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This article examines changing romantic relationships in contemporary Japanese society. It specifically investigates whether Japanese people in their twenties and thirties have become asexual; that is, whether they tend to have few sexual experiences or interests. Data were collected through an internet survey; this article uses a subsample of 9,940 respondents. The dependent variables were the number of lovers respondents had during and after junior high school; the independent variable was the respondents’ age. Regression analyses found a clear trend toward asexual behavior among young men (in their twenties and thirties). However, young women are not as asexual as the previous generation. This asexualization of men may have contributed to Japan’s sharply declining marriage and birth rates. If so, other Asian societies may learn lessons from Japan’s experiences in the future.
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Have Japanese People Become Asexual?
Love in Japan
Abstract: This article examines changing romantic relationships in contempo-
rary Japanese society. It specically investigates whether Japanese people in
their twenties and thirties have become asexual; that is, whether they tend to
have few sexual experiences or interests. Data were collected through an inter-
net survey; this article uses a subsample of 9,940 respondents. The dependent
variables were the number of lovers respondents had during and after junior
high school; the independent variable was the respondentsage. Regression
analyses found a clear trend toward asexual behavior among young men
(in their twenties and thirties). However, young women are not as asexual as
the previous generation. This asexualization of men may have contributed to
Japans sharply declining marriage and birth rates. If so, other Asian societies
may learn lessons from Japans experiences in the future.
Keywords: love, asexual, Japan
The Puzzle
According to the National Fertility Survey
of Japan, as of 2015, 87.7% of Japanese who
married did so based on a romantic relation-
ship, whereas only 5.5% participated in
arranged marriages (Fig. 1). Until the 1960s,
most Japanese young people had marriages
arranged by their parents. From the 1970s to
the present, marriage based on love has
been the dominant pattern. Consequently,
having a romantic relationship has virtually
become a prerequisite for getting married.
During the same period, according to
Japanese census data, people have become
much less likely to get married. In the
1930s, more than 98% of all Japanese
adults were married. By 2015, the percent-
age of adults who had never married had
risen to 24.2% for men and 14.9% for
women (Fig. 2).
Why are men more likely to remain
unmarried than women? Japan still permits
only heterosexual marriage, so it would
seem that the marriage rates of men and
women should be similar. But the data indi-
cate a difference of 10%.
Yamada and Shirakawa (2008) indicate
that men have become passive in roman-
tic relationships, tending to lose interest
in dating, pair bonding and sexual activ-
ity. As a result, they are sometimes even
hesitant to seek lovers. Morioka (2008)
called those young men herbivores
(soushokukei) in contrast to carnivores
These trends can be described as a social
pattern of becoming asexual. The concept
of asexuality has been described by Poston
and Baumle (2010) as lackof sexual
experience or interest (see Milligan and
Neufeldt, 2001; Prause and Graham, 2007).
This article uses the following gradual
© 2017 The Japan Sociological Society
International Journal of Japanese Sociology doi: 10.1111/ijjs.12067
2017, Number 26
denition of the concept to capture broader
aspects of sexual behavior:
Denition. A person is called asexualif
he or she has few experiences of or inter-
ests in sexual behavior, such as kissing, dat-
ing, having sex, and forming romantic
relationships with a steady boyfriend or
girlfriend. A population is called asexua-
lizedif a signicant portion of the popula-
tion has become asexual.
Asexuality transforms intimate relation-
ships. Asexualized people can be expected
to have different life courses and lifestyles
from other people. Consequently, asexuali-
zation will transform patterns of romantic
lives and marriage on both an individual and
a societal level. In this way, the prevalence
of asexuality could be an important contrib-
utor to declining marriage and fertility rates
in Japan. Kobayashi and Osaki (2016) and
Kobayashi (2017) show that engaging in
sexual behavior (including kissing and
dating) is still likely to result in marriage.
The previous literature on this topic in
Japan has relied on qualitative evidence,
such as interviews and documents. There-
fore, it is necessary to analyze quantitative
data to capture a complete, accurate pic-
ture of asexuality in Japan.
