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Perceptions of the effects of floods and droughts on livelihoods: lessons from arid Kenya

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Purpose To understand how people practicing natural resource-based livelihoods in arid Kenya perceive that their livelihoods are being effected by floods and droughts and how to integrate these local perceptions of impacts into larger-scale climate change adaptation initiatives and policy. Design/methodology/approach In Isiolo County, Kenya, 270 households were surveyed in 7 communities, 6 focus group discussions were held, and a document review was conducted. Findings The major livelihood practiced in Isiolo is pastoralism (71%), but agriculture, and non-agro-pastoral activities also play an important role, with 53% of the respondents utilizing more than one type of livelihood. In Isiolo, floods have a large impact on agriculture (193 respondents out of 270), while droughts impact both agriculture (104 respondents) and livestock (120 respondents), and more specifically cattle keeping (70 respondents). Research limitations/implications The research may have implications for the importance of utilizing local perceptions of the effects of climate change on livelihoods into larger-scale interventions. It also provides a case study of local perceptions of the effects of floods and droughts on livelihoods in an arid area with natural resource dependent livelihoods. Originality/value Provides a specific example of a climate change adaptation initiative integrating local perceptions of the impacts of floods and droughts into livelihood focused interventions.
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International Journal of Climate Change Strategies and
Management
Perceptions of the effects of floods and droughts on livelihoods: lessons from arid
Kenya
Amy Quandt, Yunus Antony Kimathi,
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Amy Quandt, Yunus Antony Kimathi, (2017) "Perceptions of the effects of floods and droughts
on livelihoods: lessons from arid Kenya", International Journal of Climate Change Strategies and
Management, Vol. 9 Issue: 03, pp.337-351, https://doi.org/10.1108/IJCCSM-11-2014-0132
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Perceptions of the eects of oods
and droughts on livelihoods:
lessons from arid Kenya
Amy Quandt
Department of Environmental Studies, University of Colorado Boulder, Boulder,
Colorado, USA
Yunus Antony Kimathi
Department of Disaster Risk Reduction, Kenya Red Cross Society Isiolo,
Isiolo, Kenya
Abstract
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand how people practicing natural resource-based
livelihoods in arid Kenya perceive that their livelihoods are being affected by oods and droughts and how to
integrate these local perceptions of impacts into larger-scale climate change adaptation initiatives and policy.
Design/methodology/approach In Isiolo County, Kenya, 270 households were surveyed in seven
communities, six focus group discussions were held and a document review was conducted.
Findings The major livelihood practiced in Isiolo is pastoralism (71 per cent), but agriculture and non-
agro-pastoral activities also play an important role, with 53 per cent of the respondents practicing more than
one type of livelihood. In Isiolo, oods have a large impact on agriculture (193 respondents out of 270), while
droughts impact both agriculture (104 respondents) and livestock (120 respondents), and more specically,
cattle-keeping (70 respondents).
Research limitations/implications The research may have implications for the importance of using
local perceptions of the effects of climate change on livelihoods for larger-scale interventions. It also provides
a case study of local perceptions of the effects of oods and droughts on livelihoods in an arid area with
natural resource-dependent livelihoods.
Practical implications To understand local perceptions and use local perceptions for larger-scale
adaptation interventions and policy.
Originality/value This paper provides a specic example of a climate change adaptation initiative
integrating local perceptions of the impacts of oods and droughts into livelihood-focused interventions.
Keywords Kenya, Governance, Livelihoods, Flood, Adaptation, Drought
Paper type Research paper
This research was conducted in Isiolo County, Kenya, as part of the PfR Project. The Partners for
Resilience Project is a collaborative eort of several Dutch-based organizations including: The
Netherlands Red Cross (NLRC), The Catholic Organization for Relief and Development Aid (Cordaid),
CARE Netherlands, Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre (RCCC) and Wetlands International (WI)
and operating in nine countries (Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, Mali, Indonesia, Philippines, India,
Nicaragua and Columbia). In Kenya, they are also partnered with the Kenya Red Cross Society, Merti
Integrated Development Project and Waso River Users Empowerment Platform. The authors wish to
thank all these organizations for their logistic and nancial contributions to this research. The
Partners for Resilience Project partners funded all aspects of the research in the eld, while Quandt
served as a Junior Researcher. In addition, the authors would like to thank all of the Kenya Red Cross
Society volunteers who helped conduct surveys and the communities themselves for participating in
this study. Lastly, the authors would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their valuable
comments.
Eects of
oods and
droughts
337
Received 5 November 2014
Revised 19 October 2015
30 March 2016
16 January 2017
Accepted 27 January 2017
International Journal of Climate
Change Strategies and
Management
Vol. 9 No. 3, 2017
pp. 337-351
© Emerald Publishing Limited
1756-8692
DOI 10.1108/IJCCSM-11-2014-0132
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
www.emeraldinsight.com/1756-8692.htm
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Introduction
Globally, oods and droughts impact rural livelihoods dependent on natural resources.
For example, in times of drought, communities relying on natural resources may have
their crops affected and their cattle may perish (UNDP, 2010). As the impacts of climate
change continue to impact rural communities by threatening livelihoods, there is an
immediate need to understand those impacts and implement climate change adaptation
strategies at multiple scales, from the local to the global (Urwin and Jordan, 2008;
Amaru and Chhetri, 2013). However, it has been acknowledged that integrating
adaptation strategies, interventions and policies at various levels is difcult (Cannon,
2000;Van Aalst et al., 2008;Ayers, 2011;Amaru and Chhetri, 2013). Macro-level
adaptation policy and interventions can be disconnected with the needs of these
marginalized, rural communities, where local adaptation needs may exist
independently from larger-scale global or even national interventions and policies
(Amaru and Chhetri, 2013). This has been called the global governance/local reality
paradox and exists in many policy arenas, not just climate change adaptation. To
address this paradox, not only is understanding how livelihoods are impacted by
climate change important (Halder et al., 2012), but more specically what livelihoods
are impacted by what types of disturbances at a local level to create appropriate
adaptation policy and intervention at larger scales.
