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TvT Publication Series Vol. 9
Transrespect versus Transphobia
The social experiences of trans and
gender-diverse people in Colombia, India,
the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga,
Turkey and Venezuela
| Edited by Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Jan Simon Hutta
A major obstacle in developing concrete steps towards
changing the social situation of trans and gender-diverse
people is the lack of data.
The present comparative survey on the social
experiences of trans and gender-diverse people – which
complements the on-going Trans Murder Monitoring and
Legal and Social Mapping projects of the TvT research project
– tries to address this issue for a small selection of countries,
i. e. Colombia, India, the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga,
Turkey and Venezuela. The survey was implemented in form
of a peer research combined with empowerment of local
activists and carried out in cooperation with eight partner
organizations in Asia, Europe, Oceania, and South America.
The results confirm the experiences of trans activists
with empirical data on many issues, including police violence
against trans sex workers. At the same time, they reveal
blind spots of discrimination and Transphobia, including the
situation of trans and gender-diverse children and teenagers.
www.transrespect.org
www.tgeu.org
Transrespect versus Transphobia
The social experiences of trans and
gender-diverse people in Colombia, India,
the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga,
Turkey and Venezuela
| Edited by Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Jan Simon Hutta
www.transrespect.org
www.tgeu.org
The social experie nces of trans and gender-diverse people in Colombia, Ind ia, the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga, Turkey an d Venezuela
Transrespect versus Transphobia
TvT Publication Series Vol. 9 | Edited by C arsten B alzer / C arla LaGata , Jan Simon Hut ta
83
| Notes
| Edited by
Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Jan Simon Hutta
TvT Publication Series Vol. 9
Transgender Europe (TGEU)
www.tgeu.org
Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide (TvT)
c / o Transgender Europe (TGEU)
K i e � o l z s t r . 2
12435 Berlin
Germany
research@transrespect-transphobia.org
www.transrespect.org
Layout | Berno Hellmann, www.bernoh.de
Printer | www.fl yeralarm.com
Text Revesion | Daniel Moure
Copyright 2015 by Carsten Balzer and Transgender Europe (TGEU)
The reproduction of parts of this publication is permitted provided
that due acknowledgement is given and a copy of the publication
carrying the part in question is sent to Transrespect versus
Transphobia Worldwide (TvT) at the address above.
You can support the Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide
project with a donation:
www.transrespect.org/donation
The TvT project and this report are funded by
| Photo Credits
Tonga Leitis Association Collection | Pages 25, 31
STRAP Archives | Pages 37, 42
Mikki Galang | Page 38
Thai Transgender Alliance | Pages 45, 47, 48, 52
Kemal Ördek / Red Umbrella | Pages 63, 64 / 65, 67, 69, 71
Carla LaGata | Front page and pages 1, 7, 10, 21, 23, 26, 35, 50 / 51,
53, 61, 72 / 73, 81, 82
The image on the front page resulted from a TvT training (Trans
Rights Activism Workshop, Darwin, Australia, 13 - 14 May 2014), in
which 35 trans activists from indigenous Australia, Australia,
Aotearoa / New Zealand, Fiji, Germany, the Philippines, Thailand
and Tonga participated.
Transrespect versus Transphobia
The social experiences of trans and
gender-diverse people in Colombia, India,
the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga,
Turkey and Venezuela
A banner, resulted from a TvT training |
(Trans Rights Activism Workshop,
Darwin, Australia, May 2014)
3
Acknowledgements
Acronyms
Terminology
I. A Comparative View of the Experiences of Trans and Gender-diverse People
in the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga, Turkey and Venezuela,
as well as parts of Colombia and India
Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Jan Simon Hutta
I. 1 Introducing the TvT project, its international cooperation and the comparative survey
I. 2 Methodology
I. 3 Comparative Results
I. 4 Conclusion
II. The Social Experiences of Leitis in the Kingdom of Tonga
Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Joleen Mataele
II. 1 TLA and the Leitis of Tonga
II. 2 The experiences of Leitis in Tonga
II. 3 Conclusion
III. The Social Experiences of Trans People in the Philippines
C. Joy Cruz, Charlese Saballe and Brenda Alegre
III. 1 The transpin@ys | Historical, Socio-cultural and Legal Contexts
III. 2 A portrait of the transpin@y | Results of the survey
III. 3 Moving forward | Empowering transpin@ys
IV. The Social Experiences of Trans People in Thailand
Rena Janamnuaysook, Jetsada Taesombat and Kath Khangpiboon
IV .1 Introduction | Discrimination against and human-rights violations
of trans people in Thailand
IV. 2 The current situation of trans people in Thailand
IV. 3 Conclusion
V. The Social Experiences of Trans People in Serbia
Kristian Ranđelović and Jelena Vidic
V. 1 Introduction | Serbia, the Orthodox Church and trans invisibility
V. 2 Analysis | The current situation of trans people in Serbia
V. 3 Conclusion
VI. The Social Experiences of Trans People in Turkey
Kemal Ördek
VI. 1 Introduction
VI. 2 Analysis
VI. 3 Conclusion
VII. Appendix
VII. a Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide | Cooperation across continents
VII. b The TvT Publication Series
VII. c About the authors
VII. d Endnotes
Contents
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Acknowledgements
Since the initial steps for the Transrespect versus
Transphobia Worldwide (TvT) research project were taken
in the spring of 2009, more than 200 people from over 100
countries have helped in shaping and developing this
project. You can find their names on the TvT website
www.transrespect-org.
Some of these individuals have also contributed
significantly to this report by providing advising, sharing
their contacts, organising and implementing the research
in local contexts, generating data and tools of analysis,
analysing the data and compiling the chapters, as well as
by proofreading, conducting questionnaire reviews and
providing trans lation. Without these people, it would not
have been possible to write this research report. We would
therefore like to express our sincere gratitude and
acknowledge these people in alphabetical order. We have
tried our best to name all those who have helped us. Should
we erroneously have forgotten to mention anyone, we very
much regret our oversight and apologise sincerely.
Tamara Adrián (Venezuela), Silvan Agius (Belgium),
Brenda Alegre (Philippines), Aless Amparo (Philippines),
Belissa Andia Pérez (Peru), Nicolas Beger (Belgium),
Whitney Quanita Booysen (South Africa), Jack Byrne (New
Zealand), Mauro Cabral (Argentina), Seanel Caparas
(Philippines), Jessa Carlson (Philippines), C. Joy Cruz
(Philippines), Masen Davis (USA), Julia Ehrt (Germany),
Justus Eisfeld (USA), Leilani Fainga'a (Tonga), Eva Fels
(Austria), Isabel Ferreira (Brazil), Naomi Fontanos
(Philippines), Hender Gercio (Philippines), Michael Heflin
(USA), Berno Hellmann (Germany), Peter Hyndal (Australia),
Gabriella 'Ilolahia (Tonga), Vilai 'Ilolahia (Tonga), Rena
Janamnuaysook (Thailand), Princess Jimenez (Philippines),
Chayothon Kansaen (Thailand), Akekarin Kerdsoong
(Thailand), Kath Khangpiboon (Thailand), Polikalepo Kefu
(Tonga), Thamar Klein (Germany), Ins A Kromminga
(Germany), Agniva Lahiri (India), Roz Lee (USA), Yasmin
Lee (Philippines), Dawn Madrona (Philippines), Joleen
Mataele (Tonga), Jana Mittag (Germany), Daniel Moure
(Germany), Kemal Ördek (Turkey), Nunthachai Phupoget
(Thailand), Kristian Ranđelović (Serbia), Siwadon Rattanaket
(Thailand), Charlese Saballe (Philippines), Brigite Salvatore
(Philippines), Ronnapoom Samakkeekarom (Thailand),
Moritz Sander (Germany), Aris Sangkharom (Thailand),
Sirinthip Sangsawan (Thailand), Sass Rogando Sasot
(Netherlands), Shabeena Francis Saveri (India), Joseli Maria
Silva (Brazil), Piphat Sirakoat (Thailand), Panisara
Skulpichairat (Thailand), Amets Suess (Spain), Paween
Acknowledgements
Surinkham (Thailand), Carla Sutherland (USA), Jetsada
Taesombat (Thailand), Honorable Salote Lupepau'u Tuita
Taione (Tonga), Liesl Theron (South Africa), Jedsadaporn
Thongngam (Thailand), Agabe Tu'inukuafe (Tonga),
Watcharin Tayati (Thailand), Jelena Vidic (Serbia), Stephen
Whittle (UK) and Sam Winter (Australia).
