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Antecedents of internal political efficacy incidental news exposure online and the mediating role of political discussion

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Internal political efficacy has long been associated with news use and political discussion. Yet, as more people are inadvertently exposed to news and political discussion online, it remains unclear whether incidental news exposure also has a discursive effect on political efficacy. In a two-wave panel study, we applied the O-S-R-OR model of communication effects to test these relationships. We found that political discussion with weak ties, but not strong ties, is a mediator between incidental news exposure and internal political efficacy.
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https://doi.org/10.1177/0263395717693251
Politics
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DOI: 10.1177/0263395717693251
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Antecedents of internal
political efficacy incidental
news exposure online and
the mediating role of political
discussion
Alberto Ardèvol-Abreu
Universidad de La Laguna, España
Trevor Diehl
University of Vienna, Austria
Homero Gil de Zúñiga
University of Vienna, Austria
Universidad Diego Portales, Chile
Abstract
Internal political efficacy has long been associated with news use and political discussion. Yet,
as more people are inadvertently exposed to news and political discussion online, it remains
unclear whether incidental news exposure also has a discursive effect on political efficacy. In a
two-wave panel study, we applied the O-S-R-O-R model of communication effects to test these
relationships. We found that political discussion with weak ties, but not strong ties, is a mediator
between incidental news exposure and internal political efficacy.
Keywords
incidental news exposure, internal political efficacy, network tie strength, news media, political
discussion
Received: 18th March 2016; Revised version received: 14th December 2016; Accepted: 18th December 2016
Corresponding author:
Alberto Ardèvol-Abreu, Departamento de Ciencias de la Comunicación y Trabajo Social, Facultad de
Ciencias Políticas, Sociales y de la Comunicación, Universidad de La Laguna, Av. César Manrique, Campus de
Guajara, S/C de Tenerife 38071, España.
Email: aardevol@ull.es
693251POL0010.1177/0263395717693251PoliticsArdèvol-Abreu et al.
research-article2017
Article
2 Politics
Introduction
Scholars have long emphasized the important role political self-efficacy plays in stimulat-
ing political participation, civic engagement, and other behaviours related to democratic
norms (e.g. Gastil and Xenos, 2010; Rosenstone and Hansen, 1993; Verba and Nie, 1972).
The basic idea is that individuals are more likely to participate in the democratic process
if they feel that they understand their political environment (internal efficacy), and that
their actions can make a difference (external efficacy) (Bandura, 2002; Craig, 1979;
Morrell, 2003). In spite of evidence for a strong influence of political efficacy on a variety
of pro-democratic outcomes, only a few studies have explored its antecedents or predic-
tors (Kenski and Stroud, 2006; Marx and Nguyen, 2016; Moeller et al., 2014). This is
particularly the case for the internal dimension of political efficacy. In contrast, research
suggests that external efficacy and political participation have reciprocal predictive rela-
tions; in other words, participatory behaviours are not only the outcome but also the
antecedent of external efficacy (Finkel, 1985).
Previous research has called for further investigation into the behavioural antecedents
of internal efficacy that, when compared to other forms of political engagement, require
a higher ‘emotional or cognitive activation’ (Finkel, 1985: 907). The current study adds
to this strand of literature by exploring individual demographic and political orientations
that predict people’s perception of their ability to participate in political life. Next, the
study seeks to advance the role of media use and discussion network effects in boosting
internal political efficacy. In particular, the study proposes a model for how incidental and
intentional news exposure, along with interpersonal reasoning mechanisms (political dis-
cussion with strong and weak ties), creates opportunities to learn about, and discuss, poli-
tics. These are salient research issues, given the ubiquity of media content from social
media and online sources, and the numerous chances to simultaneously discuss politics
online and offline.
Drawing on the framework of an O-S-R-O-R (Orientation-Stimulus-Reasoning-
Orientation-Response) model of communication effects (Cho et al., 2009; Jung et al.,
2011), political discussion is tested as a mediator of the relationship between news expo-
sure and internal political self-efficacy. Using panel survey data, we find that a set of
social orientations – strength of partisanship, political knowledge, discussion network
size, and political interest – are all strong predictors of internal efficacy. This study also
tests how incidental exposure to news might influence political discussion with strong
and weak discussion network ties and, in turn, help explain a sense of political compe-
tence. Analyses reveal that both intentional news use and incidental exposure to news
have only indirect effects on internal efficacy, through political discussion with weak ties,
but not strong ties. These results not only extend our understanding of when and how
people generate a sense of political efficacy but also the mechanisms for how news and
discussion intertwine to foster internal efficacy.
Literature review
Developing the O-S-R-O-R model of media effects
Research on media effects, particularly with regard to campaign media exposure and
participatory behaviours, has progressively abandoned the simple stimulus–response
(S-R) models in favour of more articulated and complex ones, also called ‘indirect para-
digms of media effects’ (Holbert and Stephenson, 2003). Rooted in behavioural psychol-
ogy (Markus and Zajonc, 1985), the O-S-O-R model proposes a three-step model of
Ardèvol-Abreu et al. 3
communication effects that flows: from previous orientations (O) to media stimuli (S),
from media stimuli to subsequent orientations (O), and from subsequent orientations to a
cognitive or behavioural response (R). This framework was introduced in political com-
munication research as a useful tool for explaining certain mediating mechanisms of
direct media effects. For example, media attention, interpersonal communication, and
cognitive elaboration have all been used in this framework to explain the relationship
between media exposure and behavioural or cognitive outcomes (Eveland, 2001; McLeod
et al., 2001).
In the O-S-O-R framework, the first set of orientations (O) corresponds with ‘struc-
tural, cultural, and motivational characteristics of the audience’ (McLeod et al., 1994:
146) that influences the selection and overall impact of a message received from the
media. The stimulus (S) usually refers to news consumption and exposure – though inter-
personal communication is sometimes tested as a stimulus – as a mediator of ‘the effects
of demographic, dispositional, and structural factors on cognitive and behavioral out-
comes’ (Cho et al., 2009: 71). A second set of orientations (O) derives from media expo-
sure, and represents ‘what is likely to happen between reception of the message and the
response of the audience’ (McLeod et al., 1994: 147). In turn, a final response (R) refers
to eventual outcome behaviours of media exposure, such as political participation or civic
engagement (e.g. Cho et al., 2009), although some studies have explored cognitive out-
comes as responses to media exposure (Eveland et al., 2003).
Authors concerned with understanding the complex relationships between mass media
exposure, interpersonal communication, and the underlying cognitive processes of media
effects have proposed an updated version of the O-S-O-R framework. This initial media-
tion model has recently been expanded in order to better account for various activities that
result from media exposure, like conversations, reflection, and cognitive elaboration.
These processes, some authors argue, are not truly ‘subsequent orientations’ stemming
from direct media effects, but are instead reasoning processes taking place between some
media stimuli (S) and subsequent outcome orientations (second O) (Cho et al., 2009; Jung
et al., 2011; Shah et al., 2007). For this reason, Cho et al. (2009) proposed an O-S-R-O-R
(Orientation-Stimulus-Reasoning-Orientation-Response) chain of causation. The addi-
tion of reasoning (R) to the model allows researchers to account for reflection on media
content, and includes various forms of reasoning: anticipation of conversation, composi-
tion of ideas for expression, and cognitive elaboration. Reasoning can also refer to inter-
personal forms of reasoning (e.g. political discussion).
