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Abstract

The Italian language is characterized by an extremely strong phonetic and phonological variation that differentiates the language across space, communicative situations, social groups and socio-economic classes, and means of communication (Berruto 2010, 2012). In this chapter, we consider the phonetic and phonological variation at the intonational and prosodic level as it is found in the varieties of Italian, that is, in the official language of Italy as spoken by speakers with different regional accents. In particular, we focus on varieties of Italian spoken in most of the areas identified in previous dialectological studies. One of the possible cartographic representations of the distribution and differentiation of the dialetti spoken in Italy is shown in Fig. 5.1. As the map shows, a usual distinction is made between the Romance dialetti spoken northern than the line connecting La Spezia and Rimini (Walter von Wartburg (1936 [1950]) that reflects a bundle if isoglosses differentiating northern and central dialects. Dialetti northern of such a line, for instance, show the shortening of Latin long consonants and the lenition or deletion of Latin singletons (e.g., respectively, [kaˈval(o)] vs [kaˈvallo] cavallo 'horse' and [kaˈvɛj] vs. [kaˈpelli] capelli 'hair') and dialetti spoken southern than the line connecting Rome and Ancona (Rohlfs 1937 and 1967), show, for instance, the preservation of Latin long consonants and the progressive assimilation in –nd- and –mb- clusters (e.g. rom. [ˈgamma] vs [ˈgamba] gamba 'leg'). In the northern area, an eastern and western part can be identified, on the basis, for instance, of the presence/absence of rounded vowels (Ascoli (1980); piem. [ˈfœ] vs. ven. [ˈfogo] fuoco 'fire'). In the central area, Tuscany is distinguished from the other central dialetti, which are identified as median along the classification due to Pellegrini (1977). Tuscany is characterized by the presence of a lenition process know as Gorgia that consists in the spirantization of intervocalic unvoiced plosive consonants (e.g., [ˈdiho] vs. [ˈdiko] dico 'I say'), and by the absence of rounded vowels as in the other central and southern dialetti (e.g., tos. [ˈfɔho] vs. piem. [ˈfœ] fuoco 'fire'). On the other hand, the area immediately southern than the Roma-Ancona line is characterized by the presence of a schwa vowel in unstressed position, especially word finally before pauses (e.g., [na ˈbːεlla ˈfemːənə] vs. [na ˈfemːəna ˈbːεllə] una bella donna 'a beautiful woman' in Abruzzese) and by the /s/ affrication, often with voicing too, after liquid consonants (e.g., [ˈborʦa] and ˈborʣa]; the affrication is also found in some areas of Tuscany). Moving further south, the dialetti spoken in the extreme southern areas are separated from the others (Bertoni 1916). They mainly show a five vowel system, with the three extreme vowels used in unstressed position, and retroflex or cacuminal consonants (e.g., [kaˈvaɖɖu] vs. [kaˈvallo] cavallo 'horse') . Finally, other areas that are distinguished in the map, in line with Pellegrini's (1977) proposal, are those in which Franco-Provençal, Sardinian, Ladin and Friulian are spoken, although the latter group was not considered as peculiar to Italy by other linguists (such as Ascoli 1880), to the extent of being considered different languages.
... L'analisi dettagliata delle proprietà sintattiche e interpretative del focus nelle domande eco verrà affrontata in un altro lavoro (Badan, Crocco, in stampa). Lo scopo di questo articolo è quello di presentare un confronto tra le principali caratteristiche prosodiche della domanda parziale neutra e di quelle della domanda eco in un quadro autosegmentale-metrico (Ladd, 2008(Ladd, [1996; per l'italiano: Avesani, 1995;Grice, D'Imperio, Savino & Avesani, 2005;Bocci, 2013;Gili Fivela, Avesani, Barone, Bocci, Crocco, D'Imperio, Giordano, Marotta, Savino & Sorianello, 2015). In particolare, l'analisi presentata in questo lavoro riguarda le caratteristiche intonative in un campione di domande introdotte da dove, lette da parlanti veneti dell'area di Este (Padova). ...
... Questo studio intende quindi contribu-ire allo studio della prosodia dell'italiano fornendo dati per la descrizione di questo tipo di interrogativa. Per quanto riguarda la domanda wh-neutra, gli studi autosegmentali sull'italiano (ad es., Marotta, Sorianello, 1999;Marotta, 2002;Bocci, 2013;Gili Fivela et al., 2015) hanno messo in luce alcune proprietà notevoli riguardo all'assegnazione della prominenza principale dell'enunciato. Come osservato da Marotta (2002, sull'italiano di Siena) le due classi di elementi wh-individuati da Rizzi presentano anche specifiche caratteristiche prosodiche. ...