Last but not least, we wish to express our gratitude to
the funders of the TvT project: the Arcus Foundation and
the Open Society Foundations in the USA, as well as the
Heinrich Böll Foundation in Germany and the Dutch
government. Without their financial support, this research
report would not have been possible.
| Details of the banner, result of a TvT training (Trans Rights
Activism Workshop, Dar win, Australia, May 2014)
Acronyms
5
| Acronyms
APTN Asian-Pacific Transgender Network
FTM Female-to-male
GID Gender identity disorder
(diagnostic category)
GRS / T Gender reassignment surgery / treatment
ICRSE International Committee on the Rights of
Sex Workers in Europe
IDAHOT International Day against Homophobia,
Biphobia and Transphobia
IGLYO International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual,
Transgender, Queer Youth and Student
Organisation
ILGA International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual,
Trans and Intersex Association
LGB/T/I/Q/H Lesbian, gay, bisexual /trans / intersex /
queer / heterosexual
MSM Men who have sex with men
MTF Male-to-female
NGO Non-governmental organisation
OHCHR Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights
SOGI / E Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity /
Gender Expression
SRS Sex-reassignment surgery
STRAP Society of Transsexual Women of the
Philippines
SWAN Sex Workers’ Rights Advocacy Network
TDOR International Transgender Day of
Remembrance
TGA Thai Transgender Alliance
TGEU Transgender Europe
TLA Tonga Leiti Association
TMM Trans Murder Monitoring
TvT Transrespect versus Transphobia
Worldwide
6
Terminology
Due to the great variety of concepts and self-definitions
used by different communities around the world, we use
the two established terms, ‘t ra n s p eo pl e’ and ‘gender-diverse
people’, oen simultaneously. We are aware of the challenges
in using these terms, as they originated in Western
discourses, in which binary gender / sex concepts are
assumed as the norm.
Terminology
In the context of the TvT research project and this report,
trans people and gender-diverse people include
those with a gender identity that is different from the
gender they were assigned at birth, and those who wish
to portray their gender in a way that differs from the
gender they were assigned at birth. Among them are
those people who feel they have to – or who prefer or
choose to – present themselves in a way that conflicts
with the social expectations of the gender role assigned
to them at birth, whether they express this difference
through language, clothing, accessories, cosmetics or
body modification. These include, among many others,
transsexual and transgender people, trans men and trans
women, transvestites, cross-dressers, no-gender, liminal-
gender, multigender and gender queer people, as well as
intersex people who relate to or identify as any of the
above. Also included are those who identify with local,
indigenous or subcultural terms – such as Leitis in Tonga
– and relate to the terms ‘trans people’ or ‘gender-diverse
people’, for instance in inter national activist contexts.
Further included are those people in non-binary gender-
systems who were raised in a different gender than male
or female and who self-identify as trans people or
gender-diverse people in international contexts.
We use the term Transphobia to denote forms of vio-
lence, discrimination, hatred, disgust, aggressive
behaviour and negative attitudes directed at individuals
or groups who transgress or do not conform to social
expectations and norms around gender. This includes
institutionalised forms of discrimination, criminalisation,
pathologisation and stigma tisation and manifests in
various ways, ranging from physical violence, hate
speech, insults and hostile media coverage to forms of
oppression and social exclusion. Transphobia particularly
affects gender-diverse / trans people. It operates together
with further forms of power and violence and entails
contextualised engagements. Used in the social sciences
to denominate a complex social phenomenon, it has
acquired a much broader meaning than what is suggested
by the term ‘phobia’, which is understood in psychology
as an individual pathological response.
‘Transphobia’ and ‘Transrespect’ are the guiding
terms in this project: they encompass a spectrum from
violence, discrimination and negative attitudes towards
gender-diverse / trans people on the one hand to recog-
nition, acknowledgement and respect on the other. It is
necessary to investigate both of these poles in order to
develop viable analyses and politics related to trans
acti vism. To underline the significance and specific mea-
nings of these terms in the context of this report, we
spell them in capital letters throughout.
The term Transrespect, in the context of the TvT project,
does not simply refer to the absence of any form of
Transphobia; it is instead the expression of deep respect
for and positive recognition of gender-diverse / trans
people. It includes the acknowledgment of the unique or
particular ways in which these people enrich society.
Thus, Transrespect acknowledges the cultural and social
benefits of gender non-conformity, gender liminality and
gender diversity. It can manifest in individual behaviour
as well as in the reproduction, trans formation and
creation of sociocultural formations, including institu-
tional, cultural, social or religious roles. Transrespect can
benefit not only certain individuals or minorities, but
society as a whole.
7
| Trans activist from Botswana at an international trans
mani festation in Barcelona (Spain), June 2010
8
I. A Comparative View I.1 Introducing the TvT project
I. A Comparative View of the Experiences of Trans
and Gender-diverse People in the Philippines,
Serbia, Thailand, Tonga, Turkey and Venezuela,
as well as parts of Colombia and India
Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Jan Simon Hutta
I. 1 Introducing the TvT project, its
international cooperation and the
comparative survey
The comparative survey presented here emerged in response
to the persistent need for evidence-based compa rative data
regarding the human-rights situation of trans and gender-
diverse people. Complementing Trans gender Europe’s
(TGEU) on-going Trans Murder Monitoring (TMM) and
Legal and Social Mapping projects, it forms part of the
international Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide
(TvT) research project. When the first TMM results were
published in Liminalis – A Journal for Sex / Gender Emanci-
pation and Resistance in 2009, the great international
resonance it elicited brought into sharp relief the acute
need for systematic knowledge on the subject. This need
was also articulated, at around the same time, during the
2nd LGBT Human Rights Conference of the OutGames in
Copenhagen in 2009, when the then Commissioner for
Human Rights of the Council of Europe, Thomas
Hammarberg, presented an Issue Paper called Human
Rights and Gender Identity.1 The Issue Paper contains 12
‘Recommendations to the Council of Europe member states’,
the last of which reads: ‘Develop research projects to collect
and analyse data on the human rights situation of transgender
persons including the discrimi nation and intolerance they
encounter with due regard to the right to privacy of the persons
concerned’.2 The need for research on the human-rights
situation of trans people is even more evident in many parts
of the world outside Europe.
The advocacy network Transgender Europe (TGEU),
which was established in 2005, has provided a great
environment for gathering the expertise of trans activists
from around the world. With its 85 member organisations
in 42 countries and its organisational structure, it has
facilitated the development of the TvT project, its research
collaborations and its administrative implementation. With
the assistance of dozens of partner organisations and
experts in more than 100 countries throughout the world,
as well as funding from the ARCUS Foundation (USA), the
Open Society Foundations (USA) and the Heinrich Böll
Foundation (Germany), TGEU has enabled the TvT project to
produce knowledge on the human-rights situation of trans
and gender-diverse people worldwide. In 2012, Charles
Radcliffe, from the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), commented: ‘As
in all issues of promoting rights of ostracized and marginalized
people, the first step is to start putting the facts on the table. The
Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide project is an
important contribution to this end’.3 Radcliffe referred to the
TvT’s Trans Murder Monitoring as well as the Legal and
9
I.1 Introducing the TvT project I. A Comparative View
Social Mapping, which provide comparative research data
on the human-rights situation of trans and gender-diverse
people in 140 countries worldwide.4 › Figure 1
The present report complements these projects
through in-depth, country-specific research on trans and
gender-diverse people’s experiences with Transrespect and
Transphobia. It is based on a survey questionnaire developed
in 2010 and 2011 through an extensive review. Members of
the international TvT Advisory Board from Africa, Asia,
Central and South America, Europe, North America and
Oceania helped ensure the questionnaire’s transcultural
adequacy so that it could be used in all world regions.
During a three-day Strategic Planning Meeting in Berlin in
October 2011, representatives of trans / LGBT organisations
from India (People Like Us), the Philippines (Society of
Transsexual Women of the Philippines), Serbia (Gayten-
LGBT), South Africa (Gender DynamiX), Tonga (Tonga Leiti
Association) and Venezuela (DiverLex) met to discuss the
peer-research concept and the distribution of the budget.
While Gender DynamiX could not continue participating
due to work overload, Pembe Hayat from Turkey joined in
November 2011.5
In 2012, the TvT Survey on the Social Experiences of Trans
and Gender-diverse People was conducted in the Philippines,
Serbia, Turkey, Tonga and Venezuela, as well as parts of
India and Colombia, resulting in interviews with more than
660 trans and gender-diverse individuals. In 2014, the
research was additionally implemented in Thailand, adding
another 202 questionnaires to the already existing data,
while People Like Us could not carry out this second
research phase. The data analysis was conducted in 2014
| TvT survey partners and country of
implemented research
DiverLex | Venezuela and parts of Colombia
Gayten-LGBT | Serbia
Gender DynamiX | No research implementation
Pembe Hayat / Red Umbrella | Turkey
People Like Us | India (West Bengal)
Society of Transsexual Women of the Philippines |
The Philippines
Thai Transgender Alliance | Thailand
Tonga Leiti Association | Tonga
Figure 1 | Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide research project – Data from 140 countries worldwide
© EuroGraphics for the administrative boundaries (date of information july 2015)
No TVT data
Trans Murder Monitoring
Legal and Social Mapping
Trans Murder Monitoring and Legal and Social Mapping
TvT Survey and Trans Murder Monitoring and / or Legal and Social Mapping
10
I. A Comparative View I. 2 Methodology
and 2015. Unfortunately, the Venezuelan chapter could not
be completed before the closing date and therefore could
not be included in this report. However, the data from
Venezuela and some additional data from parts of Colombia
(the cities of Bogotá, Cali and Medellín and the state of
Manizales) as well as from West Bengal in India are included
in the comparative analysis presented later in this chapter.
The analysis of the 863 questionnaires from the
Philippines, Serbia, Turkey, Tonga, Venezuela and parts of
Colombia and India have revealed some surprising findings.