In line with this literature, this study argues that demographics and political attributes
(Orientations) will predict news consumption patterns and incidental news exposure
(Stimulus). This media stimulus will have a further influence on social reasoning mecha-
nisms: political discussion with both strong and weak ties (Reasoning). These ties, in
turn, should influence people’s perceptions of how well equipped they are to partake in
the political process (internal political self-efficacy, Outcome). This theoretical and
empirical model also answers a call made by Cho et al. (2009) for further research regard-
ing outcome orientations. Thus, we advance the O-S-R-O-R model of communication
effects by introducing internal efficacy as an outcome orientation.
Demographic and social orientations (O)
Demographic variables have been found to explain most of the variance in political self-
efficacy (Kenski and Stroud, 2006). This is because political self-efficacy is determined,
at least in part, by an individual’s tendency to reflect on their experiences in order to
4 Politics
achieve goals, solve problems, or master a task (Bandura, 2002). In the political realm,
reflection on political experiences depends on one’s education, employment level, social
status, or past experience with politics (Marx and Nguyen, 2016; Verba and Nie, 1972).
This rationale is in line with a resource model of political participation, where certain
individuals are better equipped to connect their political needs to certain goals or oppor-
tunities (e.g. Brady et al., 1995). For example, Kenski and Stroud found that, among
demographic predictors of political efficacy, education and income showed a positive
influence on both internal and external efficacy, while age was a negative predictor. Social
and political orientations, strength of partisanship, political interest and political discus-
sion with strong ties were also positively related to internal efficacy in that study. Another
study suggests that unemployment also influences internal political efficacy (Marx and
Nguyen, 2016). However, these studies either (1) relied on cross-sectional data analysis or
(2) did not include several key social orientation variables, such as political knowledge,
trust in the media, or discussion network size. Therefore, it is necessary to further explore
the role of these social orientations, not only to assess their importance as predictors of
internal efficacy, but also to control for potential confounds in more complex models.
Thus, we pose the following research question:
RQ1. Which demographic and social orientation characteristics (O) (W1) predict
internal efficacy (W2)?
News media use and incidental news exposure (Stimuli)
In the O-S-R-O-R framework, media use is a stimulus for direct effects on both political
discussion and political self-efficacy. The following section first outlines the effects of
media use on political discussion attributes. Previous research has generally shown that
intentional media use for informational purposes predicts frequency of political discus-
sion (Jung et al., 2011; Kim et al., 1999; Xenos and Moy, 2007). Some studies have
explored in further detail the effects of news use on political discussion by distinguishing
between discussion with so-called ‘strong ties’ and ‘weak ties’. Close ties (people one
knows well, like family or friends) are characterized by ‘intimacy, trust, respect, access,
and mutual regard’ (Huckfeldt and Sprague, 1991: 125). Accordingly, strong ties are
thought to influence political behaviours, like voting or protest, but have less of an impact
on exposure to information diversity (Sinclair, 2012; Valenzuela et al., 2012). In contrast,
weak ties (people one does not know well, like co-workers and acquaintances) are often
composed of people from diverse social, cultural, and economic backgrounds. Exposure
to this diversity gives individuals the opportunity to acquire more diverse, non-redundant
information that could enhance learning and foster political participation (Lake and
Huckfeldt, 1998). Along these lines, Gil de Zúñiga and Valenzuela (2011) found that the
information people gather from the news media tends to spur conversations about public
affairs with both strong and weak ties.
Although the habit of intentional news seeking may influence political conversation,
the acquisition of information about politics and current events does not always occur
intentionally, particularly in the online arena (Tewksbury et al., 2001). In the contempo-
rary news environment, many individuals will be inadvertently exposed to news via
search engines, social media, and the Internet (Kim et al., 2013). People can stumble onto
news while they are doing other activities, despite not actively seeking for information
(Tewksbury et al., 2001). Literature concerning the effects of unintentional exposure to
Ardèvol-Abreu et al. 5
news online is scarce, and to the authors’ best knowledge, no previous studies have
explored whether the effects of this incidental form of consuming news is strong enough
to foster political discussion. Considering these previous findings, but also the gap in the
literature on the subject, we pose the following hypotheses and research questions:
H1. News media use (S) (W1) predicts political discussion (W2) with weak ties (H1a)
(R) and strong ties (H1b) (R).
RQ2. What is the impact of incidental news exposure (W1) on political discussion (W2)
with weak (RQ2a) (R) and strong ties (RQ2b) (R)?
This article also examines the direct relationship between news exposure (intentional
and incidental) and internal political efficacy. Research in this field offers mixed results,
but in general, informational uses of news media have been found to predict internal effi-
cacy (Moeller et al., 2014; Pinkleton et al., 1998). At the disaggregated level, newspapers,
political talk radio, television, and Internet use for news have all been associated, at vary-
ing degrees of magnitude, to internal efficacy (Jung et al., 2011; Kenski and Stroud, 2006;
McLeod et al., 1999; Tewksbury et al., 2008). Based on these previous findings, the fol-
lowing hypothesis is given:
H2. News media use (S) (W1) will be positively related to internal efficacy (W2).
Studies on the political outcomes of incidental exposure to news have focused mainly
on its impact on political knowledge and participation. Previous research partially sup-
ports the assumption that incidental exposure to news predicts political knowledge
(Tewksbury et al., 2001; Zukin and Snyder, 1984), narrows the knowledge gap between
entertainment-oriented and news-oriented Internet users, and enhances both offline and
online political participation (Kim et al., 2013; Kobayashi and Inamasu, 2014). If inci-
dental exposure to news has a positive effect on political knowledge, and helps generate
the informational resources for people to mobilize and participate in politics, it seems
likely that incidental exposure to news will also influence one’s self-perception of their
ability to understand political information, which is a key part of internal political effi-
cacy. On the other hand, occasional and unintended information exposure simply may not
be sufficient for people to change how they think about their ability to participate in poli-
tics. The following is posed as a research question:
RQ3. What is the effect of incidental exposure to news (S) (W1) on internal political
efficacy (W2)?
Political discussion: Weak and strong ties (R, reasoning)
Political discussion is a central, normative pillar of liberal democratic systems. This is
because discussion is a way for groups to make decisions based on interpersonal reason-
ing (Dryzek, 1994). Cho et al. (2009) explicitly mention political discussion as a form of
social reasoning in their O-S-R-O-R model. Similarly, Jung et al. (2011) emphasize inter-
personal political discussion and online political messaging as a form of reasoning (R) in
response to media exposure. The model suggested by Jung and colleagues explored the
effects of news media use (stimulus) on political participation, both online and offline
(response). The authors did not find any direct effect of news use on participation.
6 Politics
However, the influence of media consumption on participation was mediated via interper-
sonal discussion/political messaging (reasoning) and political knowledge/internal effi-
cacy (subsequent orientations).