This paper provides a case study of how understanding the perceived effects of
oods and droughts on livelihoods in seven communities in Kenya was a useful
tool for creating larger-scale adaptation interventions at the county level for the
Partners for Resilience (PfR) Project, a collaboration of Dutch-based organizations.
Local perceptions are important because households in Kenya have been found to
act on perceptions of environmental conditions, regardless of the trends indicated
by scientic research (Rao et al., 2011). There are two main objectives of this paper.
The rst is to better understand how oods and droughts affect rural, natural
resource-dependent livelihoods by using Isiolo County, Kenya, as an example. The
second objective is to better inform potential livelihood-related climate change
adaptation strategies and policies in Kenya and inform how to integrate strategies
at various scales. This paper can therefore play an important role in linking
adaptation policy to local livelihoods by understanding how those livelihoods are
beingimpactedbyoods and droughts. Isiolo County, Kenya, serves as an
excellent case study because of the projected impacts of climate change (Funk et al.,
2010), widespread food insecurity (Garrity et al.,2010) and a predominately agro-
and pastoral-based livelihood system (Acacia Consultants, 2011).
Impacts of oods and droughts on livelihoods
A livelihood consists of a households assets, capabilities and activities required for a means
of living (Dahlquist et al.,2007). A households livelihood may rely on one activity or be a
diverse portfolio of assets, capabilities and activities, which, in combination, support the
household. However, livelihoods dependent upon natural resources may be particularly
vulnerable to climate change or weather-related events such as oods and droughts.
Vulnerability to climate or weather-related events can be dened as the extent to which a
natural or social system is susceptible to, or unable to cope with, adverse effects of climate
change, including variability and extremes(Berry et al., 2006). Poor and food-insecure
people are often less resilient to such stresses and disasters, thus creating a cycle of
vulnerability (Oluoko-Odingo, 2011).
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Vulnerability to the impacts of climate change, such as oods and droughts, can
seriously, and negatively, impact rural livelihoods. Climate change is projected to increase
global temperature. This could affect the agricultural growing season, negatively impact
human health, increase drought and increase precipitation variability (IPCC, 2007). In turn,
this could have major impacts in areas where livelihoods are dependent on water
availability for farming or livestock. Agriculture, in particular, is inherently sensitive
to climatic conditions and is one of the most vulnerable livelihoods to the impacts of
global climate change (Reilly, 1995;Smit and Skinner, 2002). Specically, rain-fed
agriculture is very susceptible to changes in water availability, and communities
relying on rain-fed agriculture could lose their livelihoods (Gentle and Maraseni, 2012).
On the other hand, oods can be just as problematic for natural resource-dependent
livelihoods. For example, oods can destroy crops and cause both livestock and human
disease, which in turn, can impact labor availability for livelihood activities (Armah
et al., 2010). Adapting to the impacts of climate change is therefore critical to reduce
vulnerability to oods and droughts and maintain rural, natural resource-based
livelihoods (Speranza, 2012).
Floods, droughts, and livelihoods in Kenya
Rural livelihoods in East Africa are often based around natural resources which serve as
important household assets. In sub-Saharan Africa as well, agriculture remains one of the
most vulnerable livelihoods to climate change because of potential declines in agricultural
production which may negatively impact food security (Odingo, 1990;McCusker and Carr,
2006). In East Africa, droughts and precipitation variability, in general, are among the most
important livelihood stressors (Misselhorn, 2005;Paavola, 2008). This is particularly true for
communities who rely on rain-fed agriculture or pastoralism for their livelihoods. Such
communities, many already struggling to cope effectively with the impacts of current
climate variability, will face the challenging task of adapting to future climate change
(Cooper et al.,2008).
Climate models for Africa predict between a 3° and 4°C increase in Africa by the end of
the twenty-rst century, which is roughly 1.5 times the global mean increase (Bryan et al.,
2013). In Central Kenya specically, the long rains have declined by more than 100 mm and
there has been a warming of more than 1°C since the 1970s, thus leading to a decline in the
amount of arable land (Funk et al.,2010). Additionally, arid and semi-arid mixed crop-
livestock systems are projected to see reductions in maize and bean production by 2050
(Thornton et al.,2010). These types of climatic and food production changes caused by
oods and droughts force natural resource-dependent communities to adapt. Policy
interventions that aim to assist in this adaptation process may help vulnerable communities
adapt more effectively. One specic example from Kenya is the 2011 drought that resulted in
3.75 million Kenyans and 500,000 refugees requiring food aid (Osano, 2012). This event led
to the formation of the National Drought Management Authority to deal with such events in
the future (Osano, 2012).
Adaptation interventions and the issue of scale
Climate change adaptation occurs at various levels: from farmers adapting farming
practices to national and international policy. The UNDP (2009) specically denes
adaptation as changing existing policies and practices and/or adopting new policies and
practices so as to secure Millennium Development Goals in the face of climate change and its
associated impacts. Adaptation encompasses dealing with change both in the policy arena
and in individual action. Climate change therefore requires responses and policies at all
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oods and
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spatial scales (Urwin and Jordan, 2008). Local, national and international policy should be
integrated and linked across scales (Björklund et al., 2009). These different scales are linked
and climate change policy and adaptation planning at one scale will play an important role in
creating environments conductive for appropriate adaptation measures at lower scales and vice
versa (Adger, 2001). Local response to climate is increasingly embedded in the global response
(Rodima-Taylor, 2012). Therefore, understanding the impacts of climate change at a local scale
is important for making adaptation policy and interventions at not only the local scale but also
for the regional and national scales. This is highlighted by Thomas and Twyman (2005) who
state that a key element for reducing vulnerability to the impacts of climate change is involving
local communities in the decision-making and policy process.