These include the fact that for the vast majority of res-
pondents in all countries, their gender identity is not recog-
nised in their legal documents. Furthermore, the findings
suggest a divergence between adult trans and gender-
diverse people’s experiences of Transrespect, on the one
hand, and discrimination and violence during child hood
and adolescence, on the other. Particularly worrying are
the results in regard to the experiences of trans and gender-
diverse children and teenagers at school: in most countries,
between more than a third and almost half of respondents
| From back row to front: Jan Simon Hutta (TGEU, Germany), Carla LaGata (TGEU, Germany), Naomi Fontanos (STRAP, the Philippines),
Kristian Ranđelović (Gayten-LGBT, Serbia), Jana Mittag (Heinrich Böll Foundation, Germany), Tamara Adrián (Diverlex, Venezuela),
Joleen Mataele (TLA, Tonga), Julia Ehrt (TGEU, Germany), Agniva Lahiri (PLUS, India), Whitney Quanita Booysen (Gender DynamiX,
South Africa), at the panel presentation ‘Trans Rights Are Human Rights!’ after the TvT Strategic Planning Meeting in October 2011.
reported that they experienced forms of sexual violence in
school. The comparison of different religions in different
countries shows that religious acceptance of trans and
gender-diverse people cannot be attributed to the specific
religions as such, but must be connected to the particular
social and cultural contexts. Moreover, the study provides
additional empirical data for issues that have long been
addressed by activists, such as the intense forms of
Transphobia in several social environments. Surprisingly,
such forms of Transphobia also exist to some degree in
countries that are perceived as rather trans-friendly and
show moderate or even high levels of Transrespect, such as
the Philippines, Thailand and Tonga. The survey further-
more demonstrates that police harassment and violence
pose a persistent challenge in most countries, affecting
trans sex workers in particular.
11
I. 2 Methodolog y I. A Comparative View
I. 2 Methodology
The TvT Survey on the Social Experiences of Trans and Gender-
diverse People combines activist data collection with the em -
powerment of local trans and gender-diverse people through
peer research. This approach was discussed and sub stan-
tiated among the collaborating project partners from Africa,
Asia, Europe, Oceania and South America at the above-
mentioned Strategic Planning Meeting in October 2011.
In what follows, we explain the design of the trans-
cultural questionnaire and the peer-research metho dology.
We will then comment on the implementation of the survey
and some specificities regarding individual countries.
The transcultural questionnaire
The questionnaire used for the TvT survey is structured in
nine domains:
1. General information
2. Family, friends and partners
3. Education
4. Labour market, job, earning one’s living
5. Health-care
6. Legal and criminal justice systems
7. Religion
8. Society
9. Culture
These sections cover a wide range of topics in order to
include issues that are highly pertinent in some countries
(e.g. hormone treatment or sex work), even though they
may not be as pertinent in others. Moreover, the items of all
sections have been designed so as to be applicable as much as
possible to the respective local and regional contexts. For this
purpose, a dra version of the questionnaire was reviewed
by TvT’s international Advisory Board, which consists of
more than 20 experts from all world regions. During the
2011 Strategic Planning Meeting, the question naire was
revised a last time, resulting in the final version agreed on
by all project partners who participated in the meeting.
Various items demanded special attention in order to
be transculturally adequate. These ranged from the listing
of major religions (Item 1.9) to the use of formulations such
as ‘How do you currently earn your living?’ (Item 1.11) rather
than assuming that income is generated through formal
‘employment’. Moreover, formulations like ‘identity’ rather
than ‘gender identity’ were chosen in order to avoid
addressing participants in a language specific to (Global
North-shaped) academic and political discourses.
It was also important to account for the variety of
gender identities, including identities based on binary
conceptions of femininity and masculinity and non-binary
and third-gender conceptions. Item 1.13, in the General
section, gives a range of gender identities as well as open-
reply options. It specifies several MTF and FTM identities
that in one way or another presuppose the binaries of male
and female, alongside ‘Other’ – third sex / gender, non-
gendered, gender-queer, indigenous / local identities and
other – identities.
All sections combine quantifiable reply options and
prompts for open answers. Sections 2 to 9 also include
prompts for longer, narrative replies suitable for qualitative
analysis, for instance item 3.4, ‘Did you ever receive special
forms of respect and acknowledgement from teachers
because of your identity?’, or item 4.2., ‘Have you ever lost
your job because of your identity?’
The empowering peer research
The survey concept involving the intended empowerment
of research participants is based on peer-research
approaches developed in response to distanced and
objectifying forms of knowledge production. In particular,
it has been adapted in modified form from the People Living
with HIV Stigma Index developed in the Global South.6 The
TvT survey is not meant to be an abstract academic exercise
done ‘to’ trans and gender-diverse people’s communities; it
is rather intended to embrace all those involved in a
participatory spirit. Trans and gender-diverse people have
been and will continue to be at the centre of the process as
interviewers and interviewees, and are in charge of how
the information is collected, analysed and used.
In this approach, survey participants are interviewed
by peers and, apart from sharing their experiences, they
also have the possibility of gaining new knowledge. For this
purpose, all project partners were trained in how to conduct
peer research and best distribute relevant knowledge to
the interviewers. The interviewers were trained in
interviewing and in facilitating participatory group dis-
cussions. They received guidance on dealing with difficult
emotional situations and referring people for counselling
or further sources of advice and information. These
important skills may be of use to the interviewers in the
future if they are (or wish to become) involved in similar
projects or other research studies. For example, in Thailand
training participants received signed certificates aer
completing the training for use at universities or in similar
contexts.
12
I. A Comparative View I. 2 Methodology
The training and the survey as a whole thus aimed to
empower interviewers and participants through the inter-
views and their active inclusion in the research process.
One of the respondents in Serbia, a trans woman, stated
that it was very important for her to participate in the
survey and that she knows her statements and examples
are important and helpful not only for herself, but also for
her trans brothers and sisters.
A key principle of the interactive empowerment
approach is that the survey is conducted by peers, i. e. other
trans and gender-diverse people. While it is impossible for
the interviewer to assume ‘full’ peer status in terms of age,
social status, race, class, region or specific gender identity,
the fact that all interviewers identified as trans or gender-
diverse was vital in promoting an atmosphere of confidence
and mutual trust. In particular, all interviewers were asso-
ciated with activist organisations that provide spaces for
the concerns of trans and gender-diverse people from
different backgrounds.
Another principle, the combination of gathering
information and sharing knowledge, meant that inter-
viewers distributed information regarding where trans
and gender-diverse people can receive support and how
they can partake in political processes concerning the
issues at stake. At the same time, the activists conducting
the interviews were trained as interviewers and observers
and became active listeners.
Analysis and composition of data
The analysis aims to provide a comparative overview of
experiences of Transrespect and Transphobia in each of the
particular domains. It seeks to identify which aspects in
the wide range of domains examined are especially positive
or problematic and in need of political attention. It also
seeks to foster insights into the extent to which experiences
can be associated with factors like a certain religion, or the
extent to which they ensue from the particular ways in
which such issues are articulated in different contexts. The
country-specific analyses moreover focus on issues deemed
particularly relevant in the respective contexts. They also
contextualise the findings in light of other studies and the
specific political, legal and social situation.
To organise and process the data for analysis, TGEU
contracted a professional analyst, Eva Fels from the
Austrian trans organisation Trans X, who designed tools
and introduced project partners to their use at a TvT team
meeting in Budapest in April and May 2014. The country-
specific data analysis was conducted in cooperation
between TGEU and the partners and discussed at several
TvT team meetings in 2014 (Budapest, Darwin, Mexico City).
The editors conducted the comparative analysis in 2015.
The size of data sets assembled by project partners
through the participatory peer research varies from
country to country. In Colombia and Serbia (24 and 28
questionnaires, respectively), the numbers are lowest,
although their disparate population sizes – Colombia has
48 million inhabitants, as compared Serbia’s 7 million – need
to be kept in mind. The number of 104 questionnaires in the
Philippines is also at the lower end of the scale in view of
the country’s population of 98 million. Numbers are
moderate in Thailand, with 202 questionnaires (67 million
inhabitants); in Turkey, with 109 questionnaires (75 million
inhabitants); in Venezuela, with 89 questionnaires (30
million); and in West Bengal, with 199 questionnaires (91
million). In Tonga, 108 questionnaires were completed, a
very large number, given its population of 103,000. Among
the reasons for the variations in the size of data sets, apart
from the countries’ respective sizes, are the differences in
accessibility of the countries’ regions and, importantly, in
the visibility of trans and gender-diverse people. Their
visibility is particularly low in Serbia, whereas in the other
countries it is fairly high.
The present report focuses on the quantitative items
of the survey to enable a comparative overview. Here, we
would especially like to acknowledge Eva Fels’ great
contribution and commitment to processing the data in
order to make a comparative analysis possible. The country
chapters also include some discussions of qualitative items,
which can be further interpreted in future analyses. In the
country chapters, the quantitative data is complemented by
responses from the open questions and / or further infor-
mation from local activists.
The survey results for individual countries will be
published in each participating country, alongside this
comprehensive report, as well as in the TvT Publication
Series (see Appendix). The project partners thus have the
opportunity to focus and elaborate on acute political
concerns. They have decided to organise events with stake-
holders, politicians or other NGOs to launch and present
the country reports in their respective countries.
The way the interviews were carried out in the local
contexts differed from country to country. While in most
coun tries the organisations implementing the survey follo-
wed the face-to-face peer-interview approach, in Tonga the
questionnaires were filled out in a guided collective session
in the capital, Nuku’alofa. This modification was owed to the
fact that the Kingdom of Tonga encompasses 176 islands, of
which 36 are inhabited, and that travel is either extremely
time consuming (by sea) or expensive (by air).