Recent studies have also turned their attention to the effects of the strength of political
discussion ties. Given that political discussions can take place among individuals with
varying degrees of closeness, intimacy, or emotional intensity, it seems logical to question
whether discussions with a ‘close’ or ‘strong tie’ will have the same effects as discussion
with a ‘loose’ or ‘weak tie’. Thus, previous research has confirmed the important role of
the number of weak ties as a predictor of civic engagement (Son and Lin, 2008), and as a
mediator of the relationship between discussion network size and participation (Gil de
Zúñiga and Valenzuela, 2011). However, no previous studies have addressed the relation-
ship between discussion tie strength and internal political efficacy. Considering this gap
in the literature, we ask the fourth research question:
RQ4. How do political discussion network attributes of weak (RQ4a) and strong ties
(RQ4b) (W2) relate to internal efficacy (W2)?
Internal political efficacy (second O, outcome orientation)
Early research on political efficacy conceived political efficacy as a one-dimensional
construct, defined as ‘the feeling that individual political action does have, or can have,
an impact upon the political process, i.e., that it is worthwhile to perform one’s civic
duties’ (Campbell et al., 1954: 187). Thereafter, political efficacy was decomposed into
two different components, which scholars refer to as ‘internal’ and ‘external’ dimensions
of political efficacy (Craig, 1979). Internal political self-efficacy corresponds to internal
evaluations of personal characteristics and experiences that facilitate or impede an indi-
vidual’s response to their political environment (Bandura, 2002; Craig, 1979; Morrell,
2003). External efficacy refers to evaluations of the capacity, or incapacity, of the system
itself to provide an appropriate response (Coleman and Davis, 1976). Since the current
study explores personal characteristics and habits of news consumption and political dis-
cussion, internal efficacy is the outcome variable in all the models tested.
Implicit in the O-S-R-O-R framework of media effects, as proposed by the research
questions and hypotheses, is the indirect relationship between news media use and inter-
nal efficacy. News media use often leads to political discussions (e.g. Kim et al., 1999),
and political discussions foster internal efficacy (Kenski and Stroud, 2006). Thus, it
seems reasonable to expect a mediating role of political discussion on the relationship
between news use and internal efficacy. Individuals receive information about political
affairs and current events from the news media. Naturally, and depending on individual
orientations, this information should increase one’s confidence in their ability to under-
stand and participate in politics. Information received from the media helps motivate a
person to maintain discussions about political issues or recent events, which in turn rein-
forces their self-perception of political competence (indirect effect). Nevertheless, con-
sidering the amount of alternative paths involved in this model, at this stage, we cannot
predict which paths will be significant explanatory mechanisms of internal political effi-
cacy. Thus, we are forced to ask our last research question:
RQ5. Is there a mediation effect of political discussion (either with weak or strong ties)
(W2) in the relationship between news use (either intentional or incidental) (W1) and
internal efficacy (W2)?
Ardèvol-Abreu et al. 7
Methods
Sample
This study relies on a custom online survey administered in the United States between
December 2013 and March 2014. The media-polling group Nielsen recruited respondents
from approximately 200,000 registered people. Selection of respondents was conducted
according to a quota based on age, gender, education, and income, in order to match US
Census estimates as closely as possible. This method minimizes the drawbacks of sam-
ples based on Internet users (see, for example, Bode et al., 2013; Garret et al., 2012). The
survey was administered using the online survey tool Qualtrics, supplied by a university-
wide subscription account.
The first wave of the survey was distributed between 15 December 2013 and 5 January
2014 to 5000 individuals, of which 1813 provided valid information. The response rate,
computed using the American Association of Public Opinion Research (AAPOR) (2011)
response rate calculator, was 34.6%, an acceptable percentage for Internet-based surveys
(see Sax et al., 2003). The second wave was collected between 15 February and 5 March
2014. Valid information of 1024 cases was included, and the retention rate was 57%.
These figures have been considered acceptable to maintain representation (Watson and
Wooden, 2006). The sample is comparable to the US Census, and is equivalent to other
surveys employing similar sampling procedures (e.g. Pew Research Center for the People
and the Press, 2013).
Measures
This study used five key variables and an exhaustive set of control variables in order to
minimize potential confounds. All of these controls have been shown in previous litera-
ture to have an impact in some of our endogenous variables, as explained below. For
specific wording of the items, see Appendix 1.
Key variables. The operationalization of our main dependent variable, ‘internal efficacy’,
was based on universally tested items (Morrell, 2003, 2005) (2-item averaged scale; W2,
Spearman-Brown Coefficient = .87; M = 5.34, standard deviation (SD) = 2.56). Depend-
ing on the degree of closeness and intimacy of the relationship, we distinguished between
‘political discussion with weak ties’ (4-item averaged scale; W2, Cronbach’s α = .86; M =
2.19; SD = 1.57) and ‘political discussion with strong ties’ (5-item averaged scale; W2,
Cronbach’s α = .78; M = 4.00; SD = 2.05). Building on previous measures of the construct
(Gil de Zúñiga et al., 2016), the measure of ‘news media use’ was based on participants’
responses to nine questions about their frequency of intentional exposure to a variety of
news media (W1, Cronbach’s α =.68; M = 3.71; SD = 1.50). Conversely, ‘incidental news
exposure’ measured the amount of unintentional exposure to news, mainly in the online
arena (adapted from Kim et al., 2013; Tewksbury et al., 2001; 6-item averaged scale; W1,
Cronbach’s α = .84; M = 3.56; SD = 1.92).
Control variables. According to previous studies, party identification is connected to our
main dependent variable, internal political efficacy (see, for example, Baumgartner and
Morris, 2006; Kenski and Stroud, 2006). We therefore controlled for ‘strength of parti-
sanship’ (W1, M = 2.10; SD = 1.88). For statistical analysis, non-responses were treated
as missing values. Given that different types of social and institutional trust are related
to political discussion (Mou et al., 2011) and to internal efficacy (Torney-Purta et al.,
8 Politics
2004), we used ‘trust in the media’ as a proxy for social trust (4-item averaged scale;
W1, Cronbach’s α = .72; M = 4.28; SD = 1.72). Political knowledge has been both theo-
retically and empirically linked to internal political efficacy (Balch, 1974; Prior, 2003).
To measure respondent’s ‘political knowledge’, we created an index consisting of eight
questions. Some of them assessed their level of awareness of current policy issues, while
others quantified their degree of knowledge of the US political system and its institu-
tional rules (see Delli Carpini and Keeter, 1993) (W1: Cronbach’s α = .75; M = 4.58; SD
= 2.17; W2: Cronbach’s α = .72; M = 4.23; SD = 2.07). According to previous literature,
the size of political discussion networks has an impact on the frequency of political
discussion (Lee, 2012; Mutz, 2002) and on internal efficacy (Moy and Gastil, 2006). Our
measure of ‘discussion network size’ was created using an additive index of two open-
ended questions (adapted from Gil de Zúñiga et al., 2016). The resulting variable was
highly skewed (W1, M = 4.36; median = 1.00; SD = 16.89; skewness = 10.86). To address
this problem, the natural logarithm was used (W1, M = 0.33; median = 0.24; SD = 0.37:
skewness = 1.32). An individual’s level of interest in politics is strongly connected to
perceptions of political self-competence (Kenski and Stroud, 2006). Accordingly, this
study controls for the effects of ‘political interest’ to isolate potential confounding effects
(2-item averaged scale; W1, Spearman–Brown coefficient = .97; M = 6.67; SD = 2.70).
