignty and prove to be ill-suited to understand the complexity of these systems and identify responsibilities. This paper proposes the adoption of the Social Harm approach – which has recently received a renewed academic interest – to analyse migrants’ severe human rights violations in relation to the Italian process of border externalisation. To this end, the first paragraph traces the origin and outlines the main points of the debate on Social Harm and Zemiology. The second one offers a context-informed investigation of the Italian process of border externalisation in Libya, highlighting the actors and interests involved. The third paragraph presents the main results of the analysis, aimed at investigating, through the concept of social harm, the causes of deaths and serious human rights violations related to torture and inhumane and degrading treatment suffered by migrants in Libya and during sea-crossing. The concluding paragraph summarises the main findings, identifies the various responsibilities, and provides reflections and insights for further research.
... After the ECSC, a process of further integration began into two directions; Widening the Community (eventually the Union) to a larger number of members and Deepening into other areas of integration (Dinan, 2005 ...
During centuries, the international scenario and its many actors have faced certain events that have intensified the need to integrate. They have seen the results of massive areas of land with different interests in mind, fighting for what is more convenient for themselves. Regions such as Europe are the perfect example of the beneficial results that can come when different individual states leave behind their various interests and unite for a common good. There are other regions, such as Latin America, that have tried to go amongst the same road of integration, but have failed in the process. Elements in the past of both continents such as colonization, the struggle for independence and the different motivations behind integrating have varied if we compare these areas history. Taking all these different elements into account, the authors analyze and compare the course's taken by each region, evaluate the different outcomes of each course and conclude on whether these two could ever share results of the same level of approval.
... According to Nicolaides (2013, p. 214), "the most extensive impact of exit (i.e., withdrawing from the EU) is likely to be ending of the right of access to the Internal Market". The Internal Market can be defined as a market without internal barriers (Dinan, 2005;Dunning, 1997;Ehlermann, 1987) and, in consequence, this market's rules guarantee free movement of goods, services, capital and people. These four free movements are the essence of our empirical analysis when assessing the impact of Brexit on the EU-28. ...
... Among the chapters that were used more intensively as a legal basis for legislation, we notice a particular peak of activity in the area of customs union in the 1960s, the area of agricultural policy between the mid-1970s and the early 1990s, and the area of commercial policy between the early 1970s and the early 1990s. The heat map is an accurate visualization of the various 'waves' of legislation developed within each policy areas of the EEC Treaty which correspondence well with historical accounts (Dinan, 2010). ...
Studies on delegation to international organisations have extensively examined the determinants of supranational delegation. Yet, systematic empirical accounts on the effects of different types and degrees of delegation on policy developments remain limited. This paper addresses this gap by using a novel dataset that combines delegation data from the Treaty of Rome with data on legislation and case law developed by the European authorities (1958-2000). The analysis produces three findings. First, a higher level of delegation of legislative and executive functions has a positive effect on the volume of secondary legislation, but no effect on the volume of case law. Second, a higher level of judicial delegation has a positive effect on the volume of case law, while limiting legislative activity. Third, the precision of the Treaty provisions constrains the volume of secondary legislation. The findings show how the type and intensity of supranational delegation shape supranational policy development.
At the end of the 1980s/beginning of the 1990s, the four Visegrád countries stepped onto the path that would lead them to democratisation and eventually entering the European Union. The socio-economic and political contexts were dynamically evolving, seeing return of some of the actors (like the CSSD in Czech Republic), the re-founding of the others (which saw the communist formations in Hungary and Poland re-found themselves as social democrats) and establishment of many new (with the end of the transformation decade seeing emergence of SMER in Slovakia). As the centre-left organisations they had to battle distrust, as in the public perception they have frequently been unfavourably classified as relicts of the past. But while the liberalisation took its tolls on the economy, there was a search for more mechanisms that would enable rebalancing—with more social protection, more welfare and more of equal opportunities. On that wave social democrats bounced back, not only as a credible alternative but also as parties that would be able to deliver a different kind of modernisation and would finalise the accession processes. The high electoral results and the governance years were followed by a sharp decline, with the majority among the analysed parties hanging at the electoral threshold. While there are many common features, still the reasons underpinning rise, fall and in some cases, rejuvenation remain respectively diverse—which makes the comparative study of The Visegrad discomfort both instructive and exciting.
