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Von der offenen zur geschlossenen Gesellschaft Die AfD und die Renaissance des deutschen Opfermythos im rechten Diskurs: Antisemitismus, völkischer Nationalismus und Geschlechterbilder
... Während ausgewählte Vorfälle von primärem und sekundärem Antisemitismus sowie die allgemeinen geschichtsrevisionistischen Ambitionen und Äußerungen der AfD bereits Gegenstand wissenschaftlicher Abhandlungen waren (Salzborn 2016;Pfahl-Traughber 2016;Salzborn 2017;Grimm, Kahmann 2017;Salzborn 2018;Schmalenberger 2021), fehlt eine systematische Analyse der weniger direkten, impliziten Art und Weise, auf die die AfD eine antisemitische Weltanschauung propagiert. Wir argumentieren, dass soziale Medien der primäre Raum sind, in dem die AfD Formen des Antisemitismus verbreitet, die indirekt und daher schwerer zu identifizieren, aber auch allgegenwärtig und daher nicht weniger gefährlich sind. ...
Das gefährliche antisemitische Potenzial der AfD liegt nicht nur in den skandalösen, explizit revisionistischen und antisemitischen Äußerungen von AfD-Funktionären, sondern in der Fähigkeit der AfD, soziale Medien strategisch zu nutzen, um ein alternatives erinnerungskulturelles Umfeld zu kultivieren, das den Nährboden für eine antisemitische Weltanschauung schafft. Unsere explorative Untersuchung der Kommentare unter einem Facebook-Post der AfD legt nahe, dass tertiärer Antisemitismus tatsächlich von anderen Facebook-Nutzer*innen verstanden und zur Reproduktion von primärem und sekundärem Antisemitismus anregt.
... While selected incidents of primary and secondary antisemitism and the general historical revisionist ambitions and statements of the Af D have thus been the subject of academic elaborations (Salzborn, 2016;Pfahl-Traughber, 2016;Salzborn, 2017;Grimm and Kahmann, 2017;Salzborn, 2018;Schmalenberger, 2021, forthcoming), a systematic analysis of less direct, implicit ways in which the Af D promotes an antisemitic worldview is missing. We argue that social media is the primary space where the Af D disseminates forms of antisemitism that are more indirect and thus harder to identify, yet also rather pervasive and thus not less dangerous. ...
This chapter analyzes social media posts of Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) on the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the end of World War II in Europe on May 8, 2020. With the help of the mixed-methods software MaxQDA we developed a code system that identifies antisemitic cues. As a result of our analysis, we formulate a definition of tertiary antisemitism to extend the established concepts of primary and secondary antisemitism. In our research we find that the AfD uses social media strategically to communicate a revisionist interpretation of World War II and the Holocaust by employing antisemitic cues, rather than explicit expressions of antisemitism. Further we identify four rhetorical strategies present in the AfD’s social media communication that normalize, mainstream, and vindicate antisemitism.
... Gauland counters this imagined reproach of collective guilt by interpreting the Wehrmacht as the collective innocent when he expresses that Germans have the right to be proud of the achievements of the soldiers of both World Wars. 94 Despite the fact that Germany lost both wars, he also disregards the Wehrmacht's involvement in war crimes and the Holocaust. Furthermore, aware that being proud of Wehrmacht soldiers is a breach of the German collective memory of National Socialism and the Holocaust, he states that the AfD is not afraid of expressing such pride. ...
The Alternative für Deutschland’s (AfD) entry into the German Bundestag in September 2017 represented a shift in post-1945 German political tradition and the social acceptance of a party from the far right. During the election campaign, the AfD relied heavily on the social media mostly using Facebook to spread its agenda. This research on the AfD’s attitude toward National Socialism, the Holocaust and antisemitism on Facebook shows that the party utilizes antisemitic stereotypes to defame political opponents and that further, the AfD instrumentalizes events from the Third Reich to elevate perceived positive aspects and strives to rehabilitate certain facets of National Socialism. The article first shows how the AfD uses Facebook to spread its unfiltered political views. Then, three case studies posted by the AfD will be analyzed. Additionally, the comments under the Facebook posts are taken into account to show how their followers perceive antisemitic posts made by AfD officials.
... Others consider the AfD as the parliamentary branch of a broader 'nativist and racial nationalist movement' in Germany (Virchow 2017;Gebhardt 2018). In the same vein, Salzborn (2017) postulated what is key in political messages put forward by the AfD: Germany portrayed as a victim of foreign invasion, and in need of a 'reawakening'. These accounts speak to changes the party went through following its takeover by Frauke Petry in 2015. ...