13
I. 3 Comparative Results I. A Comparative View
I. 3 Comparative Results
The data sample analysed for this report is based on 863
completed survey questionnaires from the Philippines (104),
Serbia (28), Thailand (202), Tonga (108), Turkey (109) and
Venezuela (89). It also includes questionnaires from parts of
Colombia (24), i. e. the cities of Bogotá, Cali and Medellín
and the state of Manizales, as well as the state of West
Bengal in India (199). It needs to be noted that several items
in the survey were responded to by only some of the
participants. In part, this is due to the fact that some
questions followed up on other questions and became
irrelevant if the previous questions had been answered in
the negative. We have added endnotes to indicate the cases
in which only some of the participants responded to a given
question. The country chapters provide more detail
regarding the share of respondents who answered given
questions.
Age and migration
The average age of all participants was 28.5 years, varying
strongly across the countries. For example, while the
average in Thailand and India (West Bengal) 7 was 25.5
years, with 75 per cent and 68 per cent of respondents,
respectively, under the age of 23, in Turkey it was 35, with
only 5 per cent under 23, but 38 per cent over 35. › Table 1
Table 1 | Age Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West Bengal)
Average 27.5 30.5 25.5 28.0 35.0 28.9 26.8 25.5
< 23 59 % 19 % 75 % 38 % 5 % 53 % 63 % 68 %
24 - 27 1 7 % 22 % 1 1 % 19 % 1 1 % 1 5 % 1 7 % 1 8 %
28 - 30 16 % 19 % 6 % 9 % 14 % 1 5 % 8 % 9 %
31 - 35 9 % 1 5 % 8 % 14 % 32 % 1 8 % 1 3 % 6 %
> 35 0 % 2 6 % 0 % 2 0 % 38 % 0 % 0 % 0 %
Table 2 | Residence
and migration Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West Bengal)
Born in country 9 8 % 10 0 % 9 6 % 99 % 9 6 % 9 6 % 100 % 9 5 %
Raised in current
location 84 % 56 % 72 % 9 3 % 62 % 60 % 63 % 8 1 %
Table 3 | Gender
identity Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West Bengal)
Trans women 78 % 36 % 8 9 % – 86 % 8 0 % 9 6 % 9 5 %
Trans men 1 3 % 6 4 % 1 % – 8 % 2 0 % 4 % 1 %
Other 3 % – 8 % 100 % 6 % – – –
No answer 6 % – 2 % – – – – 4 %
The vast majority of all participants were born in the
respective countries, ranging from 95 per cent in India to
100 per cent in Colombia and Serbia.8 Furthermore, the
majority of all participants lived in the city, village or island
where they were born and raised, ranging from 56 per cent
in Serbia to 93 per cent in Tonga. › Table 2
Details regarding migration and the reasons for
migration can be found in the country chapters.
Gender identity and expression
As explained above, the questionnaires also included
questions regarding the respondents’ specific gender
identity. With the exception of Serbia, where 64 per cent
identified as FTM, overall trans women and female-identi-
fied trans and gender-diverse people (the local identity Leiti
in Tonga) are prevalent. The share of trans women and
female-identified trans and gender-diverse people ranged
from around 80 per cent in the Philippines and Venezuela
to 96 per cent and 100 per cent in Colombia and Tonga,
respectively. › Table 3
There might be two major reasons for the predominance
of trans women and female-identified trans and gender-
diverse people. On the one hand, with the exception of
Serbia, in all countries the research was implemented by
organisations dominated by female-identified trans and
gender-diverse people, who have better contacts to these
I. A Comparative View I. 3 Comparative Results
14
communities. On the other hand, in many countries female-
identified trans and gender-diverse people are more visible
than male-identified trans and gender-diverse people,
which may facilitate outreach. Still, the lack of male-
identified trans and gender-diverse people’s voices in the
TvT survey poses a challenge to the interpretation of the
findings and must be addressed in future research.
The question of whether respondents were raised in
the gender identity they now identify with resulted in some
expected and some unexpected results. While all partici-
pants in Colombia and Venezuela stated that they were not
raised in the gender they now identify with, and while more
than two-thirds stated the same in Serbia, Turkey, Thailand
and Tonga, in India (West Bengal) and the Philippines only
half of the respondents stated that they were not raised in
the gender they now identify with. › Figure 2
A more homogeneous result ensued from the question
of whether respondents live in the gender they identify
with. The vast majority of all respondents in all countries
except India (West Bengal) stated that they always or oen
live in the gender they identify with: 96 per cent in
Thailand, 95 per cent in Turkey, 94 per cent in Venezuela,
92 per cent in Colombia and Tonga, 90 per cent in the
Philippines and 86 per cent in Serbia. In India (West
Bengal), only 51 per cent of respondents said the same,
while 11 per cent stated that they never live in the gender
they identify with. › T a b l e 4
Legal gender recognition
In stark contrast to these findings, the question of whether
the gender the participants identify with is reflected in
their identity documents was mostly answered in the
negative. While a vast majority in all countries except India
(West Bengal) said that they always or oen live in the
gender they identify with, for a vast majority in all countries
except Serbia, this gender is not recognised in their legal
documents. In Colombia and Venezuela, 100 per cent; in
Tonga, 99 per cent; in Thailand, 97 per cent; in India, 96 per
cent; in the Philippines, 94 per cent; in Turkey, 82 per cent;
and in Serbia, 62 per cent of all respondents stated that
their gender identity is not legally recognised. › Figure 3
This finding not only highlights the need for legal
gender-recognition legislation in the Philippines, Thailand,
Tonga, Serbia 9 and Venezuela, but it also raises questions
regarding the practical application of legal gender-recog-
nition legislation in India (West Bengal) and Turkey.
Fortunately, in June 2015 Colombia’s Ministry of Justice and
the Ministry of the Interior signed a decree that eliminates
the need for psychiatric or physical examinations to prove
Figure 2 | Live in preferred gender
Table 4 | Live in
preferred gender Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West Bengal)
Always 85 % 67 % 9 4 % 9 1 % 8 9 % 8 2 % 8 8 % 4 4 %
Often 5 % 19 % 2 % 1 % 6 % 12 % 4 % 1 7 %
Sometimes 9 % 1 1 % 2 % 3 % 4 % 4 % 8 % 14 %
Rarely 0 % 4 % 0 % 2 % 1 % 1 % 0 % 14 %
Never 1 % 0 % 1 % 4 % 1 % 0 % 0 % 1 1 %
50 %
100 %
0 %
Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West-Bengal)
51 % 4 9 %
1 8 %
82 %
2 4 %
76 %
3 0 %
70 %
2 1 %
79 %
0 % 0 %
1 0 0 %
4 9 % 51 %
1 0 0 %
Raised in identified gender
Not raised in identified gender
I. 3 Comparative Results I. A Comparative View
15
an individual’s gender identity, thereby simplifying the
process of legally changing one’s gender. On 9 June 2015,
the first ten Colombian trans people took advantage of the
new rules.10 Further details, e.g. regarding the effects of the
lack of legal gender-recognition legislation or the pro-
blems with existing legislation, can be found in the
country chapters.
Experiences in school
All or almost all respondents had some kind of formal
school education, with some exceptions in the Philippines
(87 per cent), Tonga (90 per cent) and Thailand (92 per cent).
The analysis of the respondents’ school experiences
reveals some worrisome trends in all countries. In more
than half of the countries (Philippines, Turkey, Serbia,
Vene zuela, Colombia), a third to half of respondents said
that they found it hard to change classes or schools due to
negative experiences involving their identity. In Tonga,
only 2 per cent stated that it was hard to change classes or
schools, while in Thailand and India (West Bengal), 10 per
cent and 19 per cent, respectively, stated the same. Dis-
respect from their teachers due to their gender identity was
experienced by a third or more of respondents in Venezuela,
Serbia and Colombia. In Colombia, 22 per cent stated that
they experienced violence from their teachers due to their
identity, in India (West Bengal) and the Philippines 13 per
cent did so and in Venezuela 9 per cent, followed by Tonga
(6 %), Thailand (5 %), Serbia (4 %) and Turkey (2 %).
While this question was not explicitly included in the
survey, it is important to note that not all participants
expressed their preferred gender while at school, and the
question of when participants started to express their
identity within their family sheds some light in this regard.
While for Colombia, the Philippines, Thailand and Tonga,
the average age ranged from 9.6 (Thailand) to 10.7 (Tonga),
in India (West Bengal) the average was 12.1, and in Venezuela
13.6. In Serbia and Turkey, the average age participants gave
was 16.5 and 17.5, respectively. The author of the Turkish
country report also mentions that many trans people in
Turkey are forced to quit school. One of the respondents in
Serbia stated that they changed schools because they were
sexually abused at the first school they attended. In the
Philippines, conservative Christian school policies require
pupils to wear gendered uniforms.
The figures regarding bullying by other students
because of one’s identity are extremely worrisome: in more
than half of the countries, between half and almost all
respondents stated that they experienced bullying. In
Colombia, 92 per cent experienced bullying at school,
followed by Venezuela (78 %), the Philippines (72 %), Turkey
(61 %) and Serbia (50 %). In India (West Bengal) 37 per cent
stated that they were bullied, in Thailand 27 per cent and in
Tonga 8 per cent.