... Per elicitare il materiale è stato utilizzato un compito di lettura elaborato sulla base dell'inchiesta usata per l'italiano per l'Interactive Atlas of Romance Intonation (IARI; Frota, Prieto, 2015;Gili Fivela et al., 2015). Il compito prevede che il parlante legga una frase target, che viene presentata in un contesto opportunamente t pensato per elicitare l'intonazione desiderata. ...
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In this paper we explore the prosody of regular and echo wh- questions in Este Italian. We analyzed 40 regular and 40 echo wh- questions introduced by dove, collected by means of a Discourse completion task and produced by 4 native speakers. Regular questions are phrased in two φ separated by a L-. The first phrase has an H+L* L- tune with the pitch accent (PA) associated to the verb. The second phrase can be realized with different tunes. Regular wh- questions in Este Italian share several features with their counterparts in other Italian varieties. Echo questions are also phrased in two φ. The tune of the first phrase is L+¡H* H- with the PA associated to the wh-. The tune of the second phrase is L*+H H-H%. Echo questions are characterized by an expanded pitch range.
... Ces caractéristiques restent en partie valables pour l'italien. Dans cette langue, les mots sous focalisation étroite sont produits aussi avec une variation du contour mélodique final et d'un allongement temporel (Gili Fivela et al. 2015). À la différence du français, toutefois, l'italien dispose d'un accent lexical dont le placement n'est pas lié au regroupement prosodique/intonatif (Bertinetto, 1981, Kramer 2009 parmi d'autres) mais plutôt lié à des contraintes phonologiques et lexicales. ...
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Marking information structure in L2 speech is often challenging for learners: information structure interacts with prosody, syntax and discourse in a complex way. Additionally, linguistic means used to encode information structure are often language-specific. We analyse the strategies used in the expression of narrow focus in the elicited speech of native speakers (French and Italian) and non-native speakers (Italian learners of French L2). We examine (i) to what extent L2 learners use structures that are similar to those observed in the target language and (ii) how L1 may influence their productions. Our results show that native speakers of French and Italian produce similar prosodic and syntactic patterns to express two different types of narrow focus. Learners seem to produce canonical syntactic structures in L2 French. Yet, they produce prosodic patterns that differ from both the target language and their L1. These results suggest that the acquisition of prosody and syntax may develop in different ways for the encoding of narrow focus in L2 French.
... A própria definição de 'entoação brasileira', utilizada nos primeiros estudos dentro e fora do Brasil, embora apresente algumas tendências comuns, a depender do tipo de frase, não é uma expressão adequada ao nível de análise variacionista atual. Gili-Fivela et al. (2015) mostram como a realidade de um território relativamente pequeno como a Itália, com uma língua segmental comum (porém heranças linguísticas muito diferenciadas) apresenta a beleza de 7 contornos entoacionais possíveis para as perguntas polares neutras em apenas 13 variedades locais analisadas para este tipo frasal. ...
... A própria definição de 'entoação brasileira', utilizada nos primeiros estudos dentro e fora do Brasil, embora apresente algumas tendências comuns, a depender do tipo de frase, não é uma expressão adequada ao nível de análise variacionista atual. Gili-Fivela et al. (2015) mostram como a realidade de um território relativamente pequeno como a Itália, com uma língua segmental comum (porém heranças linguísticas muito diferenciadas) apresenta a beleza de 7 contornos entoacionais possíveis para as perguntas polares neutras em apenas 13 variedades locais analisadas para este tipo frasal. ...
... A própria definição de 'entoação brasileira', utilizada nos primeiros estudos dentro e fora do Brasil, embora apresente algumas tendências comuns, a depender do tipo de frase, não é uma expressão adequada ao nível de análise variacionista atual. Gili-Fivela et al. (2015) mostram como a realidade de um território relativamente pequeno como a Itália, com uma língua segmental comum (porém heranças linguísticas muito diferenciadas) apresenta a beleza de 7 contornos entoacionais possíveis para às perguntas polares neutras em apenas 13 variedades locais analisadas para este tipo frasal. ...
... In accordance with Hart and collaborators (Hart, Collier, & Cohen, 2006), we decided to measure it in semitones using the formula: [1.2/log(2)] Ã [log(highest f0/lowest f0)]. Final pitch profile: we perceptually judged the final pitch profile of the utterance as follows: (1) Rising, when the pitch clearly rises in correspondence to the final part of the utterance, as usually observed in Italian for questions and suspended sentences; (2) Falling, when the pitch clearly fell in correspondence to the final part of the utterance, as usually observed in Italian for declarative sentences (for a detailed description of the boundary tones normally used in the different varieties of Italian see Gili Fivela et al., 2015); (3) Level, when the pitch did not clearly fall neither rise in correspondence to the final part of the utterance (Lepschy, 1978). Considering the great variability inter-and intra-groups in the total number of utterances analysed, we calculated the percentage of rising, falling and level final pitch profile for each participant, dividing the total number of each category by the total number of analysed utterances. ...