Although it has an internal market with the aim of obtaining full tax harmonisation, the European Union is still struggling to provide a common standard for 27 different tax systems. Because there are almost no European Union tax procedural regulations, after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the fundamental rights of the EU have begun to play an increasingly active role inside the European Union. Therefore, the European Union Court of Justice is ever more often required to deliver decisions related to the compatibility between national tax procedures and the rights guaranteed by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. The present article aims to make a presentation of the most important decision delivered by the Court of Luxembourg and to analyse the way in which these decisions can support the European project of tax harmonisation. Keywords: Tax; Harmonisation; Procedures; Fundamental rights; EU Charter
Turkey has shown great interest in the EU since its creation. However, Turkey’s EU accession has become a long and challenging journey. In this journey, various problems and crises have tested the Turkey-EU relationship. The Cyprus Issue is one of them. This study focuses on the impact of the Cyprus Issue on Turkey’s EU accession. The study seeks to answer the research question by using primary and secondary sources, including articles, reports, and written and oral statements of government officials. This study pursues an answer to a question: to what extent is the Cyprus issue significant to Turkey’s accession negotiations with the EU? The study’s main conclusion is that the Cyprus Issue is a significant obstacle to Turkey’s EU accession. There are three main supporting reasons for this conclusion. Firstly, the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus (GCASC) (the Republic of Cyprus) and Greece have used the Cyprus Issue as leverage, especially after the EU membership of GCASC in 2004, in the EU accession process of Turkey. Secondly, the EU has not adopted an objective position, although the EU has sometimes tried to find a balance position regarding the desires and demands of Turkey and GCASC-Greece. Finally, in addition to the existing problems in the Cyprus Issue, recent developments like the Eastern Mediterranean Crisis have made the Cyprus Issue a significant factor in the EU accession journey of Turkey.
The subject of research in this work is the scope of consociational democracy on the example of the European integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The logic of consociational democracy is in the mutual respect of the segments of a divided society and the construction of mechanisms to prevent the "tyranny of the majority" over numerically smaller groups. History shows that consociational instruments maintain the state of peace and democracy in divided and post-conflict societies. The European Union and Bosnia and Herzegovina are areas that prove this. Therefore, accepting the logic of consociationalism is an appropriate choice in the context of the European integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This would not be questionable if some actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union did not insist on changing the existing consociational political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is paradoxical that in the negotiation process of European integration, anti-consociationist policies are often advocated for the reorganization of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the aim of "harmonizing" it with the European Union, which is maintained and united precisely on the logic of consociationalism.
The European Union is the product of a unification process which is most highly advanced in the taxation area. The excise duties area represents a highly important element for the European taxation system because much of the competences are transferred at a European level. Moreover, the excise duties play an important role in the completion process of the single market, objective which was set by the White Paper of 1985. The aim of the present article is to prepare an assessment related to the functioning of the excise duties at the European level and to present the relationship between the European Union with the member states, including the possibility to complete the unification process of the single market. The foundation of the topic will be based on the European Union Court of Justice case law, as well as on the case law of the Romanian tax disputes courts of justice.
The European Union is often depicted as a cradle of judicial activism and a polity built by courts. Tommaso Pavone shows how this judge-centric narrative conceals a crucial arena for political action. Beneath the radar, Europe's political development unfolded as a struggle between judges who resisted European law and lawyers who pushed them to embrace change. Under the sheepskin of rights-conscious litigants and activist courts, these “Euro-lawyers” sought clients willing to break state laws conflicting with European law, lobbied national judges to uphold European rules, and propelled them to submit noncompliance cases to the European Union's supreme court – the European Court of Justice – by ghostwriting their referrals. By shadowing lawyers who encourage deliberate law-breaking and mobilize courts against their own governments, The Ghostwriters overturns the conventional wisdom regarding the judicial construction of Europe and illuminates how the politics of lawyers can profoundly impact institutional change and transnational governance.
The purpose of the research is to determine the patterns of development of the system of Russian and foreign education in the context of scientific approaches to the typology of the state. Consider the features of the genesis of education in the wave theory of socio-cultural development of E. Toffler. Methodology: in the process of research, methods of comparative analysis, cyclicity, intersectoral synthesis, theoretical and legal modeling, historical and legal reconstruction, as well as other methods of scientific knowledge were used. Education, as a product of the State and an instrument of State influence on the consciousness and behaviour of the population, is directly dependent on the peculiarities of the State structure and the objectives of which the State is guided in the process of organizational and managerial activity, the methods of interaction of the State with society, local social corporations and individual citizens/subjects.