Literature Review
What do we know about asexuality from
prior quantitative analyses? In the U.S.A.,
Kinsey et al. (1948) conducted a survey on
sexual activities. Laumann et al. (1994) ini-
tially highlighted the concept of asexuality.
Poston and Baumle (2010) distinguished
and compared the more specic concepts
of asexual behavior (having no sex), asex-
ual desire (having no attraction to sex) and
asexual identication (identifying oneself
as asexual). Using the 2002 National Sur-
vey of Family Growth, they analyzed
Americans aged 1544 years. They
reported that asexual behavior was the
most prevalent of these three, followed by
asexual identication and desire among
both men and women. In the sample,
Figure 1. Changes in the way spouses are selected in Japan
Source: National Fertility Survey.
Figure 2. Percentage changes in the never-married rate by the age of 50 in Japan
Source: Population census.
14 Jun Kobayashi
© 2017 The Japan Sociological Society
11.9% of men responded to at least one
question on asexuality. This was 9.2% in
the female sample. Among the respon-
dents, 5060% respondents exclusively
chose asexual behavior for both men and
women. About 3040% respondents chose
asexual identication only. Asexual desire
was exclusively chosen by 35% respon-
dents. Consequently, they propose to meas-
ure asexuality in multiple dimensions.
In the U.K., Bogaert (2004) reported on
the emerging trend of asexual people,
dened as those without sexual desire.
In Japan, the Japanese Association for
Sex Education has conducted surveys of
junior high school, high school, and college
students approximately every six years
from 1974 to 2011 (Japanese Association
for Sex Education, 2013). The surveys
found that participation in sexual behavior
(dating, kissing, and having sex) generally
increased from 1974 to 2005 but then
mostly declined in 2011, with current
female students appearing to be more asex-
ual than male students.
Research Question
However, these data have been limited to
students, so it has remained unclear
whether the Japanese people as a whole
have become asexual. This study thus poses
the following research question, which
necessitated broader research to under-
stand trends in romantic relationships and
their effects on marriage patterns in the
whole Japanese population:
Research question. Has the Japanese adult
population become increasingly asexual,
and are there any gender differences with
regard to asexuality in Japan?
The rst hypothesis concerns the general
social trend. The literature has indicated
that both men and women may have
become asexual in recent years:
Hypothesis 1 (general trend of asexualiza-
tion). Younger people (i.e., those in their
thirties or younger) will be more asexual
than older generations among both men
and women.
With regard to gender gaps, the litera-
ture provides conicting predictions.
Yamada and Shirakawa (2008) and Mor-
ioka (2008) suggest that there will be an
increase in male asexuality, whereas the
Japanese Association for Sex Education
(2013) indicates that women are more fre-
quently asexual. This article tests whether
either prediction is true:
Hypothesis 2 (gender differences). Young
men (in their thirties or younger) will be
more asexual than young women.
Hypothesis 20(gender differences). Young
women (in their thirties or younger) will be
more asexual than young males.
This article uses data collected by the 2015
National Survey on Family and Career For-
mation in Japan, conducted in March 2015
(principal investigator: Jun. Kobayashi).
Because the survey was seeking detailed
information on private matters such as
romantic relationships and sexual behavior,
it was conducted in a web-based fashion via
the internet rather than through personal
The population consisted of Japanese
men and women aged 20 to 69. The sample
was selected so as to reect the 2010 popu-
lation census with regard to gender, ve
age groups, and six standard geographical
areas. Of the 110,131 people contacted, a
non-representative sample of 12,007
responses was received, for a response rate
of 11%. This study used a subsample of
15Have Japanese People Become Asexual?
© 2017 The Japan Sociological Society
9,940 respondents who answered all ques-
tions relevant to the subsequent analyses
(5,159 men and 4,781 women). Table 1 pre-
sents descriptive statistics of the subsample.