Risks associated with the far-right are nowhere more apparent than in Germany, with its 20th century history – and although far-right actors have been present since the birth of the Federal Republic of Germany, threats originating from it have become especially pronounced more recently. On the one hand, while neo-Nazis have long played a violent role, the neo-Nazi terrorism by the Nationalsozialistischer Untergrund (National Socialist Underground) has most obviously illustrated the risks such groups pose for immigrants and citizens of ‘foreign origin’ (Quendt 2016). On the other hand, the rise of the populist far-right party Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany or AfD) gives voice to far-right attitudes at the centre of German politics, the parliaments. Founded in 2013 in response to the so-called Euro-crisis and Germany’s involvement in ‘bailing out’ Greece, the party evolved through various stages (see below), increasingly campaigning on a nativist ticket, and entered the German federal parliament in 2017.
In den letzten Jahrzehnten hat die sogenannte »neue« Rechte in Deutschland sowie in Europa und Amerika an Sichtbarkeit und Einfluss in Politik, Gesellschaft und Öffentlichkeit gewonnen. Diese Entwicklung ist eng mit dem Aufstieg des Rechtspopulismus und der Mobilisierung rechtsextremer Bewegungen verbunden. Die Beiträger*innen analysieren aus soziologischen, politik- und geschichtswissenschaftlichen sowie sozialpsychologischen Perspektiven die jüngsten Entwicklungen im Feld der »neuen« Rechten. Dazu nehmen sie sowohl globale Dynamiken als auch die Situation in lokalen Hotspots in Sachsen in den Blick und bieten so eine umfassende Zusammenschau neurechter Politiken über Ländergrenzen hinweg.
Antisemitism on Social Media is a book for all who want to understand this phenomenon. Researchers interested in the matter will find innovative methodologies (CrowdTangle or Voyant Tools mixed with discourse analysis) and new concepts (tertiary antisemitism, antisemitic escalation) that should become standard in research on antisemitism on social media. It is also an invitation to students and up-and-coming and established scholars to study this phenomenon further.
This interdisciplinary volume addresses how social media with its technology and business model has revolutionized the dissemination of antisemitism and how this impacts not only victims of antisemitic hate speech but also society at large. The book gives insight into case studies on different platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, TikTok, YouTube, and Telegram. It also demonstrates how social media is weaponized through the dissemination of antisemitic content by political actors from the right, the left, and the extreme fringe, and critically assesses existing counter-strategies. People working for social media companies, policy makers, practitioners, and journalists will benefit from the questions raised, the findings, and the recommendations. Educators who teach courses on antisemitism, hate speech, extremism, conspiracies, and Holocaust denial but also those who teach future leaders in computer technology will find this volume an important resource.
Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird eine Untersuchung zum Sprechen über Antisemitismus, Judentum und Israel in Äußerungen von AfD-Abgeordneten anlässlich des Holocaustgedenktages 2020 vorgestellt. Als Datengrundlage dienen 276.100 Tweets, die von 243 Abgeordneten veröffentlicht wurden.
Mit der Methode des Text-Minings lässt sich verdeutlichen, dass die
„Juden in der AfD“ bei den untersuchten Themen für die meisten Inhalte verantwortlich sind und somit eine besondere Funktion für die Partei erfüllen. Der inhaltliche Fokus liegt dabei stets auf Warnungen vor einem vermeintlich neuen muslimischen Antisemitismus. Darüber
hinaus zeugen die Tweets am Holocaustgedenktag von einer inhaltsleeren, abstrakten Form der Erinnerung, in der weder die Opfer noch die Täter*innen oder gesellschaftliche Strukturen, die zum Holocaust führten, benannt werden.
Schlagwörter:
Antisemitismus, AfD, Text-Mining, Holocaustgedenktag, antimuslimischer Rassismus
This book provides a comprehensive analysis of radical right populism in Germany. It gives an overview of historical developments of the phenomenon and its current appearance. It examines three of the main far-right organizations in Germany: the radical right populist party AfD (Alternative for Germany), Pegida (Patriotic Europeans against the Islamification of the Occident), and the Identitarian Movement. The book investigates the positions of these groups as expressed in programmes, publications, and statements of party leaders and movement activists. It explores their history, ideologies, strategies, and their main activists and representatives, as well as the overlap between the groups. The ideological positions examined include populism, nativism, authoritarianism, volkish nationalism, ethnopluralism, xenophobia, Islamophobia, antisemitism, antifeminism, and Euroscepticism. The analysis shows that these ideological features are sometimes strategically interlinked for effect and used to justify specific political demands such as the stronger regulation of immigration and the exclusion of Muslims. This much-needed volume will be of particular interest to students and researchers of German politics, populism, social movements, party politics, and right-wing extremism.
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