Climate change adaptation has often been framed as a matter of international governance
(Sarkar, 2011). Because of this, early approaches to adaptation took a top-down perspective
(Van Aalst et al., 2008). Since then, many observers have criticized globally uniform and top-
down approaches to managing climate change risks, showing that such approaches have
overlooked the contextual nature of risks, livelihoods and the factors that make people
vulnerable to climate change (Cannon 2000;Ayers, 2011). This growing dissatisfaction with
the top-down approach has led to the search for adaptation methods relevant at the local
scale, and for ways to work from the bottom-up (Van Aalst et al.,2008). Thus, documenting
local communitiesperceptions of climate change is important for policy-making because it
reects local concerns, focuses on the perceived impacts of climate change on livelihoods
and suggests what adaptive measures should be taken (Berkes and Jolly, 2001;Alessa et al.,
2008;Halder et al. 2012). It is important to understand the local context of vulnerability to
oods and droughts (Ayers, 2011). Thus, this paper aims to illustrate one case of an
adaptation intervention project in Isiolo, Kenya, aiming to understand local perspectives of
the impacts of oods and droughts on livelihoods, and how this might be integrated into
interventions and policy at other scales.
Methods
Research motivations and purpose
This livelihoods survey was conducted for the PfR Project. PfR is an alliance of Dutch-based
non-prot organizations, namely: The Netherlands Red Cross (NLRC), The Catholic
Organization for Relief and Development Aid (Cordaid), CARE Netherlands, Red Cross/Red
Crescent Climate Centre (RCCC) and Wetlands International (WI), and operates in nine
countries, namely, Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, Mali, Indonesia, Philippines, India, Nicaragua and
Colombia. In Kenya, PfR is implementing the Climate-Proof Disaster Risk Reduction (CPDRR)
programme in Ewaso Nyiro North River basin through local partners, namely, Kenya Red
Cross Society (KRCS), Merti Integrated Development Programme (MID-P) and Wetlands
International Kenya chapter. The program aims at increasing resilience of vulnerable
communities to increased disaster risks, the effects of climate change and environmental
degradation. The translation of their intervention strategy into practice is characterized by an
innovative integration of three approaches: disaster risk reduction (DRR), climate change
adaptation (CCA) and ecosystem management and restoration (EMR).
PfR aims to take a livelihoodapproach at the community level, and encourage people to
diversify and strengthen their livelihoods to reduce the risk of disaster, adapt to climate
variability and change and manage/restore their ecosystems. Therefore, PfR Kenya wished
to carry out this survey to assess how livelihoods in Isiolo County, Kenya were being
impacted by oods and droughts, and understand the possible options that could be best
promoted and encouraged by the program. Using the perspectives of the communities, the
assessment aimed to identify livelihood options that are both climate-smart and ecosystem-
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friendly that could be implemented and/or encouraged in the project areas by the PfR
partners and implementing organizations. This study serves as an excellent case for
examining the objectives of this paper because the study aims to understand local
livelihoods and then use that information to promote climatechange adaptation strategies.
Study area
Isiolo County is located in the Upper Eastern region covering approximately 25,000 km
2
and
has an estimated population of 143,294 persons according to Kenya National Bureau of
Statistics census (KNBS, 2009). Isiolo County borders Marsabit County to the north, Wajir and
Garissa Counties to the east, Tana River and Meru Counties to the south and Samburu and
Laikipia Counties to the west. Isiolo contains three sub-counties, namely, Isiolo, Merti and
Garbatulla. It is further sub-divided into ten administrative wards, namely, Oldonyiro,
Ngaremara, Isiolo East, Bulapesa, Burat, Kinna, Garbatula, Sericho, Chari and Cherab. Most of
thecountyisaat, low-lying plain. To the west are the volcanic hills and foothill slopes of
Mount Kenya and Nyambene Hills. There are four perennial rivers in the county, including
Ewaso Nyiro which originates from Mt. Kenya and the Aberdare Range, and Kinna and
Bisanadi which originate from the Nyambene Hills. Isiolo County is hot and dry for most of the
year. It has two rainy seasons: long rains in October and November and short rains which fall
between March and May. The average rainfall ranges from 400 to 650 mm and is erratic and
unreliable (Republic of Kenya, 2013). High temperatures are recorded in the County throughout
the year, with a mean annual temperature of 29°C (Republic of Kenya, 2013). Borana are the
most populated ethnic community, with Turkana, Meru, Samburu and Somali also present.
Data collection
The livelihoods assessment used a mixed-methods approach that included document
review, eld observations and notes, household surveys and focus group discussions. This
study took place in seven different communities in Isiolo County (Figure 1). The
communities included in this study were selected based on different, locally classied,
environment types as follows:
Riverine Gotu, Manyangalo, Burat;
Town Merti, Kinna;
Charri Bulesa; and
Cherap Basa.
Document review took place between May 23 and June 3, 2013. The document review was
accompanied by visits to government and organization ofces in Nairobi and Nanyuki.
These ofces supplied electronic and hard copies of documents based on their past work.
Ofces visited include the National Drought Management Authority in Nairobi, the Ministry
of Northern Kenya ASAL Secretariat in Nairobi, Cordaid, Kenya Red Cross Society
Headquarters, Water River Management Authority in Nanyuki and the National Drought
Management Authority in Nanyuki.
Surveys and focus groups were conducted between June 18 and July 9, 2013. Overall, 270
household surveys were collected along with six focus group discussions. The household
surveys were carried out by enumerators in English, Swahili or Borana based on the
respondentspreference, and answers were recorded in English or Swahili. The focus group
discussions were moderated by Quandt with assistance in translation from Borana to
English/Swahili for four of the six focus group discussions. The other two focus group
discussions were conducted in Swahili.
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oods and
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The household survey was created by Quandt and Kimathi with assistance from the Kenya
Red Cross Society Isiolo Branch Ofce. Before conducting the household surveys, the
enumerators were given a training manual and an hour-long training with Quandt and
Kimathi. Male enumerators surveyed males, while female enumerators surveyed females.
Enumerators selected households randomly by surveying one household, skipping two,
surveying the next, and so forth. A summary of the household surveys is provided in Table I.
The survey was semi-structured and open-ended. It included information about
household livelihoods, sources of income, food security and demographic information.