The dependent variables selected for this
study were (i) the number of lovers
(i.e., steady boyfriends and girlfriends) that
respondents had while in junior high
schools and (ii) the number of lovers they
had after junior high school and up to the
present or the time of their rst marriage, if
any. The number of lovers was chosen as
the focus variable because it addresses all
three criteria for asexuality identied by
Poston and Baumle (2010), i.e., asexual
behavior, asexual desire, and asexual
The survey asked respondents to indicate
how many steady boyfriends and girlfriends
they had (including their spouse, if any).
The possible answers ranged from none
to 15 or more.Table 2 presents the
results and Figure 3 shows the distribution
of responses. On average, men had 2.7
lovers after junior high school and women
had 2.6. These results can be compared to
a previous nding of 2.7 lovers for men and
3.2 for women (Cabinet Ofce of
Japan, 2011).
Using questions from the Japanese Asso-
ciation for Sex Education (2013), the survey
also asked how many persons the respond-
ent had dated, kissed, or had sex with, both
during and since junior high school. These
variables were used to check the robustness
of the results. Descriptive statistics on these
questions are also shown in Table 2.
To test the hypotheses, age was used as
the independent variable. If we observe a
signicant positive effect of age, it means
that the number of lovers a person has
increases with their age. Since the effects of
age could be nonlinear (even curvilinear),
age squared was also used. If we observe a
signicant curvilinear effect of age, there
can be an inverted U-shaped curve with a
peak at a certain age. Here, the younger
the persons, the more lovers they have, and
the number then decreases at a certain age.
We regard these two cases as the evidence
of asexualization.
The analysis controlled for various fac-
tors of demographic and socioeconomic
status, such as marriage (married = 1, sin-
gle including separated and divorced = 0),
years of education (junior high school = 9,
high school = 12, junior college = 14, col-
lege = 16, graduate school = 18), full-time
worker in onesrst job (full-time = 1, other-
wise = 0), and equivalent income (in incre-
ments of 10,000 yen). These control
Table 1. Descriptive statistics on demographics and socio-economic status
Age Married
Years of
at rst job
Lovers in junior
high school (JHS)
after JHS
Mean 46.4 61.0%*** 14.6*** 77.4%*** 376.4*** 0.7** 2.7
Median 46 1 16 1 313 0 2
SD 13.4 0.5 2.2 0.4 242.5 1.6 2.8
Min 20 0 9 0 30 0 0
Max 69 1 18 1 2500 15 15
Mean 46.6 70.0% 13.7 73.9% 349.1 0.6 2.6
Median 47 1 14 1 300 0 2
SD 13.4 0.5 1.9 4 222.1 1.4 2.5
Min 20 0 9 0 30 0 0
Max 69 1 18 1 2500 15 15
16 Jun Kobayashi
© 2017 The Japan Sociological Society
variables are applied only to the analysis of
romantic relationships after junior high
school, because students still in junior high
school have not yet attained the characteris-
tics covered by the control variables. When
examining the data on number of lovers after
junior high school, the study controls for the
number of lovers during junior high school.
Statistical Model
The hypotheses were tested using regres-
sion analyses, which were decomposed by
gender. In the analysis of the number of
lovers after junior high school, age effects
might lead to underestimating the results
for young people (especially those in their
twenties). This is because they are likely to
Table 2. Descriptive statistics on sexual behavior
In junior high school (JHS) After JHS until rst marriage
Lovers Dating Kissing Sex Lovers Dating Kissing Sex
Male (5,159) Mean 0.7** 0.8** 0.6*** 0.5*** 2.7 3.9 3.3** 3.0***
Median 0 0 0 0 2 3 2 2
SD 1.6 2.0 1.9 1.8 2.8 4.1 3.9 3.8
Min000 0 0000
Max 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15
Female (4,781) Mean 0.6 0.6 0.5 0.4 2.6 3.9 3.1 2.5
Median 0 0 0 0 2 3 2 1
SD 1.4 1.7 1.5 1.4 2.5 3.8 3.3 3.1
Min000 0 0000
Max 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15
Notes: Nin parentheses. **P< 0.01; ***P< 0.001 in ANOVA on gender differences.
