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Strategic Essentialism

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Abstract

Strategic essentialism is a strategy by which differences (within a group) are temporarily downplayed and unity assumed for the sake of achieving political goals. In political practice, its usage in opposing and fighting against gender oppression, is recommended, be it for judicial or social rights; but so is opposing and fighting against theories and discourses that imprison groups within unifying categories, which necessarily must be narrowing.
Strategic Essentialism
ELISABETH EIDE
Oslo and Akershus University College, Norway
In postcolonial and feminist studies strate-
gicessentialism”haslongbeenadisputed
concept in connection with both feminism
and minority representation. e same holds
for essentialism; or as Fuss (1990) claims, we
need to speak about “essentialisms.” At some
occasions,GayatriSpivak,whoissaidtohave
introduced the phrase (Spivak 1988, 1996),
has been regarded as being representative
of “ird World Women,” as if this was an
easily apprehensible category, or as if billions
of women share an essence of sorts. is
way of grouping together people from vast
areas with a diversity of experiences, still
oen occurs in public sphere representations.
Modern history, not least with its patriarchal
and colonialist discourses, is full of related
examples.
Essentialism is the assumption that groups,
categories, or classes of objects have one
or several dening features exclusive to all
membersofthatcategory(Ashcro,Grif-
ths, and Tin 1998). Essentialist studies
of race or gender have promoted binaries
of superiority or inferiority, of the colonial
subject or women as inferior, and such dis-
courses were vital for the perseverance of
patriarchal and colonial hegemony. is
hegemonypracticedoppressionbyassigning
theroleofsubaltern to its subjects, whose
identity became their dierence. Essentialism
simplies and reduces human identity, which
is more justly seen as multifaceted (see, for
example, Maalouf 2000). Assuming a certain
“nature” of one group of human beings, be
it through ethnication, culturalization, or
sexism, is strongly related to essentialism.
e Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Gender and Sexuality Studies, First Edition. Edited by Nancy A. Naples.
© 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2016 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
DOI: 10.1002/9781118663219.wbegss554
Categorization of women in general as
Simone de Beauvoir has also eloquently docu-
mented as the “second sex” entails granting
more diversity to the “rst sex” while at
least to a degree depriving the members of
the other” sex of their individualities and
abilities to transcend their assigned places in
society, and she recommends radical strate-
gies for overcoming this otherness. On the
other hand, throughout history, women’s
organizations have at times emphasized a
female essence, such as, for example, nur-
turing and caring abilities while demanding
parental leave or specic work protection,
in their struggle for human rights and rep-
resentation. us, a struggle for equal rights
and to escape the other” position, may at
times conict with demands for special rights
for women in need. In addition, minorities
within the “women” category (lesbians, trans-
sexuals, ethnic and religious minorities) may
feel estranged by majority discourses and
priorities.
Gayatri Spivak discusses the experiences of
the Subaltern Studies Group, whose aim it is
to rewrite the history of India with a perspec-
tive from below (subaltern), deconstructing
the imperial version. She reads their work as
“a strategic use of positivist essentialism in a
scrupulously visible political interest (Spivak
1996, 214). She compares the application
of strategic essentialism to deconstruction,
arguing that although she uses deconstruc-
tion, it does not make her a deconstructivist.
A reasonable interpretation is that strategic
here can be read as pragmatic,sinceSpivak
sees this essentialism as having little to do
with theory, it rather denes a certain politi-
cal practice: “I think we have to choose again
strategically, not universal discourse, but
essentialist discourse In fact I must say I
am an essentialist from time to time” (Grosz
2STRATEGIC ESSENTIALISM
1984). An illustrative example is that we
may imagine ghting for more visibility for
women artists in concrete cultural-political
situations, but simultaneously be ercely
opposed to notions such as “women litera-
ture,” girl bands,” and so on. ese examples
clearly demonstrate the dilemmas inherent
in promoting certain group rights, although
oen justied and necessary.
Spivak, while stating that she is at times
an essentialist, warns against the application
of the concept, as other theorists also do,
since strategic essentialism may encourage
the survival of frozen identities and deepen
dierences. In the same interview with Grosz,
Spivak urges the “need to take a stand against
the discourses of essentialism but strategi-
cally we cannot. Even as we talk about feminist
practice, or privileging practice over theory,
we are universalizing not only generalizing
but universalizing.” She recommends being
“vigilant about our own practice and use it as
muchaswecanratherthanmakethetotally
counterproductive gesture of repudiating it”
(Grosz 1984).
Strategic essentialism may thus be seen as a
political strategy whereby dierences (within
a group) are temporarily downplayed and
unityassumedforthesakeofachievingpolit-
ical goals. In political practice, its usage in
opposing and ghting against gender oppres-
sion is recommended, be it for judicial or
social rights; but so is opposing and ghting
against theories and discourses that imprison
groups within unifying categories, which
are by necessity narrowing. Strategic essen-
tialism may help bringing down oppressive
structures and diminish suering, but should
not be allowed to aect world views and
encourage reductive views against the human
dignity. us “the ideal that we may have
to ‘take the risk of essence’ in order to have
any political purchase remains an impor-
tant theme in feminist theory and politics”
(Phillips 2010). On the other hand strategic
essentialism is theoretically unviable.
Essentialism may be used to subjugate or
liberate, but strategic essentialism ought to be
seen as a temporary political strategy and not
as a universalizing theory or as a universal
way of conducting political struggle.
SEE ALSO: Essentialism; Feminism,
Postcolonial; Gender Analysis
REFERENCES
Ashcro,Bill,GarethGriths,andHelenTif-
n. 1998. Key Concepts in Post-Colonial Studies.
London: Routledge.
Fuss, Diana. 1990. Essentially Speaking: Feminism,
Nature & Dierence. London: Routledge.
Grosz, Elizabeth. 1984. “Criticism, Feminism and
e Institution” [intervie w with Gayatri Spivak].
esis Eleven, 10(11): 184.
Maalouf, Amin. 2000. On Identity. London: Harvill
Press.
Phillips, Anne. 2010. “What’s Wrong with Essen-
tialism?” Distinktion: Scandinavian Journal of
Social eory, 11(1): 47–60.
Spivak, Gayatri. 1988. “Can the Subaltern Speak?”
In Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture,
edited by Larry Grossberg and Cary Nelson,
66111. Houndmills: Macmillan.
Spivak, Gayatri. 1996. Subaltern Studies: Decon-
structing Historiography?” In e Spivak
Reader,editedbyDonnaLandryandGerald
MacLean, 203– 237. London: Routledge.
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“Criticism, Feminism and The Institution” [interview with Gayatri Spivak]
  • Grosz Elizabeth
In Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture
  • Gayatri Spivak
Spivak, Gayatri. 1988. "Can the Subaltern Speak?" In Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, edited by Larry Grossberg and Cary Nelson, 66-111. Houndmills: Macmillan.
Criticism, Feminism and The Institution
  • Elizabeth Grosz
Grosz, Elizabeth. 1984. "Criticism, Feminism and The Institution" [interview with Gayatri Spivak].