Household livelihood classication were grouped into pastoral (livestock keeping),
agricultural (farming), agro-pastoral (both livestock-keeping and farming) and non-agro-
pastoral (neither livestock-keeping nor farming). The meaning of words such as oodand
droughtwere intentionally left open to interpretation by the respondent. This was done
Table I.
Summary of
household surveys
Community # Surveys # Male respondents # Female respondents
Basa 30 10 20
Bulesa 30 11 19
Merti 73 29 43
Gotu 15 8 7
Kinna 41 18 23
Burat 40 18 22
Manyangalo 41 21 20
Total 270 115 154
*
Note: For some surveys, the gender was not recorded by the enumerator and thus the total number of
surveys is higher than that in the male and female respondent categories
Figure 1.
Map of Isiolo County
and the starred
research sites
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because the impacts of climate change are felt at an individual level and this survey aimed to
capture perceptions of individual respondents. Additionally, we did not want to constrain
the respondents to a particular, scienticdenition of ood or drought. The open-ended
nature of this survey allowed the respondents to answer each question without being
constrained by having to select from a range of answers, which makes it different from
many quantitative surveys. The survey was not meant to be a representative sample of the
seven communities. Instead, the goal was to capture a wide, diverse range of thoughts and
opinions through more qualitative, anthropological techniques. Randomly selecting
households to survey helped ensure that a diversity of responses was captured, as well as
nuances. Nuance is important when trying to understand human experiences because every
household may have different experiences and nuance is about showing that things are not
always true or not true(Rubin and Rubin, 2005).
Overall, six focus group discussions were conducted in Basa, Kinna and Burat. In each of
these three communities, one womens focus group and one mens focus group discussion
were conducted. The focus group discussions were organized by the community leadership
and took place in community government ofces. Each focus group discussion had between
10 and 20 participants and lasted from 1.5 to 2 h.
Data analysis
Data were analyzed using Microsoft Excel and STATA 13. Both the household survey
and focus group data were entered into Microsoft Excel, cleaned and translated into
English, where needed. Statistical analysis was conducted using the same software.
Participant observation and eld notes were left in their original form and used to add
depth to the survey and focus group data. The various sources of data (household
survey, document review, focus group discussions and eld notes) were used to help
increase the general understanding of the research objectives through iterative
triangulation. Iterative triangulation is a theory development process that takes place
by using evidence, existing scholarly literature and intuition to compare and contrast
emerging constructs, ideas and theories (Lewis, 1998).
Results
Livelihoods practiced
Figure 2 illustrates the livelihoods practiced by respondents from the household survey in
all seven communities surveyed in Isiolo County, Kenya. Livelihoods were grouped into
Figure 2.
Livelihood types
practiced in Isiolo
County, Kenya
(n= 270)
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three categories: agriculture, pastoralism and non-agro-pastoral livelihoods, as explained
above. These categories are not mutually exclusive, and about half (53 per cent) of the
households practice more than one livelihood and 33 respondents (12.2 per cent) practice all
three livelihood categories. About half (132) of the respondents practice agriculture, while 71
per cent (192 respondents) practice livestock-keeping. It is important to note that 25
respondents (9.25 per cent) reported having no livelihood activities. This could be related to
the fact that 52 respondents (19.3 per cent) said that their main source of food is food relief/
food aid. Additionally, respondents were asked what the major source of income was for
their household. The top three answers were livestock sales (80 respondents), selling crops
(65 respondents) and casual labor (56 respondents).
During the focus group discussions, participants were asked to list all the livelihoods
practiced in their communities. Along with pastoralism and agriculture, groups named
many non-agro-pastoral activities including: temporary paid labor, selling rewood and
charcoal, working as a tailor, cooking, washing clothes, owning small stores, being maids,
selling used clothes, construction, repairing shoes, driving and fetching water. The
household survey results support these results and the top three non-agro-pastoral
livelihoods named by respondents were casual labor (50 respondents), business (29) and
charcoal making (17). These responses show the wide variety of livelihood activities outside
of natural resource-based livelihood activities.
Impacts of oods
Floods and droughts have different perceived effects on livelihoods, as presented in Figure 3.
According to survey respondents, agriculture was perceived to be affected by oods more
than livestock, and 192 respondents said that oods impact agriculture. The focus group
interviews provide a more nuanced understanding of the impacts of ood, and the women in
Kinna stated that their farms are swept away and the farmers lose morale, the plants are
swept away.
Livestock was also perceived to be affected by ood and the male focus group in Kinna
mentioned that goats in particular suffer during oods because their hooves are hurt and
diseased during ood.While livestock can be swept away in oods, livestock disease may
be a bigger problem caused by oods, as suggested in the quote above. Lastly, many of the
Figure 3.
Main livelihoods that
were named by
respondents as being
impacted by oods
(blue) and droughts
(red)
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focus groups discussed how ood indirectly impacts their livelihoods by creating poor or
impassable road conditions (Table II). This impacts their ability to access markets both to
buy and sell agricultural crops and livestock.
Impacts of droughts
Figure 3 illustrates that the most named livelihood activities perceived to be affected by
drought were livestock, agriculture and cattle specically. Cattle were mentioned by the
most respondents (70) as being vulnerable to drought, compared to goats (25 respondents)
and sheep (37 respondents). Livestock-keeping, in general, can be negatively impacted, and
this is particularly important because livestock-keeping was the main livelihood in the area
(71 per cent of respondents). The Kinna womens focus group told the story of how in 2009
there was a severe drought and one person who had 800 cattle lost all but 50 of them.The
Kinna men supported what the women said by stating we used to have a lot of cows, but
recently there have been problems and we dont have a plan, we lose all our wealth.
Agriculture was named by 104 respondents as being impacted by drought, and many
respondents during both the focus group interviews and household surveys said that crops
dry up and access to water is difcult during droughts. Additionally, some respondents
seem to be transitioning from livestock-keeping to agriculture to support themselves and the
Basa mens focus group went as far to say that if you look ahead the most sustainable
livelihood is farming.
The focus groups had mixed responses about the impact of drought on non-agro-pastoral
livelihoods such as business. The Kinna mens focus group stated that during drought
there is no money, so business goes down.However, other respondents said that during
drought business is good because people have no food so they must buy it at stores.