With the exception of Thailand, in all countries a
quarter to two-thirds of respondents stated that they
experienced physical attacks by other students due to their
identity. In Colombia, 67 per cent said that they were
physically attacked by other students, followed again by
Venezuela (47 %), India (West Bengal) (32 %), Turkey (31 %),
Tonga (28 %), Serbia (22 %) and the Philippines (22 %). Again,
the late age at which trans people in Serbia and Turkey in
particular might have started to express their identity
needs to be kept in mind. Even more worrisome are the
figures regarding the experiences of sexual violence at
school. In India (West Bengal) and Colombia, almost half of
the respondents stated that they experienced sexual
Figure 3 | Gender recognised in documents
50 %
100 %
0 %
Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West-Bengal)
6 %
94 %
38 %
6 2 %
3 %
9 7 %
1 %
9 9 %
1 8 %
82 %
0 % 0 %
1 0 0 %
4 %
96 %
1 0 0 %
Yes
No
16
I. A Comparative View I. 3 Comparative Results
violence from other students due to their identity, followed
by the Philippines, Venezuela and Thailand, where up to a
third of all respondents did so. In Tonga, where 8 per cent
of the respondents reported experiences of sexual violence
at school, one of the respondents explained that she was
oen forced to have intercourse by the older boys. Another
declared that she was forced to perform oral sex in the
dormitory.
In sum, the survey indicates the strong need to
consider the experiences of trans and gender-diverse people
at school. Given the high levels of Transrespect in Tonga
(see below), for instance, the high number of experiences of
physical attacks and sexual violence in school in that
country are particularly worrisome. Experiences at school
are discussed at length in the chapters on the Philippines
and Tonga. Moreover, violent and discriminatory be -
haviour by teachers and other students might also be part
of the reason that many trans and gender-diverse people
start to express their identity only during late adolescence
in other contexts like the family, especially in Serbia and
Turkey. › Table 5
Experiences with jobs and paid work
Another strong variance across countries can be observed
in regard to experiences in the labour market. In response
to whether participants earn their living through paid
work, affirmative answers range from 33 per cent in India
(West Bengal) and 42 per cent in Colombia to 78 per cent in
Tonga and 88 per cent in Turkey. Interestingly, several
participants from the Philippines reported being especially
appreciated by their family members because they support
their families financially. In Colombia, 87 per cent of
respondents stated that they have been refused employment
oen or once or twice because of their gender identity; in
Venezuela, 84 per cent said the same, and in Turkey 52 per
cent, but in Tonga only 4 per cent have had this experience.
In Serbia, where 11 per cent of the respondents reported
such experiences, one of the respondents explained that
the fact that their gender marker does not match their
appearance repels most employers.
The question of whether respondents have ever lost
their job because of their gender identity was answered in
the affirmative by 39 per cent of respondents in Turkey and
19 per cent in Venezuela, but by only 5 per cent in Tonga and
2 per cent in Thailand. Employment support, for instance in
the form of training, was received by 41 per cent of
respondents in the Philippines, 36 per cent in India (West
Bengal) and 30 per cent in Tonga, but only 1 per cent in
Venezuela and none in Colombia.
These experiences may also be reflected in the number
of trans and gender-diverse people who earn their money
through sex work. Ninety-nine per cent of respondents in
Colombia, 76 per cent in Turkey, 68 per cent in Venezuela
and 47 per cent in the Philippines, but only 21 per cent in
Tonga and 14 per cent in Serbia, stated that they earn their
living by doing sex work. › Table 6
The large number of sex workers in Colombia, Vene-
zuela and Turkey may relate to the high level of dis-
crimination in the labour market, as well as to the ex tre-
mely worrying degree of violence and discrimination
faced by trans and gender-diverse people at school. As
Table 5 | Discrimination
at school Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West Bengal)
Formal education 8 7 % 100 % 9 2 % 90 % 9 8 % 100 % 100 % 100 %
Difficulties in changing
schools / classes 30 % 34 % 10 % 2 % 33 % 4 2 % 54 % 1 8 %
Disrespect by teachers 2 4 % 32 % 12 % 4 % 1 8 % 3 1 % 4 2 % 22 %
Violence by teachers 1 3 % 4 % 5 % 6 % 2 % 9 % 22 % 1 3 %
Bullying by students 72 % 50 % 2 7 % 8 % 61 % 79 % 9 2 % 3 7 %
Violence by students 22 % 2 5 % 8 % 28 % 3 1 % 47 % 67 % 32 %
Sexual violence 35 % 4 % 29 % 1 3 % 2 3 % 29 % 4 6 % 48 %
Table 6 | Discrimination
at job Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West Bengal)
Paid work 55 % 4 6 % 54 % 78 % 8 8 % 61 % 4 2 % 33 %
Employment refused 4 0 % 1 1 % 22 % 4 % 5 2 % 84 % 8 7 % 12 %
Lost job 1 1 % 12 % 2 % 5 % 39 % 1 8 % 1 1 % 0 %
Sex work 47 % 14 % 3 7 % 2 1 % 7 6 % 68 % 9 5 % 2 6 %
Employment support 41 % 8 % 16 % 30 % 2 % 1 % 0 % 36 %
I. 3 Comparative Results I. A Comparative View
17
Balzer demonstrated in hir study on trans people in Rio de
Janeiro, several trans sex workers started doing sex work
as teenagers mostly because of their transphobic expe-
riences in school and family environments.11 Overall, the
varying number of participants in the different countries
needs to be kept in mind, especially in the case of Serbia.
The comparatively low number of reported trans sex
workers in Serbia may be a result of the difficulties the
local project partner encountered in reaching out to trans
sex workers. This possibility should be considered in
further research.
At any rate, both experiences with paid work in
general and with sex work in particular suggest an acute
need to improve trans and gender-diverse people’s employ-
ment situation across all countries.
Experiences with the health-care system
The number of trans and gender-diverse people who have
been refused general health-care services because of their
identity is surprising. In Turkey, 24 respondents (or 68 % of
all respondents who answered the question) stated that
they were refused general health-care services because of
their identity. In the Philippines, 13 respondents (or 46 % of
all respondents who answered the question) answered the
same, while in Venezuela eight (or 6 % of all respondents
who answered the question), in India (West Bengal) six (or
60 % of all respondents who answered the question), in
Thailand two (or 17 % of all respondents who answered the
question) and in Colombia and Tonga none of the respondents
answered the same. In Serbia, for instance, one of the
respondents explained: ‘The doctor refused to examine or look
at me and wrote that I am healthy’.
A different picture emerges from the analysis of
questions regarding trans-related health-care services.
Ninety-nine per cent of respondents in Tonga stated that
they have never consulted health-care professionals for
trans-related health-care services. Non-consultation was
also prevalent in most other countries: 83 per cent in India
(West Bengal), 66 per cent in the Philippines, 62 per cent in
Turkey, 61 per cent in Colombia and 48 per cent in Thailand
have never received trans-specific heath care. The rate in
Thailand is surprising, since Thailand is seen as the country
to which most trans people in the region travel in order to
have gender-reassignment surgery. The authors of the
Thailand chapter conclude that ‘trans-specific health-care is
still uncommon in Thailand’. Only in Serbia did a majority of
respondents (81 %) say that they have received trans-related
health services. The reasons given for non-consultation vary
from a lack of availability to a lack of knowledge of how to
access the services to the prohibitive cost. While in Tonga and
Turkey, a majority of 95 per cent and 82 per cent, respectively,
stated that trans-related health-care services are not available,
in Thailand (8 %), India (2 %) and Serbia (0 %) very few people
or none said the same.12 The survey question naire contained
several specific questions regarding trans-related health-
care, which we have not analysed compa ratively due to the
inconsistencies in the respondent numbers. These questions
are analysed in detail in the country chapters. › Figure 4
Experiences within religious communities
The majority of respondents belong to one of four major
world religions: Buddhism (97 % in Thailand), Christianity
(96 % in Tonga, 91 % in the Philippines, 83 % in Colombia,
70 % in Venezuela, and 3 % in Serbia), Hinduism (82 % in
India (West Bengal)) and Islam (76 % in Turkey). Only in
50 %
100 %
0 %
Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West-Bengal)
6 6 %
3 8 %
1 9 %
4 8 %
9 9 %
6 8 % 6 2 %
2 6 %
0 % 8 %
9 5 %
8 2 %
4 6 %
1 7 % 0 % 6 % 1 0 %
4 8 %
0 %
8 3 %
2 %
6 0 %
2 9 %
6 1 %
Health-care refused
General health-care
Never consulted
Service not available
Trans-related health-care
Figure 4 | General and trans-related health-care
18
I. A Comparative View I. 3 Comparative Results
Serbia and Venezuela did a third of participants state that
they have no religion. › Table 7
The ways in which the respondents have been treated
and behave within their religious communities varies from
religion to religion, and also from country to country. In all
coun tries except India (West Bengal) (82 % Hindu, 12 %
Muslim, 6 % Jewish), only 1 to 6 per cent of the respondents
belonged to a religion other than the country’s dominant
one. Due to the lack of reliable data, we focus in the following
only on experiences with the major religion in each country.