0.0% 40.0% 80.0%
(a) (b)
Lovers in Jjunior high school
0.0% 15.0% 30.0%
Lovers after junior high school
Figure 3. Distribution of lovers in (a) junior high school and (b) after junior high school until rst
marriage, if any (%)
N= 5,159 for men and 4,781 for women.
17Have Japanese People Become Asexual?
© 2017 The Japan Sociological Society
have more romantic experiences after the
survey date that could increase the number
of lovers they have before getting married.
To avoid this problem, the article excludes
respondents who were in their twenties at
the time of the survey when analyzing the
number of lovers they had after junior high
school. According to Vital Statistics of
Japan, the average age when marrying was
31.1 years for men and 29.4 years for
women in 2015 (Ministry of Health, Labour
and Welfare Japan, 2015). Of course, the
number of lovers whom respondents had
while in junior high school cannot change
after the survey date (i.e., they are time-
Means by Groups
First, I examined the number of lovers in
junior high school by gender and age group
(Fig. 4, left side). For men, the number
peaks for respondents currently in their
fties and then declines with younger
cohorts, implying an increased prevalence
of asexuality among young males. The
results for women, on the other hand, show
a peak in their thirties, implying little asex-
ualization. All differences between age
groups were signicant in each gender.
The number of lovers after junior high
school is shown on the right side of Figure 3.
For men, there is a wide peak from respon-
dents in their thirties to those in their fties;
for women, the peak is among participants
in their thirties. Therefore, neither men nor
women showed clear evidence of asexualiza-
tion. All age group differences were again
signicant in each gender.
Regression Analyses on Lovers in
Junior High School
What happens when we test the roles of age
and age squared, controlling for socioeco-
nomic status and other variables? Table 3
reports the results of the regression analyses.
The sample is decomposed into men and
women to derive the effects of age.
0.72 0.76
0.67 0.71
1.00 (a) (b)
20s 30s 40s 50s 60s
Lovers in junior high school
Male*, Female***
3.10 2.93
20s 30s 40s 50s 60s
Lovers after junior high school
Male***, Female***
Figure 4. Number of lovers (Nin parenthesis, men above, women below) in (a) junior high school and
(b) after junior high school until rst marriage, if any, by gender and by age group
*P< 0.05, ***P< 0.001 in ANOVA.
18 Jun Kobayashi
© 2017 The Japan Sociological Society
With regard to the number of lovers in
junior high school, both age and its square
had signicant effects for men (the coef-
cients were 0.033 and 0.000, respectively).
Age squared had a negative coefcient,
indicating that age had an inverted U-
shaped curve with a peak at the age of
48.6 years. This suggests that for males, the
peak number of lovers was among respon-
dents in their late forties, with decreasing
numbers for younger cohorts.
For women, there was no signicant
effect of age or age squared (the coef-
cients were 0.009 and 0.000, respectively).
This means that the number of lovers was
at in shape, with no peak related to age.
We found signicant interaction effects
of gender and age and of gender and age
squared in the sample for both genders
(results not reported).
Regression Analyses on Lovers after
Junior High School
Table 3 also shows the results for the num-
ber of lovers after junior high school. Here
we excluded respondents in their twenties
from the sample. For men, again, age had a
signicantly positive effect and its square
had a signicantly negative effect (coef-
cients of 0.144 and 0.002, respectively). So
this curve is an inverted U-shape, with a
peak at the age of 39.5 years.
For women, once again, age and its
square were not signicant (coefcients of
0.000 and 0.001, respectively), corre-
sponding to a at line without a peak.
We found signicant interaction effects
of gender and age and of gender and age
squared in the sample for both genders
(results not reported).
Robustness Check
We analyzed the data on kissing, dating,
and having sex as a robustness check,
observing generally the same results both
in and after junior high school. We also
added respondents in their twenties to the
analysis of lovers after junior high school,
obtaining similar results, although now the
women had an inverted U-shaped curve
with a peak at the age of 32.7 years. When
we subtracted age squared from the regres-
sion analyses, we obtained similar results.