Discussion
There were two main objectives of this paper: to better understand how oods and
droughts effect livelihoods, using Isiolo County, Kenya, as an example, and to better
inform potential livelihood-related climate change adaptation strategies and policies in
Kenya how to integrate strategies at various scales. This section will explore these
main objectives.
The eects of oods and droughts on livelihoods
The rst step in understanding how livelihoods were perceived to be affected by oods and
droughts is to understand what livelihoods are being practiced and are important to people
in the area. The results for Isiolo County demonstrate that most respondents practiced one
or more of the three livelihood strategy categories: pastoralism, agriculture and non-agro-
pastoral livelihoods. From Figure 2, the two most practiced livelihood strategies are
pastoralism and agro-pastoralism. Isiolo is predominantly made up of traditional pastoralist
Table II.
Focus group
comments on oods
and infrastructure
Focus group Comment
Basa Women oods block the roads
roads are bad
Kinna Women the stores suffer because the bad roads prevent transport
Kinna Men no business if it rains
no cars can get here during oods
Burat Women oods can break the bridge
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groups such as the Borana, Somali, Samburu and Turkana, and thus, it is reasonable to
expect pastoralism to be the major livelihood. The second major livelihood strategy was
agro-pastoralism, and this is indicative of a recent switch to agriculture in the area. It has
been noted (Acacia Consultants, 2011) that some households may be adopting agriculture,
on top of pastoralism, as a coping mechanism to deal with the impacts of climate change.
Additionally, the spread of agricultural technologies, such as greenhouses and generator-
powered water pumps, have made small-scale farming increasingly possible in this arid
landscape (personal observation).
As seen in the results, many households in Isiolo County, Kenya, have diversied
livelihoods. Livelihood diversication involves the creation of a portfolio of farming and
non-farming livelihoods(Paavola, 2008). Generally, diversication is becoming an
increasingly utilized strategy of rural livelihood systems in both developed and developing
countries globally, as documented in the literature (Reardon, 1997;Ellis, 2000;Barrett et al.,
2001;Niehof, 2004;Rodima-Taylor, 2012). More specically, studies have found that the
traditionally pastoral Maasai (McCabe, 2003;McCabe et al.,2010) and Kuria (Rodima-
Taylor, 2012) ethnicities in Tanzania have been diversifying their livelihood strategies for
decades to deal with climate change, increased population and a modernization trend
towards a monetary economy. This appears to be consistent with what is occurring in Isiolo,
where traditionally pastoral groups are now engaging in both agriculture and non-agro-
pastoral livelihoods such as business and paid labor.
The data presented in this paper illustrate the nuanced nature of the perceptions of
various impacts of climate change for different livelihoods, particularly agriculture.
Overwhelmingly, oods were perceived to be the most destructive to agriculture. This is
important because oods could then have a big impact on food security if farms and crops
are destroyed in oods. Food security is a serious issue in this already fairly food-insecure
area because almost 20 per cent of respondents said that food relief was their main source of
household food.
However, agriculture was also named by 104 respondents as being impacted by drought.
This makes agriculture a complex, nuanced challenge for adaptation policy and
interventions because it was perceived as being seriously impacted in Isiolo County by both
oods and droughts. Despite this, many respondents stated that agriculture was a more
desirable and sustainable livelihood in the future. However, this only further complicates
adaptation to agriculture because it is a desired livelihood, but also perceived as being
vulnerable to oods and droughts. This has been documented elsewhere more broadly, and
agriculture remains one of the most vulnerable economic sectors in Africa to climate change
(McCusker and Carr, 2006). Additionally, the impacts of oods and drought on agriculture
may be context-specic and dependent on local ecology, access to water sources, dependence
on rain-fed agriculture and technological skills.
Drought was perceived as being overall the most harmful for livestock, and cattle
specically. While goats and sheep were also perceived as being impacted by drought, cattle
far outweighed them, with 70 respondents naming cattle specically. Cattle are, at least
traditionally, the most important livelihood practiced by Borana (Rufael et al., 2008) and the
perceived severe impact of drought on cattle in Isiolo County is important.
In addition to the direct impacts that oods and drought have on natural resource-based
livelihoods, other indirect impacts were discussed. One of the most important was the
conditions of the roads which these communities rely on to reach larger markets to sell both
their livestock and farm produce. According to the focus groups, these roads are made worse
and sometimes are impassable during times of oods. This impacts their livelihoods
because stores can no longer obtain merchandise, and it is difcult to access markets to
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either buy or sell goods. This means that all three livelihood categories are impacted by a
lack of access to markets during oods. Farmers have nowhere to sell their produce,
pastoralists cannotsell their livestock and businesses are unable to restock supplies.
Recommendations to better inform adaptation at multiple scales
The second objective of this paper was to provide recommendations for policymakers and
climate change adaptation managers in Kenya specically, while providing an example of
how to integrate adaptation at multiple scales. Documenting local communitiesperceptions
of the effects of climate change on livelihoods, as done in this study, is important to policy
and intervention because perceptions reect local concerns and focus on the impacts of
climate change on peoples livelihoods (Halder et al., 2012). This, in turn, inuences their
decisions to act, and suggests what types of adaptation interventions should be undertaken
(Berkes and Jolly, 2001;Alessa et al.,2008;Halder et al.,2012). The study was conducted
specically for the PfR Project, but there are four major recommendations that may also go
beyond the scope of the project.
First, local livelihood diversity should be taken into account even at larger scales of
adaptation interventions and policy. The diversication of livelihoods in Isiolo County may
represent an already existing coping mechanism and adaptation strategy to deal with socio-
economic and/or environmental change including oods and droughts. The diversity of
livelihoods is an important part of rural economies and survival, as documented in this
study, but it is often overlooked in the policy community (Ellis, 1999). Failure to
acknowledge livelihood diversity may hinder the effectiveness of any intervention or policy
because climate change adaptation can only be understood in context, and the context of
Isiolo County is one of increased livelihood diversity (Adger et al., 2009).
