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La Nueva Ola del Feminismo en México: Conciencia y Acción de Lucha de las Mujeres / A. Lau Jaiven.
Abstract
Historia de los grupos feministas que surgieron tras la apertura democrática: Mujeres en Acción Solidaria, Movimiento Nacional de Mujeres, Movimiento de Liberación de la Mujer, Colectivo La Revuelta, Colectivo de Mujeres, etc.
... Acevedo's article invited Mexicans to analyze and take consciousness of their social condition and creative potential beyond motherhood (ACEVEDO, 1970). This meeting and Acevedo's article were the catalysts for the emergence of second wave feminism in Mexico (LAU, 1987). ...
... A significant number of Mexican feminist activists were in disagreement with the objectives and organizational structure of the IWY celebration as well as Echeverría's reforms targeting women's equity and family planning. Paradoxically, these initiatives prompted the establishment of wider feminist coalitions (LAU, 1987 ;GUEVARA, 2002). By 1979, in the context of president López Portillo's political reforms that allowed the legalization of various left-leaning organizations Frente Nacional por la Liberación y Los Derechos de las Mujeres (FNALIDM, 1979), an alliance that united several feminist collectives with leftist political parties, elaborated a project on voluntary motherhood legislation that was presented to Congress by end of year (ZAPATA, 2007). ...
... 415-420). Mexican second wave feminisms were informed and in meaningful dialogue with international currents of feminisms particularly, but not exclusively, with United States and Italian women's movements (LAU, 1987 ;LAMAS, 2001). Taking into account how the practices of Fernández, Jiménez and Mayer were enunciated from, and responded to, their local context, I posit their interventions as part of a transnational network of female artists that sought political change through artistic expression. ...
As second wave feminisms emerged throughout the world, diverse collectives and consciousness-raising groups were established in Mexico City as early as 1971. These activities gave rise to various networks of female artists who explored and politicized conceptions of the female body, making inroads in photography, performance, film and conceptual art. In this paper, I discuss the network established by Ana Victoria Jiménez, Rosa Martha Fernández and Mónica Mayer, who produced collaborative films and performances. Using gender as category of analysis, I discuss how their practices destabilized the patriarchal structures that governed art institutions in the city and defined parameters of art- making while simultaneously disrupting hegemonic visual conventions.
... Among the characteristics that distinguished the Cárdenas and Echeverría administrations from others-and the aspect that made the comparison so apt for the UNMM leaders-was their attention to women's status and, by extension, to gendered representations and practices. Both Cárdenas and Echeverría encountered well-organized, mobilized women's movements based in Mexico City but with sizeable manifestations in other parts of the country, making them important targets for populist incorporation (Lau Jaiven 1987;Olcott 2005). Dominated by educated middle-class women with strong ties to the Communist Party and suspicions of Mexico's political establishment, both movements wove together concerns about political process and everyday practice. ...
... By the beginning of Echeverría's sexenio, women had voted in three presidential elections but remained at the margins of formal politics. As in the United States and elsewhere, the sexism that permeated New Left movements of the 1968 generation galvanized many women activists to mobilize through women-only organizations (Evans 1980;Lau Jaiven 1987). Much like their U.S. counterparts, Mexican second-wavers came predominantly from the university-educated middle class and participated in the student movements of the late 1960s and early 1970s (Lau Jaiven 1987, 82-83;Lamas 2002, 72). ...
... Para un análisis en profundidad de estos grupos ver(Jaiven, 1987). ...
Bajo el supuesto teórico de que la regulación del aborto en los países de tradición católica se da en la confluencia de fuertes movimientos feministas y gobiernos de izquierda, esta investigación analiza la transformación de las opiniones parlamentarias mexicanas en tanto representantes y tomadores de decisiones. Luego de revisar la trayectoria del aborto y las posiciones de las élites, un esquema de metodología mixta permite revisar la trayectoria y construir un modelo de regresión para medir el nivel de asociación entre las variables. Los hallazgos confirman la reticencia de los actores políticos hacia este tipo de demandas, lo que se ha traducido en un rol destacado de actores judiciales para dar respuestas a este tema. Palabras clave: políticas de moralidad, élite parlamentaria, aborto, movimientos feministas.