Finally, all our regression-based models included five demographic variables that have
been related to individual levels of internal efficacy (Hayes and Bean, 1993; Lee, 2006;
Moeller et al., 2013; Vecchione and Caprara, 2009) or to the frequency of political dis-
cussion (Gil de Zúñiga and Valenzuela, 2011). Thus, we considered in our models the
respondent’s gender (49.7% females), age (M = 52.71 years; SD = 14.72 years), and
race (77.9% Whites). We also controlled for education, highest level of formal educa-
tion completed (M = 3.61, median = some college), and household income (M = 4.46,
median = US$50,000–US$59,999).
Statistical analyses
In order to test the hypotheses and research questions, and to examine the mediating role
of political discussion in the relationship between news use, incidental exposure, and
internal political efficacy, we employed a series of autoregressive analyses as well as
structural equation modelling (SEM) test. Path analysis with SEM allows for the simul-
taneous accounting of direct and indirect effects in a single, comprehensive model
(Geiser, 2010). As an additional advantage, this technique does not limit the number of
mediating variables, so that we can compare the fit of different models, including the
two discussion variables (strong and weak ties) that mediate the relationship between
news exposure and internal efficacy (see Geiser, 2010; Muthén, 2002). To test the statis-
tical significance of indirect effects, we used asymmetric confidence intervals based on
bootstrapping methods (Geiser, 2010). Analyses were conducted using SPSS version
21.0 and Mplus version 7.0.
Results
The first goal of this article was to identify the antecedents of internal political efficacy.
Second, employing the O-S-R-O-R framework, the study tests the direct and indirect
effects of news media use, incidental news exposure, and political discussion with weak
and strong ties on internal efficacy. Our first research question asked about the main
predictors of internal efficacy, considering demographics and social orientations.
Ardèvol-Abreu et al. 9
Autoregressive models presented in Table 1 (Model 2) show that social orientations have
a greater influence on internal efficacy than demographics: While the former accounts for
34.0% of the variance of internal efficacy, the latter only explains 12.2%. Among social
orientations, strength of partisanship (β = .060, p < .01), political knowledge (β = .066, p
< .05), and, most importantly, political interest (β = .134, p < .001) were positively associ-
ated to internal efficacy.
According to our second hypothesis, we expected news use to be directly, and posi-
tively, associated with internal efficacy. We did not find empirical support for H2.
Autoregressive models in Table 1 show that the effect of news media use on internal
efficacy is not statistically significant, either before (Model 1, β = .030, n.s.) or after con-
trolling for political discussion (Model 2, β = .027, n.s.).1 Similarly, RQ3 addressed the
relationship between incidental exposure to news and internal political efficacy. Results
(Table 1) show that incidental news exposure is not directly connected to self-perceptions
of political competence, either in the first (β = −.007, n.s.) or in the second model
(β = −.019, n.s.). However, these non-significant results do not exclude the possibility of
a fully mediated effect of news use and incidental news exposure on internal efficacy
through political discussion, which is tested below.
Table 1. Autoregressive regression models predicting internal efficacy.
Model 1 Model 2
Block 1 – demographics (W1)
Age −.023 −.019
Gender (female) −.020 −.016
Education .005 .013
Income .012 .013
Race (White = 1) −.007 −.002
ΔR211.9% 12.2%
Block 2 – social orientations (W1)
Partisanship .058** .060**
Trust in the media −.020 −.028
Political knowledge .062* .066*
Discussion network size .045 .028
Political interest .129*** .134***
ΔR233.8% 34.0%
Block 3 – news media use and incidental news exposure (W1)
News media use .030 .027
Online incidental news exposure −.007 −.019
ΔR20.1% 0.2%
Block 4 – autoregressive term (W1)
Internal efficacy .629*** .605***
ΔR219.1% 18.1%
Block 5 – political discussion (W1)
Political discussion (strong ties) .005
Political discussion (weak ties) .069*
ΔR20.4%
Total R264.9% 64.8%
OLS: ordinary least squares.
N = 724. Cell entries are final-entry OLS standardized β coefficients.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001 (two-tailed).
10 Politics
RQ4 asked about the effects of political discussion with weak (RQ4a) and strong ties
(RQ4b) on internal efficacy. Autoregressive models show that discussing politics with
weak ties (RQ4a) predicts higher levels of internal efficacy (β = .069, p < .05) (Table 1,
Model 2). This positive effect was not observed for discussion with strong ties (RQ4a)
(β = .005, n.s.).
In order to propose a comprehensive model, testing direct and indirect effects in a
theoretical structure comprising news consumption, political discussion (with both strong
and weak ties), and internal efficacy (RQ5), an SEM test was conducted (Figure 1) (boot-
strapped 1000 iterations; χ2 = 8.90; df = 4; p = .06; root mean square error of approxi-
mation (RMSEA) = .039, comparative fit index (CFI) = 0.990, Tucker–Lewis index
Figure 1. Autoregressive effects structural equation model of online incidental exposure, news
use, and political discussion (strong and weak ties) on internal efficacy.
Sample size = 798. Continuous path entries are standardized SEM coefficients (Betas). The effects of de-
mographic variables (age, gender, education, income, and race) and sociopolitical antecedents (strength of
partisanship, trust in the media, political knowledge, discussion network size, and political interest) have been
residualized in all endogenous variables. The model includes indirect effects of online incidental exposure and
news use on internal efficacy (represented in Table 2). Model goodness of fit: χ2 = 8.90; df = 4; p = .06; root
mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) = .039, comparative fit index (CFI) = 0.990, Tucker–Lewis
index (TLI) = 0.969, standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) = .02). Explained variance of criterion
variables: Political Discussion (Strong Ties) R2 = .035; Political Discussion (Weak Ties) R2 = .030; and Internal
Efficacy R2 = .163. This model was bootstrapped based on the standard errors with 1000 iterations.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
Table 2. Indirect effect of incidental news exposure (W1) and news use (W1) on internal
efficacy (W2).
Indirect effects path Point estimate Two-tailed p-value
Incidental news exposure (W1) political discussion
(weak ties) (W2) internal efficacy (W2)
0.013 (0.006) p < .05
News Use (W1) political discussion (weak ties)
(W2) internal efficacy (W2)
0.014 (0.006) p < .05
Standardized coefficients (standard error in parentheses).
Ardèvol-Abreu et al. 11
(TLI) = 0.969, standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) = .02) with strong ties
(R2 = .035), weak ties (R2 = .030), and internal efficacy (R2 = .163) as criterion variables.
The model controlled for the effect of internal efficacy in W1, as well as for demographics
and social orientations, as explained in detail in Figure 1.