Second, the perceived threat of both ood and drought on agricultural livelihoods is
a serious problem that climate change adaptation interventions and policy need to
address. To sustain agriculture and improve food security, both the impacts of oods
and droughts must be dealt with at all levels, from the individual farm to the regional
farming networks. Adaptation policies aimed at agriculture need to consider the food
security of individual farmers but also the entire region during oods or droughts. All
of these factors make agriculture both complex and important for adaptation
interventions and policy.
Third, adaptation policy and interventions should acknowledge the risk of drought on
cattle in marginalized communities. Cattle are still an important livelihood in Isiolo County,
and a major drought could have a serious negative impact on cattle-dependent households.
A focus for adaptation policy should include ensuring access to water and pasture for all
households. This requires a larger-scale approach in landscape management and would
need the cooperation of the government, livestock organizations and communities. While
this is easier said than done, it is a way to integrate local perspectives of the effects of
drought into larger-scale climate change adaptation policies.
And lastly, there should be a focus on critical infrastructure development such as
roads, bridges and overall transportation networks. In Isiolo County, Kenya,
infrastructure was perceived to be seriously affected by oods. When roads are no
longer passable, all livelihoods in Isiolo County, Kenya, suffered. However, developing
ood-resistant infrastructure is a local perceived effect of oods that is easier to
address at larger scales of climate change adaptation policy. Indeed, infrastructure may
be easier to deal with at larger scales, as road maintenance and construction often fall
under the jurisdiction of a larger-scale authority, not individual households or even
communities.
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Conclusions
The discussion sections in this paper address the two major objectives of this paper by
illustrating rst the local perceptions of the effects of climate change in Isiolo County,
Kenya, and then providing four recommendations that should be considered in climate
change adaptation policies at a multitude of scales. This second objective helps address the
problem of integrating adaptation policies at different scales.
The problem of connecting local perceptions of climate change with larger-scale policy
has been called the global governance/local reality paradox. While not operating on the
global scale, the PfR project undertook this livelihood survey for the purpose of planning
livelihood-based adaptation interventions at the county level in Isiolo based on communities
perceptions of the effects of drought and ood. By sampling seven diverse communities
across the county, PfR was able to make recommendations and plan for adaptation
interventions throughout their project sites in Isiolo County. The process described here
illustrates how climate change adaptation interventions and policy could be scaled-up using
local perceptions. This paper provides one case study of an attempt to integrate adaptation
interventions from the local perceptions to a broader county-wide context. However more
research needs to be done to effectively connect macro-level adaptation policy with the
context-specic needs of marginalized communities (Amaru and Chhetri, 2013).
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About the authors
Amy Quandt is a PhD Candidate at the University of Colorado Boulder, Environmental Studies
Program. Amy Quandt was part of this research as a Junior Researcher for the Partners for Resilience
Project from May to August 2013. She has an MS in Resource Conservation with an emphasis on
International Conservation and Development from the University of Montana, and a BS in Biology
from the University of Puget Sound. Amy Quandt is the corresponding author and can be contacted
at: amy.quandt@colorado.edu
Yunus Antony Kimathi is a Volunteer with the Kenya Red Cross Society Isiolo Branch in the
Disaster Risk Reduction Department. He has worked with the Kenya Red Cross Society Isiolo to
conduct disaster risk reduction trainings, surveys and livelihood improvement projects. He is one of
the main facilitators in the Partners for Resilience Project from the Kenya Red Cross Society Isiolo
Branch.
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... Further, drought impacts often reach far beyond the geospatial area of the actual drought due to human migration, economic trade, food production and distribution, and others [2,6,7]. Just as the impacts of drought vary, so do the coping mechanisms and strategies used by natural resource-dependent populations in times of drought [8][9][10]. The research presented in this paper specifically focuses on a semi-arid region of Kenya, and globally, people living in arid and semi-arid regions are generally some of the most ecologically, socially, and politically marginalized. ...
... This research took place in the two communities of Burat and Kinna in Isiolo County, Kenya (See Fig. 1). Isiolo County was selected for this study because it is an arid and semi-arid region, drought is the major natural hazard [9,10], and rainfall has decreased since the 1970s and is projected to continue to decrease (Funk et al., 2010). Additionally, Isiolo County suffers from high rainfall intensities with poor temporal and spatial distribution [53]. ...
... Data was collected in two communities, not as a rigorous comparison, but as a way to explore the continuum of coping strategies across spatial contexts. Lastly, these study sites were selected because I have previously conducted research in these communities (and others within Isiolo) and thus have a baseline understanding of the major challenges facing livelihoods and different solutions [5,9,10]. Burat is located just outside Isiolo Town, and contains a mix of different ethnic groups including Turkana, Meru, Somali, Borana, and Samburu. ...
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Globally, drought impacts more people than any other natural hazard. However, drought is also the most complex natural hazard, and its impacts are not evenly distributed across the landscape or among human populations. Just as the impacts of drought vary, so do the coping strategies used by people during drought. The research to-date on drought coping strategies in Sub-Saharan Africa are highly quantitative, focused on top-down interventions, and do not emphasize individual perceptions, experience, and autonomous decision-making when coping with drought. This paper aims to fill these gaps by examining the human experience of coping with drought through narratives from farmers in Burat and Kinna, Isiolo County, Kenya. This paper highlights (1) their perceived impacts of drought, and (2) the various coping strategies used. A total of 83 interviews were conducted in 20 households. Results found that the perceived impacts of drought were decreased agricultural productivity, livestock hunger, death, and relocation, a lack of water in rivers, human hunger and disease, and violent conflict. The strategies for coping with drought included changing agricultural practices, adopting irrigation, relying on aid, charcoal burning, casual labor, livelihood diversification, and others. Importantly, these coping strategies can be classified into four categories: livelihood diversification, longer-term livelihood strategies, short-term coping activities, and erosive coping strategies. This research contributes to the effort to better document and understand farmers’ perceptions and strategies to cope with drought through qualitative research methods and from the perspective of the individual smallholder farmer, which is important for making context-specific policy and project recommendations aimed at smallholder farmers.