Im ersten Jahrzehnt des 21. Jahrhunderts wird die Europäische Union immer wieder in aller Welt als Inspirationsquelle für Prozesse des region-building erwähnt. erwähnt. Zugleich erfährt sie Widerspruch und Ablehnung unter ihren Bürgern für eine gemeinsame Verfassung. Sie bleibt trotz weitreichender Erweiterung unklar über ihre eigenen Grenzen
The aim of this theoretical study is to offer hypothetical explanations of the preservation of national state during globalisation and especially during the COVID-19 pandemics. The crucial concepts – state and globalization – and the basic approaches of international relations are discussed. The terminus technicus ‘preservatives’ is used to illustrate how four identified mechanisms ‘preserve’ or maintain the importance of the national state in modern globalized international relations. The author defines the following preservatives: national identity, globalization itself, diplomacy, and finally, right- and left-wing populism. There is no ambition to find all the possible preservatives of the national state, nor to empirically test the ones presented. These could be tasks for future contributions.
p>This thesis’ principal concern is an analysis of the European Union’s (EU’s) experiment in transnational democracy. It contends that the distinct but related processes of globalisation and European integration, or Europeanisation, are restricting the autonomy and diffusing the sovereign authority of the state. Traditionally the legitimacy of sovereign states has been anchored to the popular sovereignty of their citizens but a dispersal of the sovereign authority of the state raises the issue of how democratic legitimacy can be rearticulated in order to sustain a correspondence between the demos and institutions of governance.
Using Fritz Scharpf’s composite typology of input and output-oriented legitimacy the thesis considers the institutional and normative potential of the EU as a site of transnational democracy. Rather than treating the EU as a single entity it is viewed as constituting a series of regimes which regulate diverse policy problems incorporating a range of institutional and individual actors. The thesis analyses three different regimes: The European Central Bank; the EU gender rights regime; and the regulation of agro-food biotechnologies. The regimes are differentiated on the basis of their structural, institutional and ideational characteristics. It is argued that the various regimes call for different qualities of decision-making which reflect different configurations of input and output-oriented legitimacy.
Following the contention that the regimes call for different qualities of decision-making, three models of transnational democracy are developed which articulate different ‘ideal’ configurations of input and output legitimacy. Each of these models of transnational democracy is applied to a particular EU policy regime to explicate the democratic practices of the regime and to evaluate the normative purchase of the model. The European Central Bank regime is analysed through the model of democratic intergovernmentalism; the EU gender rights regime through the model of cosmopolitan democracy; and the agro-food biotechnologies regulatory regime through the model of deliberative democracy. The logic of mapping the models and regimes is guided by a prima facie resonance between the models’ normative and institutional prescriptions and the structural, institutional and ideational characteristics displayed by the regimes.
The findings of the case studies provide the basis for a focused evaluation of the democratic qualities of the policy regimes and critique of all three models of transnational democracy. This analysis informs a broader evaluation of the democratic predicament and potential of the EU in a globalising world. In conclusion, some final remarks are offered in relation to the future of European transnational democracy with some suggestions for future research possibilities.</p
The article discusses the landmark cases of the Court of Justce of the European Union (CJEU), which had a considerable impact on the strength and deepness of European integration. However, to better understand the EU legal order, we will start with the presentation of the peculiarities of the EU legislation and the CJEU structure. The article was summarized by presenting the factors and circumstances that hinder and limit the power of the CJEU.
Питање степена усаглашености између судског система Европске уније и
судског система установљеног Европском конвенцијом о људским правима, као и питање избора најприкладнијег метода за изградњу ефикасног, усклађеног и целовитог система заштите људских права у Европи, поделила су у великој мери европску научну мисао и стручну јавност. Овом дисертацијом покушава се одговорити на дата питања и тиме осветлити један значајан сегмент неуређености у односима између различитих подсистема у оквиру међународног права, односно, према речима Комисије за међународно право, попунити део тзв. „црне правне рупе“. На тај начин, настоји се сузбити даљи развој европске фрагментације, која представља битан аспект проблематике фрагментације међународног права.