Our first hypothesis stated a positive relationship between news media use and politi-
cal discussion with both weak (H1a) and strong ties (H1b). We confirmed both H1a and
H1b. SEM coefficients in Figure 1 show that the effect of news media use on political
discussion is direct and strong: Those scoring high in news media use reported higher
frequency of political discussion with weak (H1a) (β = .093, p < .05) and strong ties
(H1b) (β = .087, p < .05). Likewise, RQ2 addressed the effect of incidental news exposure
on political discussion with both weak and strong ties. The SEM in Figure 1 shows that
incidental exposure is positively associated to weak ties (RQ2a) (β = .109, p < .01) and
strong ties (RQ2b) (β = .129, p < .01). Taken together, news consumption, whether inten-
tional or incidental, seems to foster political discussion with both weak and strong ties.
The SEM also showed statistically significant indirect effects of news media stimuli
on internal efficacy via discussion with weak ties (see indirect effects in Table 2). On the
one hand, news media use is indirectly related to internal efficacy through weak ties (b =
.014, p < .05). Similar results were found for incidental news exposure, which was shown
to have an indirect effect on internal efficacy through weak ties (b = .013, p < .05). Results
suggest that political discussion, specifically with those in more ‘distant’ relationships, is
an important path to internal efficacy. Results also allow highlighting the importance of
news consumption, whether intentional or incidental, as a trigger of political discussion.
Discussion
This study is part of a growing area of research concerned with the causes and precursors
to internal political efficacy. Despite the significance of internal political efficacy in creat-
ing active, better informed citizens, few studies have explored the antecedents of internal
efficacy in such an exhaustive and systematic manner. This study also makes it possible
to ascertain the effects of different uses of news media – deliberate versus incidental
exposure to news – on internal efficacy. In addition, we aimed to find out more about the
direct and indirect influence of political discussion (with both weak and close ties) on
internal efficacy. Last, the model proposed in this article provides additional empirical
evidence of an O-S-R-O-R model of media effects, responding to previous calls for fur-
ther exploration of political orientation outcomes (Cho et al., 2009; Jung et al., 2011).
Results show that both intentional news media use and incidental exposure have a fully
mediated effect on internal efficacy. Political discussion with weak ties is the mediating
variable that explains the effects of both types of news consumption patterns on internal
political efficacy. Consistent with scores of studies, news media use predicts political dis-
cussion (Jung et al., 2011; Xenos and Moy, 2007). Interestingly, this positive effect on
discussion was found not only for intentional but also for unintentional news exposure.
The theoretical explanation for this seems to be simple: People access new information
from traditional and online media and gain knowledge of current affairs, regardless of
whether exposure was intentional or incidental. That is, individuals may learn about poli-
tics either way. This new information fosters political discussion about these issues, as
people may seek to either exchange views, or just gain a better understanding on the topic.
Both patterns of media use (intentional and incidental) stimulate discussion with both
weak and strong ties. Somewhat unexpectedly, indirect effects of news media stimuli on
internal efficacy are fully mediated through discussion with weak discussion network
12 Politics
ties, but not strong ties. To our knowledge, this is the first study to objectively reveal this
important path. One explanation we can offer for this is that interaction with weak ties
may expose individuals to a greater number of arguments, views, and ideas, different
from those that are usually provided by their habitual circle of relationships (Gil de
Zúñiga and Valenzuela, 2011). This, in turn, may also lead to an increased self-perception
of competence in understanding political issues and participating in the democratic pro-
cess in general.
The findings of this study invite optimism, as they open new avenues to better under-
stand the connection between news exposure, political discussion, and internal political
efficacy. While it is true that traditional news media use has declined dramatically over
the past decade, it is also a fact that the Internet and online media use has risen exponen-
tially over the same period (Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, 2016),
providing greater opportunity for incidental exposure to news, even for those who do not
search for it. Our findings also reaffirm the substantive importance of political discus-
sions with weak ties, as they positively predict internal efficacy. These results are in line
with previous studies that underscore the beneficial effects of this type of discussion,
which has been shown to be a stronger predictor of civic participation than political talk
with strong ties (Gil de Zúñiga and Valenzuela, 2011).
There are, however, several limitations in the design of this research that are worth
noting. First, our findings need to be interpreted in the context of a non-election-year
news cycle. When compared to an election year, political issues receive less attention
from the media during these periods. Although 2014 was a midterm election year, the
election was not held until November 4, while the data collection finished in early
March. Further research should validate the model in the context of a presidential elec-
tion news cycle, when media effects might be stronger, more immediate, and perhaps
direct instead of fully mediated via discussion. Another limitation concerns the rela-
tively short time lag between waves (3 months). If we consider the influence of news use
and discussion to be cumulative, a longer time frame between waves could have resulted
in larger effects on our dependent variable. However, long time spans between survey
waves often cause the response rate to fall dramatically (for a more detailed discussion,
see Kessler and Greenberg, 1981), thereby lowering the quality of the data. Our analyses
show significant causal effects of news use and discussion on efficacy, even when con-
trolling for prior individual levels of internal efficacy (autoregressive models). Further
research could, however, try to alter the time frames between waves to check whether
the effects are maintained, increased, or reduced. Finally, although incidental exposure
to news takes place mainly in the online arena (see Kim et al., 2013; Tewksbury et al.,
2001), it is obvious that it can also happen via the traditional media. Future studies may
include the traditional media in the models in order to assess potential differences.
Despite these limitations, this article reinforces previous findings on the potential
value of incidental exposure to news media and political discussion, especially with weak
ties, for developing more effective and participatory citizens. All in all, our findings con-
tribute to the understanding of how news use fuels a cycle in which certain types of politi-
cal discussions explain individual differences regarding self-perception of ability to
participate in decision-making processes and, consequently, possibly contribute to the
development of alternative ways to strengthen a healthier democracy.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Ardèvol-Abreu et al. 13
Note
1. To better establish causality, and to explore the possibility that the effect of news use on internal effi-
cacy moves in both directions (i.e. a virtuous circle of influence between news use and internal effi-
cacy), we tested alternative regression-based models in which the relationships between variables were
reversed (from internal efficacy to news use, reverse to those shown in Tables 1 and 2 and Figure 1).
Autoregressive ordinary least squares (OLS) models predicting news use in time showed that internal
efficacy does not predict news use, both before (β = .022, n.s.) and after (β = −.002, n.s.) controlling
for political discussion with strong and weak ties (models not reported). To explore possible mediating
effects via discussion with either strong or weak ties, we also constructed an autoregressive structural
equation modelling (SEM) of internal efficacy in W1 predicting news use in W2. All model of fit indexes
suggested a very poor fit of this reversed model to our data (χ2 = 43.38; df = 3; p < .001; root mean square
error of approximation (RMSEA) = .139, comparative fit index (CFI) = 0.934, Tucker–Lewis index
(TLI) = 0.802, standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) = .06), and none of the indirect effects
reached statistical significance. This is also consistent with our theoretical O-S-R-O-R model: the effects
run from intentional and incidental news use (Stimulus) to internal efficacy (Subsequent Orientation),
but not the other way around.
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Author biographies
Alberto Ardèvol-Abreu (PhD, Universidad de La Laguna, 2013) is an assistant professor at the Universidad de
La Laguna (Spain), where he is also part of the ‘Laboratorio de Tecnologías de la Información y Nuevos
Análisis de Comunicación Social’ (LATINA) research group. His major research interests focus on political
communication, political participation, and new media. He is also interested in media representation of immi-
gration and ethnic minorities and its effects on public opinion.