... Because of the high social and economic costs that drought causes, it has received much attention [4,5]. In terms of the numbers of people affected worldwide [6], drought is the most devastating and most complicated natural disaster [7]. Because drought occurs in different regions with varying degrees of severity, it has different impacts on human society and requires to be responded to differently, the management of drought is therefore complex [7][8][9]. ...
... In terms of the numbers of people affected worldwide [6], drought is the most devastating and most complicated natural disaster [7]. Because drought occurs in different regions with varying degrees of severity, it has different impacts on human society and requires to be responded to differently, the management of drought is therefore complex [7][8][9]. As a result of human migration, the effects of drought often extend beyond the geographical area [10]. ...
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The small-scale farmers in Iran and around the world have experienced the highest level of drought vulnerability among all social groups in recent years. As very little research has been carried out on two areas, including (i) statistics and information on the status of adaptation, and (ii) the appropriate adaptation strategies for small-scale farmers under drought conditions, this paucity has increased their vulnerability level. Therefore, this study was conducted to address this gap in two steps. First, farmers' adaptation was calculated using 35 indicators in the form of a sustainable livelihood model. Second, the combined model SWOT-FAHP-TOWS was used to develop 12 appropriate strategies to increase farmers' adaptation to drought. In this study, two groups of small-scale farmers and agricultural experts in northwestern Iran were included in the statistical population. The results revealed that the studied farmers do not have high adaptation because more than 75% of them showed low and moderate adaptation to drought. Furthermore, according to our findings, the two strategies “supporting the development and establishment of microcredit organizations and funds using the spirit of empathy and rich culture of farmers to diversify their livelihoods” and “organizing consultative meetings between experts and farmers to combine indigenous and modern knowledge for increasing the effectiveness of drought mitigation programs” are the most effective approaches to deal with drought. Overall, the results of this study can be helpful for policymakers and planners to sustain farmers' livelihood under drought conditions.
... This could be interpreted as varying rainfall coupled with rising temperatures adversely affecting agricultural production and, consequently, the level of food security (Table 7). It is argued that the varying rainfall and temperature patterns due to climate change have resulted in the escalating occurrence of cyclones, floods, droughts, and heat waves (Hussain et al., 2020;Quandt & Kimathi, 2017), which affect not only agricultural production but also food security and human health in many ways (Ammani et al., 2012;Fanzo et al., 2018;Pickson & Boateng, 2022). ...
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The South Asian region has faced multiple challenges in the last few decades. This region is susceptible to climate change due to the presence of both drought-prone and coastal areas. It also faces the problem of increasing food-insecurity due to the recent events of crop failure consequent to natural calamities. This study examines the nexus between agricultural production and food security amidst climate change for the South Asian nations from 2000 to 2019. From the empirical investigation, using Driscoll-Kraay and Panel-Corrected Standard Error estimators, we get robust results in the presence of cross-sectional dependence and heteroskedasticity. The simultaneous equation model using 3SLS is also used for the robustness check, considering the probable endogeneity issue in the model. The findings of the study reveal that agricultural production, fertilizer consumption, and land under cereal production play a substantial and positive role in determining food security in the South Asian nations. Furthermore, the varying rainfall patterns coupled with rising temperature, as well as the increasing level of CO 2 emissions are found to impede food security in these nations. Additionally, non-climatic factors related to agriculture and land-use are also found to induce CO 2 emissions, which is a major cause of climate change. Therefore, from a policy perspective, this study suggests that to ensure long-term food security in the South Asian nations, the government should implement effective policy measures, which include the decarbonization of the agricultural sector by encouraging the use of renewable energy sources and promoting climate-resilient agricultural practices.
... Therefore, the health effects of drought are generally indirect [5,11]. These include increasing water-related diseases [12][13][14], respiratory and dust related disease [12,15], vector-borne diseases [16][17][18][19][20], malnutrition and nutritional problems, and its negative consequences [21,22], increase in food insecurity [14,15,[22][23][24][25][26][27][28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36], mental health problems including stress & tension [12,14,15,34,[37][38][39][40], depression [41][42][43][44], Anxiety [12,24,45,46] as well as social health impacts including social conflict and violence [12,32,[47][48][49][50], negative effects on social relations & interactions [14,40,51-56], occupational problems [12,34,35,40,57-64], migration [32,35,36,40,56,62,[64][65][66][67][68][69][70][71][72][73], negative impacts on agriculture, livestock, rural and national economic issues, decreasing income and increasing poverty rate [12,20,30,36,38,43,52,53,[56][57][58]60,[62][63][64]72,[74][75][76][77][78][79][80][81][82]]. An increase in the risk of suicide has been reported in some studies [12,83]. ...
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Objectives Drought is a worldwide problem that is increasing in occurrence and severity. It results from climate change and anthropogenic factors and results in social, economic, environmental and health adverse effects. This study explained the health impacts of drought in a province of Iran, a country in the Middle East with widespread drought and water crisis. Methods This case study was conducted using content analysis methodology. Data were collected through in-depth individual interviews and observations. Totally, 57 interviews were conducted in different cities. Data were analyzed using quantitative content analysis by MAXQDA. Findings The direct effects of drought include effects on the quality and quantity of water, soil, environment and ecosystem, which indirectly lead to extensive effects on health dimensions, and endanger physical, mental, and social health. The consequences will be a reduction in the quality and satisfaction of life. Conclusion The consequences of drought in Iran, due to mismanagement of water resources and other socio-economic problems, are more severe and destructive, and obviously, a more serious threat to community health. Therefore, to reduce the effects, fundamental changes in water resources management seem necessary. Further research on the effects of drought on each of the health dimensions, methods to reduce the effects of drought, and increase resiliency and suitable coping strategies are recommended.