Of the 97 per cent of trans and gender-diverse people
in Thailand who are Buddhist, 80 per cent said they are
always open regarding their identity, and 98 per cent said
they are allowed to participate in religious services. Of the
82 per cent of trans and gender-diverse people in India
(West Bengal) who are Hindu, only 12 per cent stated they
are always open regarding their identity, and 81 per cent
said they are allowed to participate in religious services. Of
the 76 per cent of trans and gender-diverse people in Turkey
who are Muslim, only 16 per cent said they are always open
regarding their identity, and 84 per cent said they are
allowed to participate in religious services.
There is quite some variety with regard to trans and gen-
der-diverse people who are Christian in Christian-majority
countries. In Tonga, 96 per cent of trans and gender-diverse
people are Christian, 80 per cent of whom reported that
they are always open about their identity. In the Philippines,
71 per cent (of 91 % Christians), in Venezuela 23 per cent (of
70 % Christians) and in Serbia 23 per cent (of 63 % Christians)
reported the same. At the same time, 100 per cent of the
Christian trans and gender-diverse people in Serbia said
that they are allowed to participate in their religious
community;13 91 per cent in Tonga and 77 per cent in the
Philippines, but only 11 per cent in Venezuela, said the same.
The variation regarding Christian trans and gender-
diverse people’s experiences in different countries clearly
shows that the religious acceptance of trans and gender-
diverse people cannot be attributed to the different religions
as such, but must be connected to the particular social and
cultural contexts in question. This is suggested especially
by comparing Tonga on the one hand and Colombia and
Venezuela on the other. › Table 8
Experiences in society | Transrespect versus
discrimination and violence
While the previous sections have focused on particular
domains such as school, work and family, the last section of
the survey addressed overall experiences in society. With
Table 7 | Religion Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West Bengal)
Buddhist 1 % 0 % 9 7 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 %
Christian 9 1 % 63 % 1 % 9 6 % 3 % 70 % 8 3 % 0 %
Hindu 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 8 2 %
Jewish 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 6 %
Muslim 2 % 4 % 2 % 0 % 7 6 % 0 % 0 % 12 %
Sikh 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 %
Taoist 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 %
No religion 4 % 33 % 0 % 4 % 1 5 % 30 % 1 7 % 0 %
Other 4 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 6 % 0 % 0 % 0 %
Table 8 | Experiences
with major religion Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West Bengal)
Being open within religious community
Always 71 % 2 3 % 8 0 % 8 0 % 16 % 2 3 % 33 % 12 %
Sometimes 1 1 % 0 % 7 % 12 % 1 3 % 2 0 % 39 % 2 %
Have not tried 1 5 % 54 % 7 % 7 % 67 % 16 % 6 % 35 %
Not part of religious
community 3 % 2 3 % 6 % 1 % 4 % 41 % 22 % 5 1 %
Allowed to participate in religious services
No 16 % 0 % 2 % 5 % 8 % 78 % 38 % 0 %
Only when I hide my
identity 7 % 0 % 0 % 4 % 8 % 1 1 % 2 5 % 19 %
Yes 77 % 100 % 9 8 % 9 1 % 84 % 1 1 % 3 7 % 8 1 %
19
I. 3 Comparative Results I. A Comparative View
the exception of Tonga, the majority of respondents in all
countries stated that they believe that trans and gender-
diverse people are especially discriminated against in society,
ranging from 100 per cent in Colombia and Vene zuela to 89
per cent in Serbia, 88 per cent in Turkey, 82 per cent in India
(West Bengal), 54 per cent in Thailand and only 22 per cent
in Tonga. As the authors of the Thailand chapter note, the
TvT survey reveals that discrimination against trans people
in Thailand exists, and that the view that Thailand is a
‘paradise for trans people’ is a mis conception.
A more differentiated perspective is offered by the
results to the question of whether respondents feel that
trans and gender-diverse people are always discriminated
against. Here, 66 per cent of all respondents in Turkey
answered in the affirmative, followed by 39 per cent in
Colombia, 35 per cent in Venezuela, 32 per cent in in India
(West Bengal), 19 per cent in the Philippines, 15 per cent in
Serbia, 13 per cent in Thailand and only 2 per cent in Tonga.
The belief that trans and gender-diverse people are
discriminated against in (mainstream) society corresponds
to the reported experiences of being bullied or attacked.
Eighty-eight per cent of respondents in Colombia and 84
per cent in Venezuela stated that they have been bullied or
attacked because of their identity, followed by 73 per cent in
Turkey, 40 per cent in India (West Bengal), 36 per cent in
Serbia, 28 per cent in the Philippines, 16 per cent in Tonga
and only 5 per cent in Thailand.
The reported forms of violence include death threats,
sexual violence, blackmail and extortion, as well as physical
aggression. The analysis shows a large variety in regard to
these forms of violence. In Turkey, 43 respondents stated
that they have received death threats, followed by 13
respondents in India (West Bengal), eight in Venezuela, five
in the Philippines, one each in Colombia and Serbia and
none in Tonga. Attacks including physical violence were
reported by 64 respondents in Turkey, followed by 27 in
Venezuela, 22 in India (West Bengal), 14 in the Philippines,
seven in Colombia, five each in Thailand and Tonga and two
in Serbia. Even more saddening is the amount of sexual
violence that trans and gender-diverse people have
experienced. In Turkey, 56 respondents stated that they
have experienced sexual violence, followed by 41 in India
(West Bengal), 16 in the Philippines, ten in Venezuela, seven
in Thailand, four each in Colombia and Tonga and one in
Serbia. The country chapters offer examples of these
horrible forms of violence. The amount of the various forms
of violence is concerning. This is especially true for Turkey,
where more than half of all respondents stated that they
have experienced violent attacks (58 %) and sexual violence
(51 %). Thus, in the Turkey chapter, the focus is on the
different forms of violence experienced and their contexts.
› Table 9
This trend is also reflected in the figures relating to
experiences of police harassment on the basis of one’s
identity. An in-depth analysis showed that trans and
gender-diverse people are disproportionately affected by
police harassment in most countries. The situation is
particularly worrying in Colombia, Venezuela and Turkey.
In Colombia, 95 per cent of all respondents reported that
they have experienced police harassment, and 52 per cent
that they have experienced it oen; in Venezuela, 80 per
cent reported they have experienced police harassment, 34
per cent stating they have done so oen; and in Turkey, 75
per cent reported experiences of police harassment, with 61
per cent stating oen.
Experiences of police harassment are even higher
among trans sex workers. All trans sex workers in Colombia
reported having experienced police harassment, and 60
per cent said this is always the case; 97 per cent in Venezuela
reported experiences of police harassment, 56 per cent
saying that it is always the case; 79 per cent of trans sex
workers in Turkey reported having experienced police
harassment, and 62 per cent stated that they have oen
done so. The Turkey chapter contains an extensive
discussion of the violence and discrimination faced by
trans sex workers in Turkey and describes the case of a
trans sex worker who was brutally beaten by the police.
Only in Tonga and Serbia – the countries with the
fewest sex workers among the respondents – did none of
the sex workers report experiences of police harassment.
In Tonga, this finding must be seen in the context of the
overall figures, as only one person reported police
harassment on the basis of their identity, while in Serbia it
must be seen in the context of the difficulties in reaching
out to trans sex workers. These findings highlight the need
to account for the complex accumulation and intersection
Table 9 | Discrimination
by society Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West Bengal)
Discrimination (always /
often / sometimes) 8 0 % 8 9 % 54 % 22 % 8 8 % 100 % 100 % 8 2 %
Discrimination (al ways) 19 % 1 5 % 1 3 % 2 % 6 6 % 35 % 39 % 32 %
Bullied / attacked 28 % 36 % 5 % 16 % 73 % 84 % 8 8 % 4 0 %
I. A Comparative View I. 3 Comparative Results
20
of transphobic experiences. Trans and gender-diverse people
who turn to sex work due to discrimination and violence in
domains like school and the labour market are particularly
vulnerable to additional violence in the context of sex work.
The Turkey chapter in particular discusses sex workers’
experiences at length, also pointing to the need to consider
the intersection of Transphobia and violence and discri-
mination against sex workers. › Figure 5 / Figure 6
Contrasting the above views on social and societal
Trans phobia – i. e. the experienced forms of discrimination
and violence in school, in the labour market, by the police,
within religious communities and in society as a whole – with
the views on social and societal Transrespect – i. e. the expe-
r i e n c e s of specific acknowledgement in these areas – reveals
some clearer insights into the overall situation in these
countries, especially regarding the significance of school.
In Tonga, 99 per cent of the respondents stated that
they believe that trans and gender-diverse people receive
specific acknowledgement because of their identity, i. e.
Transrespect, within society, and a remarkable 76 per cent
said they always do so. Similarly, in the Philippines 88 per
cent said that they have received specific acknowledgment
because of their identity, and 33 per cent stated that they
always do so. In Turkey, by contrast, only 40 per cent stated
that they have experienced Transrespect, and only 2 per
cent stated that they always do so; and in Serbia only 19 per
cent stated that they have experienced Transrespect, and
none said that they always do so. In Venezuela and Colombia,
75 per cent and 65 per cent, respectively, stated that they
have experienced Transrespect, while no respondent in
either country stated that they always do so.