Trevor Diehl is a research assistant and doctoral student at the Media Innovation Lab (MiLab) in the Department
of Communication (University of Vienna). He completed his undergraduate studies at the University of Nevada,
Reno, and earned an MA from the University of Texas at Austin’s School of Journalism. He previously worked
as a research assistant at the Annette Strauss Institute for Civic Life, where he studied the nature of civic partici-
pation in Texas. His research interests include digital media and journalism practice, political effects of social
media use, and the impact of technology on the public’s understanding of science.
Homero Gil de Zúñiga, PhD, is Doctor in Political Science at the Universidad Europea de Madrid and also
pursued a PhD in Mass Communication with a minor in Digital Media from the University of Wisconsin–
Madison. Currently, he holds the Medienwandel Professorship at University of Vienna, Austria, where he leads
the Media Innovation Lab (MiLab). In general, his research addresses the influence of new technologies and
digital media over people’s daily lives, as well as the effect of such use on the overall democratic process.
16 Politics
Appendix 1
Questionnaire
Internal political efficacy index: Questions 1 and 2
How much do you agree or disagree with the following statements about public life?
(from 1 = ‘strongly disagree’ to 10 = ‘strongly agree’)
1. I have a good understanding of the important political issues facing our country
2. I consider myself well qualified to participate in politics
Political discussion (weak ties) index: Questions 3–6
Political discussion (strong ties) index: Questions 7–11
How often do you talk about politics or public affairs online and offline with … (from
1 = ‘never’ to 10 = ‘all the time’)
3. Acquaintances?
4. Strangers?
5. Neighbours you don’t know well?
6. Co-workers you don’t know well?
7. Spouse or partner?
8. Family and relatives?
9. Friends?
10. Neighbours you know well?
11. Co-workers you know well?
News media use index: Questions 12–20
People get news from various sources. To answer the questions, please use a scale
from 1 to 10, where 1 = ‘never’ and 10 = ‘all the time’. How often do you get news
from the following media sources?
12. Print
13. National newspapers
14. Local newspapers
15. Radio
16. Cable news
17. Online news sites
18. Citizen journalism sites
19. Facebook
20. Twitter
Incidental news exposure index: Questions 21–26
Sometimes people encounter or come across news and information on current
events, public issues, or politics when they may have been using media for a purpose
other than to get the news. How often does that happen to you with the following
media? (from 1 = ‘never’ to 10 = ‘all the time’)
21. Online portals (e.g. MSN and Yahoo!)
22. Search engines
23. Blogs
Ardèvol-Abreu et al. 17
24. Email
25. Social networking sites
26. Microblogging sites (e.g. Twitter)
Strength of partisanship (folded): Question 27
27. Where would you place yourself on a scale of 110 (where 1 = Strong Republican, 6
= Independent, and 10 = Strong liberal)?
Trust in the media index: Questions 28–31
The following questions are about how much you trust news from various sources.
How much would you say you trust … (from 1 = ‘do not trust at all’ to 10 = ‘trust
completely’)
28. News from mainstream news media (e.g. newspapers, TV)?
29. News from alternative news media (e.g. blogs, citizen journalism)?
30. News from social media sites?
31. News from news aggregators?
Political knowledge additive index: Questions 32–39
Here are some questions to which not everyone may know the answers. If there are
some you don’t know the answer to, just select ‘Don’t know’ and move on to the
next one. Please do not discuss these questions with others or look them up on the
web.
32. What job or political office does Joe Biden currently hold? (open-ended)
33. What job or political office does John Roberts currently hold? (open-ended)
34. For how many years is a US Senator elected – that is, how many years are there in one
full term of office for a US Senator?
a) 2 b) 4 c) 6 d) 8 e) Don’t
know
35. On which of the following does the US Federal Government currently spend the least?
a) Foreign aid b) Medicare c) National defence d) Social
security
e) Don’t
know
36. Do you happen to know whether the immigration bill before Congress was introduced by
a) A group of
Republican
Senators
b) A group of
Democratic
Senators
c) A mix of Republican
and Democratic Senators
d) Don’t
know
37. Do you happen to know what the ruling of the Supreme Court about Obamacare was?
a) Individual
mandate is
constitutional,
5-4 vote
b) Individual
mandate is
unconstitutional,
5-4 vote
c) Individual mandate
is constitutional,
unanimous decision
d) Individual
mandate is
unconstitutional,
unanimous
decision
e) Don’t
know
(Continued)
Appendix 1. (Continued)
18 Politics
38. Which organization’s documents were released by Edward Snowden?
a) FBI b) NSA c) IRS d) CIA e. Don’t
know
39. Recently, the United Nations (UN) and United States were in negotiations with the Syrian
government over the removal of:
a) Chemical
weapons
b) Nuclear
weapons
c) Illicit drugs d) Al Qaeda
operatives
e) Don’t
know
Discussion network size: Questions 40 and 41
40. During the past month, about how many total people have you talked to
face-to-face or over the phone about politics or public affairs (i.e. NOT via
the Internet)? (open-ended)
41. Still thinking about the people that you have talked to about politics or
public affairs during the past month, about how many total people would
you say you have talked to via the Internet, including email, chat rooms,
social networking sites and microblogging sites? (open-ended)
Political interest index: Questions 42 and 43
42. How interested are you in information about what’s going on in politics and
public affairs? (from 1 = ‘not at all’ to 10 = ‘a great deal’)
43. How closely do you pay attention to information about what’s going on in
politics and public affairs? (from 1 = ‘not at all’ to 10 = ‘a great deal’)
Socio-demographics: Questions 44–48
44. What is your gender?
a) Female
b) Male
45. What was your age on your most recent birthday? (open-ended)
46. What is your race or ethnicity?
a) Black or African American
b) White or Caucasian
c) Hispanic or Latino
d) Asian or Asian American
e) Native American
f) Other
47. What is the highest level of education you have completed?
a) Less than high school
b) High school
c) Some college
d) Bachelors degree
e) Some graduate education
f) Professional certificate
Appendix 1. (Continued)
Ardèvol-Abreu et al. 19
g) Masters degree
h) Doctoral degree
48. Last year, what was your family’s total household income, before taxes?
a) Less than US$10,000
b) US$10,000–US$14,999
c) US$15,000–US$24,999
d) US$25,000–US$49,999
e) US$50,000–US$99,999
f) US$100,000–US$149,999
g) US$150,000–US$199,999
h) US$200,000 or more
Appendix 1. (Continued)
... Previous scholarly studies indicated a positive and direct relationship between multiple communication channels and offline/online political participation (Anduiza, Cantijoch, & Gallego, 2009;Bachmann, Kaufhold, Lewis, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2010;Corrigall-Brown & Wilkes, 2014;Hao, Wen, & George, 2014;Mushtaq & Baig, 2015;Thorson, Swafford, & Kim, 2017;Wang, 2007;Zhang, 2012). The empirical literature on the O-S-R-O-R framework suggests that political discussion and internal political efficacy are potential mediating variables (Ardèvol-Abreu, Diehl, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2017;Cho et al., 2009;Chen, 2019;Jung, Kim, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2011;Li & Chan, 2017;Park, 2019). However, we have little understanding of the indirect effects of interpersonal and political trust within the framework of the O-S-R-O-R model. ...