Suatu revolusi geopolitik sedang terjadi di kawasan Eropa, yaitu unifikasi
Eropa. Apa yang disebut sebagai ”United States of Europe” yang baru, memiliki
lebih banyak penduduk, perdagangan, kemakmuran, dan lebih banyak suara
dalam organisasi internasional. Bahkan Konstitusi Eropa yang baru menetapkan
motto resmi UE, yaitu “Unity in diversity” berkenaan dengan penolakan publik
Perancis dalam referendum mengenai “European Constitutional Treaty”, para
politisi nasional dan Eropa harus terlibat dalam suatu dialog terbuka dengan
rakyat Eropa untuk menjembatani proses integrasi dengan adanya suatu “sense of
ownership”. Sementara itu, hasil referendum di Perancis juga telah
mengirimkan simbol yang kuat bagi para pemimpin Eropa” “Brussels” tidak lagi
dapat dijadikan kambing hitam bagi kebijakan-kebijakan dalam negeri yang
tidak populer. Artikel ini menjelaskan mengapa Eropa menyatakan “no” bagi
Konstitusi Eropa bulan Mei 2005 lalu, dimana Perancis juga merupakan salah
satu negara “the founding fathers” dari UE. Dijelaskan juga akar dari krisis yang
dialami EU dan kemungkinan�kemungkinan dari “the European dream”
pada masa mendatang. Where the European Union go from here?
This article analyses the application of the legal provisions established in the International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) Code, to streamline and reorganize cooperation between Government agencies with maritime security tasks and responsibilities.
It highlights the difficulties raised by the existence of a multiplicity of actors involved in maritime security and identifies barriers in attempts from the Designated Authority and Administrations to assign duties among all stakeholders to cope with maritime security threats and ensure compliance with maritime security guidelines.
Three obstacles for an effective and efficient allocation of duties will be discussed within the framework of maritime security, focusing on the require-ments of the mentioned Code, which was incorporated into the International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS), 1974 as amended, through chapter XI-2 on “Special Measures to Enhance Maritime Security”, that entered into force on July 1, 2004. These are: a) absence of public official and fully up-dated maritime security incident statistics; b) lack of awareness and knowledge about types of security incidents versus safety accidents, or the so called safety near-misses and; c) poor collaboration among State agencies concerning infor-mation sharing about specific security duties, a situation often generating dupli-cation of tasks and preventing relevant work to be considered into maritime se-curity management at different levels.
The authors conclude that the production and official publication of maritime security incident statistics, as well as the establishment of procedures and processes for effective information sharing, along with clear specification for each agency involvement and necessary distribution to carry on the constant responsibility of managing security risks, are necessary to improve compliance of maritime security guidelines and give a step forward into securing the territorial sea and our oceans.
Finally, the authors highly recommend that Governments and international institutions, including the European Union (EU) and particularly Eurostat, as the statistical office of the EU, starts the production and official publication of relevant statistics, with a clear distinction between maritime security incidents and maritime accidents.
This publication discusses a diverse range of issues associated with European integration, ranging from the origins of the European Union, the evolution of the organisation over the last several decades, the changing visions of the future of Europe, the crises that the Member States faced in the past, and finally, the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the current and future level of European integration. Although the shape and future of the EU have been debated since its formation, the authors strongly believe that they need to be revisited due to the severe challenges this unique organisation and its Member States have been facing following the outbreak of COVID-19. The rapid spread of coronavirus around the world led to an unprecedented global emergency which severely affected many countries, including all the Member States of the EU. The COVID-19 pandemic put the ability of the EU to react quickly and effectively to the test. In addition, it also exposed the weak points of cooperation and solidarity of the Member States, and the level of trust their citizens have in the EU during a time of horrendous crisis. In this publication, a scope of integration and cooperation of the Member States is re-evaluated, and the level of European citizens’ trust given to the EU and its Member States during the deadly pandemic is analysed. In order to provide the reader with an in-depth and comprehensive research analysis on European integration, the study is presented through a historic, political, and legal lens.
This article explores the role of parliamentary democracy within the European Defence Community (EDC) and the European Political Community (EPC). The idea of these bodies was to establish a common European army governed by a set of political institutions, including a directly elected parliament. By drawing on institutional archives and the personal papers of its protagonists – Paul-Henri Spaak, Heinrich von Brentano, Altiero Spinelli, et al. – this article offers an internal view of the parliamentary practices they pioneered. It reveals a rich discourse on the potentials and limitations of parliamentary democracy at the European level, particularly regarding legislative powers and electoral rules.