Nevertheless, women had signicantly
Table 3. Regression results on number of lovers
Dependent variable
Lovers in junior high school Lovers after junior high school
Male Female Male Female
Age 0.033** 0.009 0.144*** 0.000
Squared age 0.000* 0.000 0.002*** 0.001
Married dummy 0.162 0.075
Years of Edu 0.038* 0.015
Full-time dummy 0.068 0.167*
Income 0.001*** 0.000*
Lovers in JHS 0.450*** 0.400***
0.001 0.005 0.117 0.149
N5,159 4,781 4,435 4,148
Shape Inverted U Flat Inverted U Flat
Peak 48.6 None 39.5 None
Notes: Values are unstandardized coefcients. Lovers after junior high schoolmeans those until the rst marriage
if any. Lovers after junior high school are analyzed using only respondents in their thirties and older. Full-time
dummyindicates full-time at the rst job = 1, otherwise = 0. Equivalent income is denoted in 10,000 of yen.
*P<0.05;**P< 0.01; ***P<0.001.
19Have Japanese People Become Asexual?
© 2017 The Japan Sociological Society
more lovers the younger they were. This
provides weak evidence that women are
lessasexualized as they become younger.
Summary of Analyses
First, in terms of numerical averages, distribu-
tions showed that men had 0.7 girlfriends and
women had 0.6 boyfriends while in junior high
school. Men had 2.7 girlfriends and women
had 2.6 boyfriends from the time of their grad-
uation from junior high school to the time of
the survey or their rst marriage, if any.
Second, regression analyses of the data
on male participants found an inverted U-
shaped curve for the number of lovers in
junior high school according to age, with a
peak at the age of 48.6 years. For women,
the number of lovers was consistent regard-
less of age, with no linear or curvilinear
trends. These ndings imply a clear trend
toward asexual behavior among young men,
but no such trend among young women.
Third, as for the number of lovers after
junior high school, men had an inverted U-
shaped curve with a peak at the age of
39.5 years; women showed no linear or cur-
vilinear effects of age. Again, these ndings
imply asexualized young men with young
women not asexualized. Comparing these
data with our hypotheses, we nd that
Hypothesis 1 was partly supported, as a
trend toward asexualization was found for
men in their twenties and thirties but not
for women. Table 4 shows the results of
hypothesis testing.
The second pair of hypotheses dealt with
conicting predictions on gender differences.
The results clearly imply that young men in
their twenties and thirties are more asexual
than the older generations, whereas young
women showed no such trend. Therefore,
Hypothesis 2 was supported and Hypothesis
20was not supported. This asexualization of
men could be one cause of the declining mar-
riage trends in Japan.
Answer to Research Question
Now, we can provide an answer to the orig-
inal research question as follows.
Answer to research question. In Japan,
young men have become asexual, but
young women are not as asexual as older
generations. The asexualization of men
could be an important contributor to the
decline in marriage rates.
According to Beck (1986) and Bauman
(1988), modern societies are experiencing
individualization. The increasing prevalence
of asexuality may be one reection of this ten-
dency. Then, what might be the causes of this
asexualization? Figure 4 indicates that young
women are more active in romantic lives than
they were in older generations. If so, it could
be posited that young men have become
increasingly asexual or herbivoresin
response to women becoming more sexually
aggressive carnivores.On the other hand,
the causality could be reversed; that is,
women may have become more sexually
active because men have became passive.
Our ndings appear to contradict those
of the Japanese Association for Sex
Table 4. Test results of hypotheses
Hypothesis Test result
1 (General trend of asexualization). Younger people (aged 30 and below)
are more asexual than older generations, among both men and women
Partially supported (young women
were not more asexual)
2 (Gender differences). Young men (aged 30 and below) are more asexual
than young women
20(Gender differences). Young women (aged 30 and below) are more
asexual than young males
Not supported
20 Jun Kobayashi
© 2017 The Japan Sociological Society
Education (2013), which suggested there is
a greater tendency to asexualization among
women than among men. This might be
because our data treated adults while theirs
focused on sexual behavior of students. It
seems that people have different sexual
mechanisms as they develop.