... The idea behind the development of this model was to suggest a theoretical framework helpful in exploring the indirect effects of different political constructs. Researchers across the world have tested this model in different situations and political backgrounds (Ardèvol-Abreu et al., 2017;Chen, 2019;Jung et al., 2011;Park, 2019). Currently, this model is being tested in other domains of research such as health and environmental communication (Ikhlaq & Ans, 2021;Lu, 2021). ...
... Reviewing the literature suggests that news consumption has a great influence on political discussion (Ardèvol-Abreu et al., 2017;Kim et al., 1999;Shah et al., 2007;Yamamoto & Morey, 2019). Martin (2016) checked the influence of digital platforms on political participation by collecting data from 1200 participants. ...
... Previous scholarly studies indicated a positive and direct relationship between multiple communication channels and offline/online political participation (Anduiza, Cantijoch, & Gallego, 2009;Bachmann, Kaufhold, Lewis, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2010;Corrigall-Brown & Wilkes, 2014;Hao, Wen, & George, 2014;Mushtaq & Baig, 2015;Thorson, Swafford, & Kim, 2017;Wang, 2007;Zhang, 2012). The empirical literature on the O-S-R-O-R framework suggests that political discussion and internal political efficacy are potential mediating variables (Ardèvol-Abreu, Diehl, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2017;Cho et al., 2009;Chen, 2019;Jung, Kim, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2011;Li & Chan, 2017;Park, 2019). However, we have little understanding of the indirect effects of interpersonal and political trust within the framework of the O-S-R-O-R model. ...
... The idea behind the development of this model was to suggest a theoretical framework helpful in exploring the indirect effects of different political constructs. Researchers across the world have tested this model in different situations and political backgrounds (Ardèvol-Abreu et al., 2017;Chen, 2019;Jung et al., 2011;Park, 2019). Currently, this model is being tested in other domains of research such as health and environmental communication (Ikhlaq & Ans, 2021;Lu, 2021). ...
... Reviewing the literature suggests that news consumption has a great influence on political discussion (Ardèvol-Abreu et al., 2017;Kim et al., 1999;Shah et al., 2007;Yamamoto & Morey, 2019). Martin (2016) checked the influence of digital platforms on political participation by collecting data from 1200 participants. ...
Article
This paper examines the influence of lack of control, a diffuse attitude closely associated with emotions, on support for radical populist parties of the left and right. Lack of control is the perception of not having control over one's own life. Although this is not political per se, it is hypothesized that underlying emotions and associated feelings shape political preferences. We argue that as populist parties offer a clear distinction between in – and out-group and promise order, less complexity, as well as economic protection for ordinary people, they have a greater appeal to such citizens. In doing so, the paper tests three hypotheses. The findings of two cross-country analyses carried out with data of the European Values Study 2017 lend empirical support for the theoretical arguments made. The two pooled analyses of 12 radical right populist parties and six radical left populist parties yield that lack of control increases support for radical populist parties of both the left and the right. An examination of interaction effects suggests that sensing a lack of control tends to have a reinforcing effect on voters with nativist attitudes in support of RRPP.
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In recent years, there has been an increased academic interest revolving around the beneficial or pernicious effects of ideological extremity and (uncivil) political discussion over democracy. For instance, citizens’ ideological predispositions and higher levels of political discussion have been linked with a more active and vibrant political life. In fact, ideological extremity and uncivil discussion foster institutionalized political engagement. However, less explored in the literature remains whether such polarization and uncivil discussions may be related to unlawful political behavior such as illegal protest. This study contends that one of the main drivers of illegal protest behavior lies in online uncivil political discussion, specifically through the normalization and activation of further incivility. We tested this through a two-wave panel data drawn from a diverse US sample and cross-sectional, lagged, and autoregressive regression models. Mediation analysis was also conducted to test whether uncivil online discussion mediated the relationship between frequency of online political discussion and illegal protest engagement. Overall, we found that illegal protest was particularly associated with online uncivil discussion, while ideological extremity and other forms of online and offline discussions seemed to have no effect on unlawful protest over time.
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The configuration of protests as hybrid media events not only enables them to reach wider audiences but also favors the transformation of those audiences into active publics. In this increasingly common scenario, our study proposes a set of indicators to scrutinize how the public reacts during such hybrid media events, and to test such reactions in light of the mass protests that took place in Spain to mark the 2019 International Women’s Day (IWD). We analyze a nationally representative survey sample collected through daily tracking over 20 days before and after the 2019 IWD. Findings confirm the ability of hybrid media protests to broaden their audience, generate interest, spark conversations on gender inequality, and contribute to opinion conformation. They also reveal that some of these reactions were conditioned by prior exposure to similar events and by gender. Our study contributes to a recent line of research testing the influence of protests on the public and shows the possibilities of using rolling cross-sectional designs to capture those effects. The study also contributes to the discussion on the political significance of these mass protests as hybrid media events.
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Twitter as a platform is used for news dissemination, with high volumes of campaigning and populism. This situation coincides with the growth of audiences who embrace social media as their primary news source. In general, effects like the deterioration of political education, misinformation, or ideological segregation then arguably represent a tremendous risk for democratic societies. We analyze a comprehensive data set of the German-speaking Twitter community – a concise, well-defined Twitter population – to understand the extent and form of consumption of controversial news. Our results affirm a high interest of German Twitter users in daily news and corresponding discussions. In-depth studies on the behavior, including tweeting- and grouping patterns, revealed the emergence of a new, more self-assured form of echo chambers.
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Scholars have long argued that incidental news exposure (INE) is a potentially valuable way citizens gain political information and learn about current affairs. Yet growing scholarship on news avoidance suggests many people still manage to consume little news, and algorithmic curation may decrease the likelihood that they will be exposed to it incidentally. In this article, we put the literatures on INE, news avoidance, and political talk into dialogue with one another. Then, by inductively analyzing over a hundred in-depth interviews conducted from 2016 to 2020 with news avoiders in the UK, Spain, and the United States, we explore how they encounter news incidentally and to what extent they feel the news is accessible and available to them. Our audience-centric approach highlights that interviewees often did not make a clear distinction between direct encounters with professional news (“firsthand news”) and discussions of news (“secondhand news”), especially online. When they did make a distinction, the latter was often more salient for them. We also find that just as news consumers have repertoires of news sources on which they habitually rely, news avoiders have repertoires of sources for incidental exposure to news to stay informed about major events and anything that might affect them directly. And yet, those repertoires catch only the biggest and most sensational stories of the day and do little to help them contextualize or understand the news they encounter, contributing to their sense that news is neither entirely absent nor ambient in the way scholars have theorized.