The article examines the evolution of the European Commission appointment procedure in the context of the institutional balance between the Council of the EU, the European Parliament and the European Commission. The growing influence of the European Parliament on the appointment of the Commission and the nomination of its President is described as an indicator of the development of integration because it demonstrates how the EU supranational institutional system moves closer to the institutional systems of nation states. The European Parliament has gained power similar to national parliaments. The European elections’ results are taken into account during appointment of the European Commission. Despite remaining existing differences between the EU institutional system and national institutions, the author attempts to apply the Sartori concept in order to examine the dynamics of the EU institutional balance. As Sartori described, interaction between parties in national parliaments and governments and gradual transformation towards party government, similar tendencies could be found on the European level. The analysis of the theoretical interpretations, legal basis and practical experience of the European Commission’s appointment enables the author to determine the increased role of the European Parliament vis-à-vis other institutions and the growing importance of the European parties. The current procedure demonstrates a shift from the technocratic functional approach to an ideological approach leading to a growing importance of European politics.
The last decade has been one of the most challenging periods for European integration. The decade started with a sovereign debt crisis that hit hard the Eurozone’s peripheral member states and ended with the economic wreckage caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. As expected, the global financial crisis and the Euro-crisis have had an impact on the orientation of the EU as a global economic power. Two of the main aspects of the EU’s economic power are its trade and investment power. The aim of this paper is to provide an evaluation of the impact of the global financial and Euro-crisis in the European Union’s performance on these two dimensions of the EU’s power.
The European political map has been constantly changing since the World War II. The Czechoslavakia and Yugoslavia dissolved, Germany reunited and the European Union (EU) has been expanding. The original European Economic Community (EEC) has grown from 6 to 27 members and the process has been on-going. Enlargement is a permanent and continuous item on the EU agenda and by far one of the most speculated policies. Enlargement policy aims at preparing the countries concerned to become full members of the EU when they, as well as the EU, are ready. Therefore, EU has provided a well-designed institutional framework for enlargement. Nevertheless, it doesn’t necessarily mean that EU enlarges only. Even though United Kingdom's EU departure represents the sharpest challenge of recent times, the cases of Algeria, Greenland and Saint Barthélémy show that withdrawal from the EU and the institutions that preceded it, is not an absolutely new phenomenon. The objective of this article is to depict and to compare the institutional framework and the historical background of the enlargement and withdrawing facts. A discussion of theorization falls outside the scope of this illustrative paper and it is aimed to provoke thinking.
This article analyzes how China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has affected the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) as a project of regional economic integration. In particular, it examines whether the EAEU and the BRI are transforming the regional division of labor in the EAEU and providing the EAEU economic periphery new opportunities for industrialization and technological upgrading through insertion into international production networks. By comparing the EAEU and the BRI with other regional economic integration processes such as the EU, NAFTA, ASEAN+3 and Mercosur, it highlights the limits of the EAEU as a tool for economic integration and for enhancing Russia’s economic leadership in the region.
The aim of this paper is to analyze the role of two determinants of Europe’s regional integration project after the end of World War II: the relations between France and Germany, the largest European economies and where the main continental historical rivalries were concentrated, and the second US support for the reconstruction and project of European regional integration in the geopolitical context of the Cold War. After some previous proposals for integration, in the face of these fragile economic, political and social circumstances and of the communist threat, old “ideas of Europe” were resumed, in other words, the post-conflict situation led to the return of different perceptions about
the need to seek peace through the union of the people of European. Its result was the formation of the first European Community in the beginning of the 1950s, and four decades after the foundation of the European Union (EU).
Economic sanctions is one of the most popular tools in international politics. Its use predates modern civilization and interstate relations are still being shaped today by the application of economic sanctions. We have seen a shift from institutionally imposed sanction like the UN imposed sanctions on Iraq in 1991, to unilateral sanctions, a popular foreign policy tool for the United States and the UK. The last two years have witnessed an unprecedented level of multilateral economic sanction and retaliatory sanctions among the major Super Powers as they continue to struggle for asymmetrical territorial expansion. This paper examines the continued relevance of economic sanctions in international politics and its effects on unintended targets. I have also situated the discussion within relevant theoretical framework while specific attention is devoted to the UN sanction on Iraq and the future of economic sanctions. The paper attempts to reappraise the role of economic sanctions in contemporary interstate relations.
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