EN. Under the theoretical assumption that abortion regulation in catholic traditional' countries occurs at the confluence of strong feminist movements and leftist governments, this research analyzes the transformation of Mexican parliamentary opinions as representatives and decision makers. After reviewing the trajectory of abortion and the positions of the elites, a mixed methodology scheme allows us to review the trajectory and build a regression model to measure the level of association between the variables. The findings confirm the reluctance of political actors towards this type of demands which has translated into a prominent role for judicial actors to responds this issue.
... En México la metáfora de las dos grandes olas del feminismo cumplió también con resaltar la identificación que las activistas de los setenta sentían con luchadoras de la época posrevolucionarla, a las que consideraron sus predecesoras (Lau Jaiven, 1987). El olea¬ je se sigue utilizando hoy para dar identidad a nuevas generaciones activistas, que se nombran a sí mismas como parte de la cuarta ola, caracterizada por dar prioridad a la violencia de género y por la comunicación y organización a través de redes sociales digitales. ...
Este capítulo esboza una periodización para la historia del feminismo en México. Se proponen cinco etapas delimitadas por hitos o hechos significativos que, en conjunto, abarcan más de ciento treinta años, un largo periodo con diversas expresiones que es posible considerar feministas.
... This "new wave" of Mexican feminismand urban, middle-class movement dominated by intellectuals-had a cosmopolitan streak from the start, taking on its inchoate institutional formation in 1971 with the formation of Mujeres en Acción Solidaria (MAS) under the leadership of Marta Acevedo, a leader during the 1968 movement and witness to the Tlatelolco massacre (Lau Jaiven, 1987). Acevedo credited her own feminist awakening to her experiences with feminist consciousness-raising groups in Berkeley and San Francisco, California, in 1970 and, a few years later, with the writings from the Wages for Housework movement in Italy (Acevedo, 2000(Acevedo, , 1971Lau Jaiven, 2000: 14;Lamas, 2002: 72). ...
Although scholars and activists point to the 1975 International Women’s Year Conference as a pivotal moment in the development of transnational feminist networks, there has been less attention paid to the importance of its taking place in Mexico City. This article explores how the “new wave” of Mexican feminism in the early 1970s shaped policy priorities within Mexico as well as how the geopolitical context informed the range of possibilities open to feminist activists. As Mexican President Luis Echeverría pursued recognition on the international stage, he sought to align Mexicanpolicies with UN priorities around population control and women’s opportunities.
... In the private sector, several female reporters gained popularity as television personalities during the 1970s (González de Bustamante 2012, 200). Although Mexican television broadcasting was still a masculine field in the 1970s, women's participation in mass media radically increased during that decade; in the aftermath of the IWY conference, women in Mexico were not only accessing political posts across different political parties (Jaiven 1987), but also gaining leadership positions in various professional fields, including mass media. While Weiss never joined a feminist collective nor declared herself a feminist, as I will explain, she chose the production of televisual images as her medium to rewrite, retell, and displace normative representations of the female body and the legacies of colonial conceptions of race and class difference and to propose alternative uses of television broadcasting. ...
Aceves Sepúlveda explores the innovative works of a radical video artist and her utopian feminist-inspired agenda. The author considers Weiss’s unique approach to video as an articulation of a utopian impulse motivated by the desire to contest dominant class, gender, and racial hierarchies as experienced in the streets of Mexico. The essay examines how Weiss not only deconstructed the rigid binary between (male) subject and (female) object by showing how women take pleasure in looking and being looked at, but also believed in video technology’s capacity to create a “cosmic man,” that is, a new sensorial being that would destabilize notions deeply ingrained in Mexican culture. This chapter is a discussion of alterity, alternative media history, and utopian engagement through media.