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As eleições presidenciais portuguesas de 2021 foram palco de fenómenos políticos inéditos. A pandemia e a campanha antissistema de um dos candidatos motivaram comportamentos incomuns. O debate radicalizou-se e aprofundou-se a conflitualidade entre candidatos/as e entre estes/estas, o Governo e o Presidente da República (PR). Tendo como quadro teórico diversas perspetivas da Democracia e do Populismo, exploram-se indicadores de populismo na cobertura jornalística televisiva da campanha eleitoral. O estudo permitiu identificar elementos de comunicação política que oscilam entre o registo populista e o popular. Verificou-se que a comunicação política populista encontrou a sua expressão máxima nos discursos do candidato apoiado pelo partido de extrema-direita. Os/as outros/as candidatos/as, embora com matizes, incorporam elementos discursivos nas suas campanhas que deslizam entre o populista e o popular.
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This study examines the idea that youth’s perceptions of their political interactions with important others are influenced by their own political interest to a greater extent than the perceived political interactions that influence youth’s political interest. Hence, it was proposed that youth’s perceptions of important others’ (parents’, teachers’, friends’) political views, political interest, political influence, and support, as well as of being susceptible to others’ political communication, are all affected by their own political interest. Community samples of 908 13-year-olds and 869 16-year-olds were followed over 1 year. Latent change models supported the idea that youth’s political interest significantly affected their perceptions of important others’ political views, influence, and support over time in both cohorts. In 11 out of 12 longitudinal analyses, youth’s political interest strongly affected perceptions of their political interactions with others, but none of the 12 analyses showed that the perceptions of political interactions with others strongly predicted a change in youth’s political interest. These results suggest that the political interest of young people is an input in their political development, making politically interested youth active agents in their political interactions with their important others.
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In pursuit of a healthier and participatory democracy, scholars have long established the positive effects of social capital, values derived from resources embedded in social ties with others which characterize the structure of opportunity and action in communities. Today, social media afford members of digital communities the ability to relate in new ways. In these contexts, the question that arises is whether new forms of social capital associated with the use of social media are a mere extension of traditional social capital or if they are in fact a different construct with a unique and distinct palette of attributes and effects. This study introduces social media social capital as a new conceptual and empirical construct to complement face-to-face social capital. Based on a two-wave panel data set collected in the United States, this study tests whether social capital in social media and offline settings are indeed two distinct empirical constructs. Then, the article examines how these two modes of social capital may relate to different types of citizenship online and offline. Results show that social media social capital is empirically distinct from face-to-face social capital. In addition, the two constructs exhibit different patterns of effects over online and offline political participatory behaviors. Results are discussed in light of theoretical developments in the area of social capital and pro-democratic political engagement.
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Scholarship on informal discussion of politics and current events has mainly focused on its cognitive, attitudinal, and behavioral effects. In comparison, fewer studies have addressed the antecedents of political talk. Using 2-wave U.S. panel survey data, this study sheds light over 2 sets of motivations people may have for engaging in political conversation: civic-oriented and social-oriented goals; and their effects over civic participation. Using structural equation modeling, results suggest that both civic and social motivations are positive predictors of frequency of political discussion, and indirectly associated with civic engagement. From a theoretical perspective, these findings cast political talk as a more complex phenomenon than what deliberative theory suggests, and point to social motivations as an additional path to civic life.
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What is the relationship between new information and communication technologies (ICTs) and the study of global political communication? This article reflects briefly on four important aspects of this complex question. We begin at the most concrete level, outlining several prominent empirical opportunities and challenges created by a globally interconnected digital communication network. Next, we examine how new ICTs matter, exploring the mechanisms through which diverse contemporary technologies alter the dynamics of political communication. Third, we consider what the changing landscape of mediated communication means for political communication theory. There is tension between the opportunity to advance existing theory and the need for radical new theorizing, and we argue that both approaches are relevant. We conclude by mapping out important research opportunities located at the intersection of new ICTs and political communication. 1 This paper is based on presentations given at the Transnational Connections conference held March 24– 25, 2010, in Segovia, Spain. Thanks to Chip Eveland, Erik Nisbet and the anonymous reviewers for helpful suggestions, to other conference participants for their thoughtful questions and observations, and to Magdalena Wojcieszak and IE University for organizing and hosting the conference.
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The new high-choice media environment has allowed entertainment-oriented people to avoid political news, resulting in a wider gap in political knowledge between entertainment- and news-oriented citizens. On the Internet, however, users tend to be concentrated into a handful of portal sites that offer a mixed information environment in which both news and entertainment are readily available. The simultaneous presentation of news and entertainment headlines on portal sites exposes entertainment-oriented people to the news, which may in turn narrow the knowledge gap between them and news-oriented people. To test this hypothesis, we examined the effects of exposure to major portal sites in Japan, where Yahoo! JAPAN attracts a large majority of Internet users. Two studies using self-reported exposure to portal sites (n = 838) and web browsing histories (n = 1,000) demonstrated that even entertainment-oriented people can acquire political knowledge, and thus portal sites can serve as knowledge levelers.
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A practical introduction to using Mplus for the analysis of multivariate data, this volume provides step-by-step guidance, complete with real data examples, numerous screen shots, and output excerpts. The author shows how to prepare a data set for import in Mplus using SPSS. He explains how to specify different types of models in Mplus syntax and address typical caveats—for example, assessing measurement invariance in longitudinal SEMs. Coverage includes path and factor analytic models as well as mediational, longitudinal, multilevel, and latent class models. Specific programming tips and solution strategies are presented in boxes in each chapter. The companion website (www.guilford.com/geiser-materials) features data sets, annotated syntax files, and output for all of the examples. Of special utility to instructors and students, many of the examples can be run with the free demo version of Mplus. This title is part of the Methodology in the Social Sciences Series, edited by Todd D. Little, PhD.
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A classical question in political sociology is whether unemployment depresses political involvement. However, we still know very little about how individual and contextual factors influence the involvement of unemployed citizens. We therefore provide a framework to study variation across countries as well as among the unemployed. Borrowing mechanisms from psychological unemployment research, we develop a set of hypotheses about individual and contextual moderators that mitigate or exacerbate the negative effect of unemployment on political involvement. Our empirical analyses are based on the European Social Survey and use internal political efficacy as a dependent variable. Multi-level models with interaction effects show that the negative effect of unemployment on political efficacy is stronger in countries with low welfare state generosity, low levels of economic development, high unemployment rates, and large income inequality. On the individual level, the negative effect is stronger for men, middle-to-high-income earners, and political independents. The effect of age is hump-shaped (stronger negative effect for the young and older citizens). An important implication of our results is that public policies can foster the political integration of vulnerable citizens and therefore make a contribution to the functioning of democracy.
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Social Capital is created through the patterns of interdependence and social interaction that occur within a population, and we attempt to understand the participatory consequences of these patterns relative to the effects of human capital and organizational involvement. The production of social capital in personal networks was examined with the use of social network and participation data from the 1992 American study of the Cross National Election project. The results suggest that politically relevant social capital (that is, social capital that facilitates political engagement) is generated in personal networks, that ir is a by-product of the social interactions with a citizen's discussants, and that increasing levels of politically relevant social capital enhance the likelihood that a citizen will be engaged in politics. Further, the production of politically relevant social capital is a function of the political expertise within an individual's network of relations, the frequency of political interaction within the network, and the size or extensiveness of the network. These results are sustained even while taking account of a person's individual characteristics and organizational involvement. Hence, the consequences of social relations within networks are not readily explained away on the basis of either human capital effects ol the effects of organizational engagement.