Article
Purpose Children with Down Syndrome (DS) show difficulties in language development, in both basic and complex abilities, as narratives. Less is known about the prosodic competence in DS, but the few available studies highlighted the presence of some deficits. Considering the importance of narratives and prosody in communication, the main aim of this study is to investigate these two competencies in participants with DS. Method 13 children with DS participated (Mean age: 13;04, years; months). Their narrative and prosodic abilities, collected through a storytelling task, were compared with those of two control groups of typically developing (TD) children, one matched for nonverbal mental age (MA, Mean age: 5;03) and the other matched for the mean length of utterance (MLU, Mean age: 5;05). For the narrative competence, we considered both the macrostructural (i.e. quantity of information and story structure) and the microstructural level (i.e. verbal productivity, lexical diversity, syntactic complexity). For the prosodic competence, we took into account acoustic measures linked to intonation (i.e. mean fundamental frequency (f0), pitch range, final speech profile, and speed of speech). Result The results of the Mann-Whitney test showed that participants with DS produced stories comparable to those of TD children in nearly all the variables considered, except for the syntactic complexity when compared with children of the same MA. Differences between participants with DS and TD children were found in the f0 and the final pitch profile used. Conclusion Considering the small size of the samples, these preliminary results should be taken with caution. Nonetheless, this study confirms the presence of difficulties in the prosody of speech and in the syntactic competence of children with DS. These difficulties could have consequences on the possibility to communicate efficiently and should be taken into account in rehabilitation programmes.
... The variety of Bari is well suited to a study of schwa insertion in Italian, since it has a highly complex tune in polar questions: rise-fall-rise, or rise-fall, as opposed to certain other varieties of Italian, in which these questions have simple rises (Savino, 2012;Gili Fivela et al., 2015). Moreover, Bari Italian has two further rising tunes, occurring in prefinal position in lists (high rise) and in earlier positions, referred to as non-final (low rise), discussed in more detail in Sec. ...
Article
In order to convey pragmatic functions, a speaker has to select an intonation contour (the tune) in addition to the words that are to be spoken (the text). The tune and text are assumed to be independent of each other, such that any one intonation contour can be produced on different phrases, regardless of the number and nature of the segments they are made up of. However, if the segmental string is too short, certain tunes—especially those with a rising component—call for adjustments to the text. In Italian, for instance, loan words such as “chat” can be produced with a word final schwa when this word occurs at the end of a question. This paper investigates this word final schwa in the Bari variety in a number of different intonation contours. Although its presence and duration is to some extent dependent on idiosyncratic properties of speakers and words, schwa is largely conditioned by intonation. Schwa cannot thus be considered a mere phonetic artefact, since it is relevant for phonology, in that it facilitates the production of communicatively relevant intonation contours.
... Within the ToBI system ([2]), it was labelled as ¡H+L* and authors have seen it as an indicator of narrow non-contrastive focus ([3], [4]). The same pattern was found in a recent documentation of the Italian variety of Pescara ([5], [6]) which made use of the Discourse Completion Task methodology ([7]), including SVO declarative sentences (seeFig. 2). ...
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In this paper we posit the reanalysis of the high trailing tone of a pre-nuclear pitch accent spreading to the right as the leading tone of a nuclear pitch accent, in the Brazilian Portuguese variety of Recife. In order to do this, we make a comparative study with another Romance variety presenting the same pattern, where the underlying phrasing structure is preserved and reanalysis does not take place.
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El presente artículo busca aportar datos empíricos a una afirmación repetida en la dialectología del español: que las interrogativas son más útiles que las declarativas para diferenciar dialectos. Con el afán de comprobar tal aserto, se ha analizado el coeficiente de correlación de los contornos entonativos de cada modalidad, lo que verifica cuál aporta más diferencias en dos corpus. Uno de ellos dispone de siete puntos de encuesta del español (12 hablantes, 4 536 frases procedentes del corpus AMPER); el otro, de seis puntos de encuesta de diferentes variedades románicas (12 hablantes). Los resultados muestran que, para las variedades analizadas del español, las interrogativas aportan más diferencias dialectales (r = 0.4641 contra r = 0.7982 de las declarativas), mientras que en otras variedades las declarativas son más distintivas.