... Moreover, some studies have addressed environmental, dust (Achakulwisut et al. 2018; Alston et al. 2018; Benotti et al. 2010;Musemwa 2009; Perkins-Kirkpatrick and Pitman 2018; Yiran and Stringer 2016), water (Abedin et al. 2014;Schijven et al. 2013;Whitehead et al. 2015), energy (Abedin et al. 2014;Luskova 2018;Schijven et al. 2013;Ung et al. 2017;Wilbers et al. 2009), agriculture and livestock (Abah and Petja 2016;Afifi et al. 2014;Ali 2017; Angles et al. 2011; Anyamba et al. 2014; Azadi et al. 2018;Chepkoech et al. 2018;Craft et al. 2016;Diekmann et al. 2017;Gil et al. 2013;Grayson 2013;Greene 2018;Larsen et al. 2014;Li et al. 2011;Lin et al. 2013;Mare et al. 2018;Melkonyan and Asadoorian 2014;Musolino et al. 2018;Pantanahiran 2017;Popoola et al. 2018;Rao et al. 2015;Simatele et al. 2012a;Simatele et al. 2012b;Simelton 2011;Simelton et al. 2012;Sternberg et al. 2009;Swathandran and Aslam 2016;Vaghefi et al. 2016;Wang et al. 2010;Wheaton et al. 2008;Yiran and Stringer 2016). Some articles have also discussed the effects of drought or climate change in general (Bowman et al. 2018;Dumenu and Obeng 2016;Gleick 2014;Goyol 2018;Hlahla and Hill 2018;Iqbal et al. 2018;Jedd et al. 2018;Malley 2009;Mera 2018;Mogotsi et al. 2013;Mupedziswa and Kubanga 2017;Murti et al. 2016;Peters 2015;Quandt and Kimathi 2017;Sartore et al. 2008a;Sartore et al. 2008b;Sherval and Askew 2012;Sherwood 2013;Singh et al. 2013;Sumadio et al. 2017;Tunde and Ajadi 2018;Wheaton et al. 2008;Xenarios et al. 2017). As previously mentioned, some articles have shown the effects of drought and climate change on several issues. ...
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... Further, soil fertility can degrade due to erosion, pesticides, change in cropping pattern, harvest period, and water availability (Bhardwaj et al. 2018). Climatic variability and extreme events such as floods, droughts, and windstorms affect crop and livestock productivity (Quandt and Kimathi 2017). ...
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... Such a consideration poses challenges to attempts to understand and explain it in a holistic and universal fashion. Social scientists have drawn from local and indigenous perceptions of environmental change to understand land degradation (Raban, 1996), flooding (Sandström 1995), soil erosion (Zimmerer 1994), disturbances to mangrove wetlands (Kovacs 2000), glacial melting (Laidler 2006), and drought (Quandt and Kimathi 2017). Local perceptions of environmental change can inform policy interventions by bringing to the fore people's lived experiences (Klintenberg, et al. 2007). ...
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This paper addresses how Makonde Muslim villagers living on the Swahili coast of southern Tanzania conceptualize and discuss environmental change. Through narratives elicited during in-depth interviews and focus group discussions, I show that respondents associate various forms of environmental change—ecological, climatic, political, and socioeconomic—with God’s plan. Respondents had a sound grasp of the material workings of their lived realities and evoked religious causality to fill in the residual explanatory gaps and find meaning in events that were otherwise difficult to explain. Such narratives reveal both a culturally engrained belief system that colors people’s understandings of change and uncertainty and a discursive idiom for making sense of social suffering. On an applied note, I submit that social science approaches to studying environmental change must take into account political and economic contexts relative to local cosmologies, worldviews, and religious faiths, which may not disaggregate the environment into distinct representational categories.
... Due to the difficulty of accurately recalling details the number of incidences and severity were not included in this survey. In order to develop the quantitative indicators of the capital assets the author drew from previous research experience in Isiolo County (Quandt 2020, 2019, 2018, and Quandt and Kimathi 2017. Each quantitative indicator presented in Table 1 represents a question that was asked on the household survey. ...
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... Also, found that in Burat and Kinna 51% of survey respondents reported that drought was more frequent than 10 years ago, and the timing of the rains was less predictable (88%). In a study of 7 communities throughout Isiolo County, survey respondents reported that drought seriously impacts agriculture (39% of respondents) and livestock keeping (44%), while floods impact agriculture (71%) and livestock keeping (17%) (Quandt and Kimathi 2017). Agroforestry in Burat and Kinna is largely dominated by fruit trees, and the major tree species planted, in order, were papaya, mango, guava, banana, and neem (Quandt et al. 2018). ...
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Africa is the one continent which still relies very heavily on agriculture to feed its fast growing population because industry, though significant in a few patches in the North and in the South, is still in its infancy. African agriculture is still largely traditional although important facets of it are gradually coming under increased scientific management. As it is, agriculture is very sensitive to climate which is marked by fluctuations and incessant variability. Frequent and prolonged droughts and dessication are already a threat to agricultural production. Thus the risk of CO2 induced global warming as part of the greenhouse effect would naturally be an added burden to be coped with. At present the projections of global warming produced by the various GCMs suggest that much of tropical Africa will remain warm and may be up to 1°C warmer, but that the subtropical parts of the continent could experience a more significant warming of up to 1.5°C. Contrary to the expectations, global warming in Africa may be accompanied by a Northward shift in the rainbelts bringing more rainfall to the hitherto parched desert lands of the Sahara in the North and the Kalahari in the South, making it possible to carry out some form of agriculture in these regions. But not enough is known of the actual likely distribution of rainfall on a seasonal and annual basis and how agriculture in these lands will respond to the changed conditions. Certain crops like wheat and corn associated with the subtropical latitudes may suffer a drop in yield due to increased temperature on the one hand and rice may may disappear due to higher temperatures in the tropics. Elsewhere agriculture is expected to survive and even become stronger especially where mixed cropping is currently practised and where tree crops are predominant. The high altitude farming districts may have their altitudinal zonation wiped out and be forced to find new forms of agriculture. However, methods of adjustment could be adopted to cope with climate change including the use of new seeds, drought resistant crop varieties and the greater use of irrigation where water availability becomes a constraint to agricultural production. In general Africa should be in a position to survive a global warming by introducing such adjustments and, by making agricultural land use more flexible.
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