This chapter proposes a chronological analysis model that seeks to add complexity to the history of feminisms in Mexico. Instead of automatically deriving periodisation schemes based on other contexts, such as the “waves” metaphor, crafted from and for American feminism, this text proposes to study the past of Mexican feminisms in its own terms. In addition, it seeks to establish a dialogue between the history of feminisms and the political, social and cultural history of Mexico, from a transnational perspective. Five periods marked by milestones that indicate transition thresholds are proposed: intellectual and professional emancipation (1887–1916), suffrage and egalitarian work (1916–1939), formal equality and diplomatic projection (1939–1971), women's personal and bodily autonomya (1971–1987), and, finally, institutionalisation and diversification (1987–2010s). It is suggested that, presently, we are probably at the beginning of a new period in the history of feminisms in Mexico.
El presente trabajo aborda el tránsito que realizaron distintas mujeres que participaron en distintas organizaciones católico progresistas de los años sesenta a conformar el Movimiento Amplio de Mujeres de Guanajuato, el cual tuvo una fuerte incidencia en el ámbito de la política durante la segunda mitad de la década de los noventa. Su objetivo es, por un lado, contribuir a la comprensión de la historia reciente de Guanajuato, particularmente, en relación a los distitos grupos católicos progresistas que construyeron espacios para la movilización formado organizaciones sociales que perduran hasta nuestros días. Por otra parte, pretende contribuir a la construcción de las mujeres como sujetos de la historia en la entidad, evidenciando uno de sus procesos en su construcción como sujetos sociales y políticos. Movilizaciones sociales en la posrevolución guanajuatense Tras la Revolución Mexicana, Guanajuato fue escenario de una intensa movilización social en defensa de las prácticas de culto de la religión católica, este proceso se vivió como una defensa de la fe frente a los embates de un gobierno revolucionario anticlerical que, desde su perspectiva, buscaba la descristianización de la sociedad 1. Un primer episodio sucedió en 1923, con la expulsión del delegado apostólico Ernesto Philippi tras su participación en la ceremonia de colocación de la primera piedra del monumento a Cristo Rey, en el Cerro del Cubilete, ubicado en Silao. El gobierno federal reprobó la tolerancia hacia las manifestaciones de culto religioso del entonces gobernador, Antonio Madrazo. 1 Torres, 2009: 90.
El empoderamiento político de las mujeres se visualiza como una alternativa para afrontar los déficits en la inclusión política de las mujeres y mejorar sus perspectivas de desarrollo, implica un proceso de cambio desde el nivel individual hasta la acción colectiva. Esta investigación tiene el objetivo de identificar las condiciones y mecanismos que potencian u obstaculizan el empoderamiento político de las mujeres a través del análisis de diversas iniciativas y procesos de empoderamiento político, que emergen tanto de la sociedad civil –con y sin financiamiento público– como aquellos impulsados por medio de políticas públicas –con énfasis en el uso del 3 % del presupuesto de los partidos políticos para el liderazgo político de las mujeres y las cuotas de género–, en Baja California y Ciudad de México, en el período de 2012-2018, utilizando una metodología mixta a través de entrevistas, calendarios de vida y observación participante a nivel subnacional, retomando las propuestas analíticas de las dimensiones de justicia en términos de distribución, reconocimiento y representación de Fraser (2008). Se identifica una esfera de participación política mixta (política asociativa y electoral) y tipos de participación diversos. Como factores y mecanismos potenciadores: Apoyo y / o influencia familiar; Experiencias formativas; Toma de conciencia de género; Redes y recursos propios; Agentes externos; y Alianzas estratégicas. Principales obstáculos: Impacto personal y la decisión de participar; Limitaciones socioeconómicas; Cultura política y estructura heteropatriarcal; Estereotipos, discriminación y desigualdad; Conciliación vida personal / familiar, trabajo doméstico y de cuidados; Dificultad para acción colectiva de mujeres; Inseguridad y violencia de género.
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