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This work casts light on the implementation of a methodology for documenting intonation, the Discourse Completion Task (BLUM-KULKA; HOUSE; KASPER, 1989), adapted to the recent requirements of social distancing through simple communication tools and social media. There will be reported the first steps of a case study which, due to the pandemic restrictions, made use of several methodological adaptations for the documentation of variation on the suprasegmental level of a Portuguese L2 variety, East Timor Portuguese, in contact with its substratum languages, Tetun Prasa and Austronesian languages. The documentation included a first set of data ready for analysis, that was elicited via WhatsApp (audio recording and video call), and the support of succeeding communication, meetings, and information exchange via WhatsApp, Facebook, Google Meet, and e-mail, which made it possible to sharpen the methodology by taking into account the initial problems the experience brought about. In this work the following topics will be discussed: 1) the audio quality and the possibility of participants’ self-monitoring, improving the recording setting by choosing a quieter location and recording tools accessible to them; 2) the methodological training, the way of providing instructions, and the possibilities of remote monitoring that best ensure the maintenance of a semi-spontaneous style. Considering this experience, several options are presented, among them: whether to present the questionnaire as a single block or to hide each situation until the previous one is recorded; whether to present the questionnaire in written format or through oral interaction; whether to let the participants aware of the study’s purpose. The discussion will suggest the advantages of 1) presenting and working out one interactive situation at a time, 2) oral interaction and task supervision, in order to apply necessary corrections in the meanwhile, retaining that the written support can assist in situations where the interviewer has to produce an intonation that could influence the participant, 3) concurrently, that it is not harmful, unlike customary belief, revealing the research’s goal to the participants, because the lack of phonological awareness of intonation makes it hard to control and bias it by the mere science of it.
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Review of 't Hart, J.; Collier, R.; Cohen, A. (1990). A Perceptual Study of Intonation: A Perceptual Approach.
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In this paper we investigate the intonation of yes-no questions in Bari Italian across two speech styles. We compare the intonation of tokens produced in task-oriented dialogues with those read aloud, both from sentence-lists and from paragraph-length texts in which the target question was integrated. Results show that although all questions have a rising pitch accent, L+H* (already shown to be the marker of interrogation in Bari Italian by Grice and Savino 1995), they differ in their phrase-final F 0 contour. A final rise to a high endpoint was found in 78% of read but only in 13% of spontaneous tokens. These data indicate that care should be taken when extending results from reading intonation to that of spontaneous speech. In diesem Aufsatz untersuchen wir die Intonation von Entscheidungsfragen im Bari-Italienischen. Es wurden zwei Darbietungsformen verglichen, nŠmlich gelesene und spontan in task-orientierten Dialogen vorkommende Fragen. Obwohl die Entscheidungsfragen in beiden Darbietungsformen einen steigenden Tonakzent (L+H*) haben, der im Bari-Italienischen als Kennzeichnung der Interrogation gilt (Grice und Savino 1995), unterscheiden sie sich im phrasenfinalen F 0 -Verlauf. Ein final steigender F 0 -Verlauf wurde in 78% der gelesenen aber nur in 13% der spontan gesprochenen Fragen gefunden. Diese Daten zeigen einen deutlichen Unterschied, was bedeutet, da Ergebnisse von der Intonation der gelesenen Sprache nicht ohne weiteres auf Spontansprache Ÿbertragen werden kšnnen.
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It is well established that focus may have prosodic reflexes in various languages. Previous data on Florentine Italian showed that broad focus and late narrow-contrastive focus utterances are marked by different pitch accents. With the present experiment we address the question whether a three way contrast exists in the intonational realization of broad, narrow-semantic and narrow-contrastive focus. Results show that while focus type (contrastive vs. non- contrastive) is signalled by different pitch accents, differences in focus scope (broad vs. narrow) are not.
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This paper presents a selective state of the art for the intonation of Standard and regional varieties of Italian, drawing especially from Neapolitan Italian data. Production and perception experimental data for this variety are employed to show some interesting interactions between focus, accent placement and accent type. The issues are presented within the autosegmental-metrical approach to intonational phonology. Points for future research are suggested. © 2002, by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG. All rights reserved.