In school, experiences of Transrespect were reported
as occurring oen by 38 per cent of respondents in the
Philippines, 28 per cent in Thailand, 16 per cent in Turkey
and 10 per cent in India (West Bengal), but by none in
Colom bia, Serbia, Tonga and Venezuela. This shows that
even in countries with high levels of societal Transrespect
and low levels of social discrimination, school is the
Achilles heel when it comes to Transrespect. This is an
especially worrisome result in Tonga, as is elaborated in
the country chapter. That school experiences stand out is
also suggested by the results regarding the employment
situation, which reflects overall experiences with Trans-
respect and specific acknowledgement. Seventy-three per
cent of respondents in Colombia and 63 per cent in the
Philippines and Venezuela stated that they were employed
on the basis of specific skills related to their identity,
followed by 43 per cent in Thailand, 36 per cent in India
(West Bengal), 20 per cent in Tonga, 9 per cent in Turkey
and 7 per cent in Serbia. › T a b l e 1 0
50 %
100 %
0 %
Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West-Bengal)
1 9 % 5 % 11 % 7 % 4 % 1 % 0 %
75 %
61 %
80 %
52 % 50 %
25 %
34 %
Yes
Often
16 %
9 5 %
Table 10 | Experiences
of Transrespect Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West Bengal)
Society (always / often /
sometimes) 8 1 % 19 % 67 % 9 8 % 4 0 % 7 4 % 6 5 % 2 7 %
Society often 33 % 0 % 2 6 % 7 6 % 2 % 0 % 0 % 1 %
School often 38 % 0 % 28 % 0 % 16 % 0 % 0 % 10 %
Empl. due to skills
(often / once-twice) 63 % 7 % 4 3 % 2 0 % 8 % 63 % 73 % 36 %
Figure 5 | Experiences of police harassment
I. 4 Conclusion I. A Comparative View of the E xperiences
21
I. 4 Conclusion
As stated at the beginning of this chapter, a major obstacle
in developing concrete steps towards changing the social
situation of trans and gender-diverse people is the lack of
data. The present TvT survey tries to address this issue for a
small selection of countries. The results confirm the
experiences of trans activists with empirical data on many
issues, including police violence against trans sex workers.
At the same time, they reveal blind spots of discrimination
and Transphobia, including the situation of trans and
gender-diverse children and teenagers.
Frequently, the enactment of new legal gender-
recognition legislation and improvements in its implemen-
tation are seen as an important first step in improving the
human-rights situation of trans and gender-diverse people.
However, the comparative findings indicate a strong need
for a comprehensive approach that includes complex and
manifold responses targeted at a range of specific social
domains. Here, facets specific to local political and social
situations have to be taken into consideration. For instance,
even where positive experiences of respect and
acknowledgement are reported, expressing one’s identity
seems to be particularly problematic during adolescence
and in the school context.
The Tonga Leiti Association (TLA) has gained a great
deal of experience with school drop-outs and provides
scholarship programmes for them to receive a better
education and training for the labour market. In the
Philippines, an anti-bullying law for elementary and
secondary schools addressing sexual orientation and
gender identity was passed in 2013, and activists are
currently pushing for its implementation. Such responses,
0 % 0 %
50 %
100 %
0 %
Philippines Serbia Thailand Tonga Turkey Venezuela Colombia India
(West-Bengal)
22 % 11 % 1 3 % 0 % 0 %
79 %
6 2 %
9 7 %
60 % 6 3 %
4 5 %
5 6 %
Yes
Often
25 %
1 0 0 %
Figure 6 | Sex workers’ experiences with police harassment
| ‘Transfobi öldürür – Transphobia kills’ – Manifestation against transphobic hate violence in Ankara (Turkey), November 2010
22
I. A Comparative View I. 4 Conclusion
which are elaborated in more detail in the country chapters,
may serve as an inspiration for how NGOs and institutions
could react to the difficult situation faced by trans and
gender-diverse people in schools and the labour market.
In countries like Colombia, Venezuela and Turkey, sex
workers in particular report high levels of violence and
discrimination at the hands of state authorities, highlighting
the need to address issues like arbitrary police violence and
the state of the criminal justice system in these countries.
The author of the Turkish chapter was brutally
assaulted, robbed and threatened with death before being
subjected to ill-treatment by the police in July 2015, as a
result of which an international campaign by several
movements started to raise awareness of the situation in
Turkey. Five major networks (IGLYO, ILGA-Europe, ICRSE,
SWAN and TGEU) wrote a joint letter demanding that
Turkish authorities take immediate action and show political
leadership against increasing anti-LGBTI and sex worker
hostility in Turkey.
By providing evidence-based data on the discri-
minatory conditions activists have been combatting for a
long time and revealing additional problem areas, this
report highlights the need for further studies. This is also
evident from some of the biases in the present survey. Thus,
as explained earlier, with the exception of Serbia, the
experiences of trans men are underrepresented in this
study. At the same time, the experiences of sex workers in
Serbia do not figure as prominently as perhaps they should.
Additionally, in several countries the focus is on particular
regions and on the wider social networks associated with
activist organisations.
From the very beginning, TGEU has considered
continuing and extending its cooperation with partner
organisations in implementing the TvT survey in further
countries. In 2014, TGEU started talks with the Asia-Pacific
Transgender Network (APTN) regarding the extension of
the TvT survey to further Asian and Pacific countries. In
2015, a cooperation was decided on and formalised. Thus in
2016, APTN – in cooperation with TGEU – will implement
the TvT survey in at least four more Asian countries.
23
| Tongan Leiti at a float parade during Miss Galaxy
Week in Nuku’alofa (Tonga), December 2014
24
II. The Social Experiences of Leitis
in the Kingdom of Tonga
Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Joleen Mataele
| Definition of Tongan Leitis
There are people who are attracted to the same sex, and
people a ssigned male at birth who feel they are more like
women than men, in all Pacific countries. In the West,
these people would be regarded as homosexual and
trans gender. However, these terms do not align neatly
with the Pacific’s categories of gender and sexuality,
which are more diverse and culturally unique and include
a wide range of identitie s that a re of ten particular to lo cal
Pacific cultures. The Tongan term Leiti is a modern
derivation of the English word ‘lady’. It is a local term
used mainly for people who would be considered female-
identifying trans persons in the West. Still, it is as diverse
and culturally unique as other Pacific identities.
II. Tonga II. 1 TL A and the Leitis of Tonga
through the so-called TLA Road Show. All participants
gathe red at the retreat centre and the close-by Jowella
restaurant in Nuku'alofa, where they met with other Leitis
from the outer islands, who came to see the Annual Miss
Galaxy Queen Pageant.
This process finally led to 108 completed questionnaires.
The interviewees are from the island groups of Tongatapu,
Vava‘u, Niuatoputapu, Ha‘apai, and Eua.
II. 1 TLA and the Leitis of Tonga
In the Kingdom of Tonga, the trans-led advocacy group
Tonga Leiti Association (TLA) carried out a study on The
Social Experiences of Trans and Gender-diverse People as part
of the Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide (TvT)
project in partnership with Transgender Europe (TGEU).
The research conducted in Tonga brought up two
surprising moments. The first concerns the rich sample,
signalling very good representation: 108 of estimated 250
Leitis in all the islands of Tonga were interviewed.
Giving the fact that the Kingdom of Tonga encompasses
176 islands, of which 36 are inhabited, and that travel is
either extremely time consuming (by sea) or expensive (by
air), the questionnaires were filled out in a guided collective
session in the capital, rather than through face-to-face
interviews. Still, this approach led to the most representative
TvT survey sample in the study. In November and December
2012, TLA organised events around the global ‘Sixteen days
of Activism against Gender-based Violence’ and included
the implementation of the TvT survey in this event.
A complex system was developed in which villages
were grouped in stations. Five Leitis from every station
were picked. The outreach to these villages was conducted
II. 1 TLA and the Leitis of Tonga II. Tonga
| TLA Training for the TvT study in Tonga
Since then, TLA has received royal patronage and its
members have been active in campaigning in the main-
stream community as advocates for the Leiti community
and promoting HIV / AIDS awareness to youth, family and
the Leiti community. TLA also started educating Leiti
school drop-outs by providing scholarships and launched
Tonga’s first ever condom and water-based lubricant
campaign 2007. Moreover, TLA campaigns for human
rights around sexual diversity with a focus on improving
the rights, and celebrating the contribution, of Leitis in
Tonga. TLA pursues these aims in various ways, but most
importantly by means of the Miss Galaxy Beauty Pageant.
For the last 21 years, TLA has held this annual beauty
pageant, which has in effect become a ‘pride’ event for the
Pacific region.
The vast number of interviewees must be seen in the
context of TLA having 122 registered members, and esti-
mating a total of 250 Leitis living openly in all Tongan
islands. According to the Tonga Department of Statistics,
the population of the Kingdom of Tonga in 2011 was 103,000.14
This means that the TvT survey sample represents 0.1 per
cent of the entire population of the country, and 43 per cent
of its estimated visible Leiti community.
The second surprising aspect of the study has to do
with the comparatively high level of Transrespect,
coinciding with comparatively low levels of Transphobia, in
the country. The high level of Transrespect is in contrast to
the legal situation of Leitis in Tonga, who not only lack the
right to legal gender recognition, but are also subject to two
forms of criminalisation: the criminalisation of homo-
sexuality 15 and the criminalisation of cross-dressing under
certain circumstances.16
At the same time, the data show some worrying trends
regarding the childhood experiences of Tongan Leitis,
ranging from bullying to physical attacks and sexual abuse
in schools and families.