Implications for Asian Societies
These ndings could have signicant impli-
cations for Asian countries and regions,
many of which are, like Japan, facing the
possibility of declining marriage and fertil-
ity rates. The present article suggests that
the asexualization of young men may be a
major factor underlying this decline in mar-
riage and fertility. Other cultures experien-
cing similar decreases in marriage and birth
rates may also look to asexualization as a
key underlying mechanism. If so, it is possi-
ble that other Asian societies may draw les-
sons from Japans experiences in the
Next Step
First, the possible causal relationships
should be theoretically investigated. One
promising option is to adopt rational choice
approaches, which emphasize the causal
mechanisms of individuals using micro-
macro links (see Sato, 2013). For example,
Kobayashi (2017) has applied Beckers
(1964) idea of human capital and Lins
(2002) work on social capital to understand
how people form romantic relationships in
Second, this article used quantitative
survey data as evidence. To deepen our
understanding, a mixed methods approach
combining qualitative and quantitative
research would be helpful. Mixed method
approaches have attracted wide attention
in recent years (Tashakkori and Teddlie,
2002; Creswell and Clark, 2007). I have
begun doing qualitative research on this
topic by conducting interviews on the per-
sonal histories of romantic relationships
and marriage in the Philippines and Indo-
nesia (Fig. 5). This will help us understand
complicated mechanisms of sexual
This work was supported by Japan Society
for the Promotion of Science Kakenhi
grant no. JP15H01969 (201518, principal
investigator: Jun Kobayashi) and by Seikei
University Center for Asian and Pacic
Studies Research Project (201416, princi-
pal investigator: Jun Kobayashi). A previ-
ous version of this article was presented at
an annual meeting of the Japan Sociologi-
cal Society as Kobayashi and Brinton
(a) (b)
Figure 5. Interviews in the Philippines (a, February 2016) and Indonesia (b, March 2016)
21Have Japanese People Become Asexual?
© 2017 The Japan Sociological Society
(2014). The author thanks Mary Brinton,
Kenji Kawabata, Hiroko Osaki, and two
reviewers for their constructive comments.
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Received 19 January 2017; accepted 20 January 2017
22 Jun Kobayashi
© 2017 The Japan Sociological Society
... It is important to note the Western, developed-world focus of these studies and that they tend to draw on preexisting data. Sociological data with nearly 1,000 participants in Japan found that people in their twenties and thirties had an increasing tendency for "asexual behavior" and that asexuality is especially common among young Japanese men sometimes referred to as "herbivores" (Kobayashi 2017). ...
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The sexual identity and orientation of asexuality has a rich cultural, historical, and political life, even as it continues to be overlooked and neglected in LGBTQ2+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, two-spirit, plus) spaces and narratives. Commonly understood as not being sexually attracted to anyone, the very modes of defining asexuality are nuanced and contested. This entry explores various definitions and debates around asexuality from the perspectives of asexual communities, scientific research, and queer and feminist approaches, focusing on Western research and communities. It begins with an exploration of asexual activist efforts to define asexuality and question compulsory sexuality. Following on this, it depicts how scientific research has handled asexuality and some of the ways it seeks to define asexuality. Next, it explores feminist and queer approaches to asexuality as they intersect with gender, race, and ability.
... Solosexuality is emerging amid an overall decline in partnered human sexual activity (Julian, 2018;Kobayashi, 2017; "Trends in the Prevalence of Sexual Behaviors and HIV Testing National YRBS: 1991Twenge, Sherman, & Wells, 2017). However, there are anecdotal indications that some members of Bateworld have forged either temporary or longterm partnerships with each other, while other bators report being in committed real-world relationships with partners who are aware of and support their interest in online masturbation, suggesting that solosexuality is not inherently incompatible with emotional intimacy. ...