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We found that in Bari Italian a clear distinction is made intonationally between polar questions asking about new information and those asking about given information (specifically textually given information). Questions about truly new information, where the speaker believes that the information is not shared and therefore mutually inactive, have a rising pitch accent (L+H*). At the other end of the given-new scale, questions about truly given information, where the speaker believes that the information is mutually active, are expressed with a falling accent (H*+L in a more contrastive setting, and H+L* otherwise). We can therefore say that QUERIES take L+H* whereas the more prototypical CHECKS take, along with statements, H*+L or H+L*. CHECK moves asking about textually, situationally and inferentially accessible information can all have either rising or falling pitch accents. This variation can be accounted for if we consider speaker confidence as to the correctness of the inference made in the question. If the speaker assumes the inference to be correct, and therefore expects the interlocutor to provide confirmation of this, then the same falling pitch accent will be used as in the prototypical CHECKS. If, on the other hand, the speaker is unsure of the correctness of the inference, and there is thus no such expectation, a rising pitch accent it used, as in questions about new information (QUERIES). This explanation is supported by the fact that rising accents tend to occur more frequently after the first discrepancy has been discovered, and that tentative CHECKS asking for textually accessible information have a similar form and content to QUERIES: they ask about the presence or absence of landmarks, typically in questions of the form “Hai X?” (‘Do you have X?’). Finally, we show that confidence can override the given-new distinction if a proposition expressed in the previous turn is being challenged. This often happens just before a discrepancy in the maps is first discovered. In such a case, even textually given information can have a rising pitch accent.
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This chapter examines the intonation of a number of varieties of Italian (those spoken in Naples, Bari, Palermo, and Florence) with the goal of establishing a common framework for annotating the prosodic phenomena that have been studied so far. In particular, it describes the pitch accent inventory for each variety, showing a number of common traits, such as the use of a specific nuclear pitch accent type used to mark contrastive narrow focus as opposed to broad focus in declaratives. It also discusses the evidence for two levels of phrasing and provides a non-positional definition for the nuclear pitch accent, which is marked with a special flag since it can be followed by further pitch accents and phrase accents. Finally, it discusses the issues of downstep and the partial realization, or truncation, of phrasefinal pitch contours. © Editorial matter and organization Sun-Ah Jun 2005. All rights reserved.
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This work investigates some acoustic and perceptual characteristics of focal and postfocal accents in questions of Neapolitan Italian. In this variety, yes/no question pitch accents are characterized by a rise-fall configuration, with a very conspicuous peak (L* + H). When intended focus is early, a postfocal accent is produced, which aligns with the last stressed syllable of the intonation phrase (!H*). Results from a perception study suggest that the postfocal !H* is not the nuclear accent of the intonation phrase. despite being final. The phonetic and phonological nature of the focal L* + H and the postfocal !H* are also investigated in production through a set of yes/no questions varying in intended focus scope and focus placement. The results of this study support the hypothesis that focal and postfocal accents are structurally different, in that postfocal accents are acoustically much reduced. Finally, we explore the temporal alignment and melodic values of the initial rise and final fall in focus constituents varying in size. The results suggest an effect of "tonal repulsion" (Silverman and Pierrehumbert, The timing of prenuclear high accents in English, in: J. Kingston, M.E. Beckman (Eds.), Papers in Laboratory Phonology: Between the Grammar and the Physics of Speech, Cambridge University, Cambridge, 1990, pp. 71-106) on the temporal location of the L* + H peak as well as "seeming truncation" of the focus constituent final fall in one-word focus constituents.
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Earlier studies on Standard Italian describe polar questions as being characterised by a terminal rise, as opposed to a terminal fall for statements, where a low/falling accentual movement precedes the terminal part of the contour in both sentence types. The same is generally claimed for the Northern and Central Italian varieties (including Florentine, i.e. the variety form which Standard Italian stems), whereas Southern accents are characterised by an accentual rise followed by a terminal fall , being therefore the primary cue for question in non-terminal position. However, a closer look at the existing literature on regional Italian question intonation reveals that such a geographical distribution of intonational features across Italian accents is not that clear-cut. A reason for this discrepancy might be the different speaking style - here intended as the broad spontaneous vs read distinction - of the spoken productions analysed. The aim of this paper is to call into question the claim that a terminal rise preceded by an accentual low/fall is the most widespread intonational feature for marking questioning across Italian accents. The goal is to provide a clearer picture of question intonation in Italian by looking at the distribution of the rise as either on terminal or non-terminal position across a large numebr of varieties, where speech materials have been elicited with the same methodology, and they are therefore homogeneous with respect of speaking style. Intonation analysis has been carried out on spontaneous yes-no questions extracted from the Map Task dialogues collected in the CLIPS national corpus (Corpora e Lessici di Italiano Parlato e Scritto - Corpora and Lexicons of Spoken and Written Italian) covering 15 varieties of Italian. Results of this analysis on the Northern, Central and Southern polar questions reveal that the accentual rise prevails, and that the distribution of the rise across varieties is independent of the geography.