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This article introduces the core characteristics of male solosexuality, a recent identity construction, ideological narrative and set of associated sexual practices organized around communal online male masturbation and idealization of the penis. Behaviorally, solosexuality refers to a man's preference to engage in masturbation as a sole or primary means of sexual expression, while its central emotional hallmark is admiration, veneration, and glorification of the penis. After introducing the central behavioral and ideological components of male solosexuality this article applies a concise set of sexual health principles to assess the potential benefits and risks of what some people consider to be not just a collection of sexual attitudes and behaviors but an emerging sexual identity. This article reviews a range of potential motivations for solosexual behavior and shows how the same behavior may represent different degrees of adaptive or problematic components among its practitioners.
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To find what freshman medical and nursing students in Japan, think about kissing behavior as practiced in Japan. Freshman students who entered the medical and nursing curriculum (N = 37, with 12 men and 25 women) at a national university in 2015 were asked the question: 'Write your impressions and criticism to a published editorial 'Kissing behavior among Japanese' (Internat Med J., 2014; 21: 374-375) Obtained results are summarized in two tables. Majority of the students expressed that kissing practices in Europe America differs from the kissing behavior in Japan. Whereas kissing in public places are more common in Europe or America as a form of greeting, this is hardly seen in Japan because kissing is mainly considered as a gesture/signal of erotic love in Japan. Two female students raised a question and a concern related to kissing as a mode of transmission of AIDS disease. Another male student had humorously asked, "Aren't fellatio or cunnilingus, a kind of kissing?" Among the 37 responses on kissing behavior of Japanese, we highlight two; (1) More researchers should research about kissing, not independently but collaboratively; (2) The risk of infections caused by kissing behavior has to be investigated. These suggestions have high relevance now due to the coronavirus disease --- 2019 (COVID-19) lockdown experienced in Japan in 2020 and 2021.
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Self-advocacy groups and individual authors have increasingly expressed concern that persons with disabilities (PWD) are sexually disenfranchised by a society that inaccurately perceives them as asexual beings. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the social and empirical foundations for the contention that PWD are indeed viewed as asexual and examine whether there is cause for ongoing concern and intervention. This review includes a consideration of the implications for both clinical practice and future research as well. It is concluded that despite significant gains in our biological and psychosocial understanding of sexuality in the context of disability, there remains much to be accomplished to effect needed change in the areas of professional practice, research, societal attitudes, and most importantly, in the lives of PWD.
A diverse array of factors may influence both earnings and consumption; however, this work primarily focuses on the impact of investments in human capital upon an individual's potential earnings and psychic income. For this study, investments in human capital include such factors as educational level, on-the-job skills training, health care, migration, and consideration of issues regarding regional prices and income. Taking into account varying cultures and political regimes, the research indicates that economic earnings tend to be positively correlated to education and skill level. Additionally, studies indicate an inverse correlation between education and unemployment. Presents a theoretical overview of the types of human capital and the impact of investment in human capital on earnings and rates of return. Then utilizes empirical data and research to analyze the theoretical issues related to investment in human capital, specifically formal education. Considered are such issues as costs and returns of investments, and social and private gains of individuals. The research compares and contrasts these factors based upon both education and skill level. Areas of future research are identified, including further analysis of issues regarding social gains and differing levels of success across different regions and countries. (AKP)
In this paper we use data from the 2002 National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) to ascertain and analyze patterns of asexuality in the United States. We endeavor to extend the earlier work of Bogaert (2004) on this topic, which focused on patterns of asexuality in Great Britain. Using a social constructionist perspective to study asexuality, we conceptualize and measure the phenomenon in several ways, according to behavior, desire, and self-identification. We use the NSFG respondent sampling weights to produce several sets of unbiased estimates of the percentages of persons in the U.S. population, aged 15-44, who are asexual; each set is based on one or more of the various definitions of asexuality. Finally, we describe some of the characteristics of the asexual population using multinomial logistic regression.