Although Tongan Leitis form a subculture with a long
histor y,17 much recent activism in Tonga has emerged from
TLA, which was formed in 1992 to counter public hostility
and discrimination due to the fact that Leitis were associated
with the AIDS epidemic in the early 1990s. When, in
February 1992, the TLA founders took the idea of establishing
a new civil-society organisation to look aer the welfare
and wellbeing of Leitis to Her Royal Highness Princess
Salote Mafile’o Pilolevu and to ask if one of her children
could be their patron, Her Royal Highness supported the
idea and agreed that her eldest daughter Honourable Salote
Lupepau'u Salamasina Purea Vahine Ari'i 'oe Hau Tuita
would become the patron of the new organisation.
| Her Royal Highness Princess Salote Pilolevu, Lord Tuita and Her
Excellency Adi Koila Nailatikau (First Lady of Fiji) at the Official
Opening of the TL A Office, where the TvT project was introduced
25
II. Tonga II. 1 TL A and the Leitis of Tonga
faced enormous discrimination in mainstream society.
They were bullied, insulted in the streets, demonised by
religious leaders and held responsible for the arrival of
AIDS in Tonga.
Thus, the high level of Transrespect and other positive
results, which will be outlined below, must be seen as the
result of TLA’s extremely successful activism over the past
20 years.
The effectiveness of TLA activism in the last two
decades could be observed in December 2014 at the Miss
Galaxy Week, a one-week celebration for the event’s 21st
anniversary. The Miss Galaxy Week started on a Sunday
with two events. The first was a Holy Mass in the Catholic
Basilica of Nuku'alofa, Tonga’s capital, in which many Leitis
participated in female clothing and their pageant sashes,
which explained who they represented.
The second event was a candlelight vigil in a central
place in Nuku'alofa linked to World AIDS Day to remember
those Leitis who have passed away. It was extremely
impressive to see the participation in the latter of not only
the patron of TLA, the Honorable Princess Salote Lupepau'u
Salamasina Purea Vahine Ari'i 'oe Hau Tuita, but also
several politicians and religious leaders who acknowledged
the enormous work TLA has done in the last 20 years. The
Seven Day Adventists’ pastor sang with his daughter and
declared: ‘To be a good shepherd is to come out of the comfort
zone and recognise and work with minorities’. The president of
the Free Church of Tonga said: ‘What TLA did in organising
this event should have been done by the churches’. The director
of the Ministry of Health also acknowledged that Leitis are
leading the way by assisting the Ministry of Health and the
Tonga Family Health Association in all HIV-awareness
programmes in Tonga. Twenty years ago, however, Leitis
26
| Tongan Leitis in the Catholic Basilica in Nuku'alofa
II. 2 The experiences of Leitis in Tonga II. Tonga
2.1 The legal situation of Leitis
The research shows that in Tonga there is a striking gap
between living in one’s preferred gender and having one’s
preferred gender recognised in one’s legal documents.
Ninety per cent of the 108 participants stated that they
always live in their preferred identity, 1 per cent oen, 3 per
cent sometimes and 2 per cent rarely, and only 4 per cent
stated that they never live in their preferred identity. As
reasons for only sometimes or never living in their preferred
identity, two stated that it is their own choice not to do so,
one referred to not having a fixed gender and six stated
that they do not do so because of obstacles. Furthermore,
more than two-thirds (70 % of the 108 interviewees) stated
that they were raised in the gender identity they now
identify with.
Because 99 per cent of all participants reported that
their preferred gender is not recognised in their legal
documents, the vast majority of the 90 per cent of Leitis
who always live in their preferred gender face a major
challenge in Tonga. › Figure 2 / Figure 3
Of the 108 participants, 97 per cent stated that the
Christian name on their legal documents is not their
preferred name. Of the 3 individuals who do have their
preferred name on their documents, two stated that their
preferred name is a male one, while the third claimed a
non-gendered identity.
Another striking gap is evident in the fact that homo-
sexuality and so-called cross-dressing under certain
circumstances are criminalised in Tonga (see previous
section), but none of the 108 participants has ever been
fined, arrested or convicted on the basis of their identity. In
fact, only 1 per cent of participants reported having been
fined, convicted or arrested, but not for reasons oen
II. 2 The experiences of Leitis in Tonga
The highly representative sample from Tonga shows a
striking homogeneity in regard to several identity aspects
of the participants.
All 108 participants answered that they are Tongan.
Only three of them had one parent who migrated from
another country, i. e. Fiji and India.
Not surprisingly, all Tongans who participated in the
survey defined themselves outside the Global North-shaped
MTF-FTM binary and chose the third category, ‘Other’,
instead. Ninety-five per cent further specified their identity
as an ‘indigenous / local identity’, naming it ‘Leiti’ (see defi-
nition in the previous section), 2 per cent (i. e. two indi-
viduals) defined as ‘non-gendered’, two as ‘multi-gendered’
and one as ‘gender-queer’. › Figure 1
However, 99 per cent of all participants reported that
their preferred gender was not recognised in their legal
documents, and only 1 per cent, or one person, who claimed
a non-gendered identity, reported otherwise. This suggests
that, with one exception, all Leitis who participated in this
research have a gender identity that differs from the one
that was assigned to them at birth.
Of the 101 participants who answered the question
regarding their religion, 96 per cent stated ‘Christian’,
and four per cent stated that they have no religion. The
average age of the participants at the time of the survey
was 28.
Figure 1 | Self identification (gender) Figure 2 | I live in my preferred gender
1 % Gender-queer
0 % 3rd gender
2 % Non-gendered
2 % Multi-gendered
0 % 50 %
95 % Indigenous / local
100 %
2 % Rarely
91 % Always
1 % Mostly
3 % Often
0 % 50 %
4 % Never
100 %
27
II. Tonga II. 2 The experiences of Leitis in Tonga
experiences in their family, 33 interviewees, or 30 per
cent, reported having experienced Transrespect in their
family.
Of all 108 participants, 91 per cent declared that they
are open as a Leiti to all or to some of their friends (84 % to
all, 7 % to some), 4 per cent are not open and 5 per cent have
never tried to be open. Of the 98 participants who answered
the question regarding whether their friends appreciate
their Leiti identity, 73 per cent stated always, 7 per cent
oen, 12 per cent sometimes, 3 per cent rarely and only 4
per cent never. At the same time, of the 99 participants who
answered the question regarding whether their friends
disrespect their Leiti identity, 60 per cent answered never,
experienced by trans and gender-diverse people in other
countries, such as homosexuality, ‘cross-dressing’, prosti-
tution or public nuisance. Only 1 per cent of all participants
have experienced police harassment. This surprising
finding is confirmed by findings regarding experiences
with Transrespect and Transphobia in several social areas.
2.2 Leitis in the private sphere
Of the 92 interviewees who answered the question regarding
transphobic experiences within their family, 90 per cent
stated that they have never had such an experience, 3 per
cent reported that they have been bullied, and 7 per cent
reported that they have been attacked. Of those who have
experienced Transphobia, five interviewees mentioned that
as children and teenagers they were ‘ forced to talk and act
like a man’, three mentioned that family members did not
like their being open as a Leiti, three reported violence
from male family members, one was sexually abused by a
cousin at the age of 12, one was hit by their father for ‘not
acting like a man’, and one reported: ‘My brother used to put a
rope on my neck to hang me so I would talk and act like a man’.
› Figure 4
On the flipside, of the 57 interviewees who answered
t he qu es t ion r eg ar di n g e xp e ri en ce s of Tra n sr es p ec t w it h in
their family, more than half (33 interviewees or 58 %)
reported that they receive family support in regard to
their gender identity. As examples, many of them reported
that female family members (‘my mother’, ‘my aunty’, ‘my
grand mother’) support them in regard to their Leiti
identity. Three reported that family members have bought
make-up or female clothes for them or supplied them with
‘all my girly stuff’. While ten interviewees, or 9 per cent of
all survey participants, reported having had transphobic
28
Figure 3 | My preferred gender is legally recognized
99 % Always
1 % Mostly
0 % 50 % 100 %
Figure 4 | Negative childhood experiences within own family
0 % Being abused
90 % None
3 % Being bullied
7 % Being attacked
0 % 50 % 100 %
| Prison experiences
Seven per cent of all participants, i. e. seven participants,
reported that they have been in jail, but not because of
their Leiti identity. Of the six respondents who answered
the question regarding which prison cell they would
prefer, if they could choose one, four answered a men’s
cell, one answered a women’s cell and one answered a
separate unit relating to their gender identity. Three
answered the question regarding which cell they were
put in: one was put in a cell that did not correspond to
their gender, another in a cell that did correspond to
their gender and the third in solitary confinement.
However all seven answered that their identity did not
affect the way they were generally treated in prison,
although three of them repor ted that they did experience
sexual violence: one by other inmates, one by prison
staff and one by inmates and staff.
II. 2 The experiences of Leitis in Tonga II. Tonga
regarding experiences within the family: a vast majority of
Leitis in Tonga reported that they have had positive
experiences instead of negative ones, and that the Leiti
community’s experiences of Transrespect and appreciation
outnumber the experiences of Transphobia and disrespect
within very important social environments: family, friends
and partners. › Figure 5
2.3 Leitis at school
While Leitis have had more positive than negative
experiences with family, friends and partners regarding
their identity, their experiences at school show a slightly
different picture.
The questions regarding experiences at school were
generally answered by 97 to 100 of the 108 survey participants
(average 98.5). Of these, 86 per cent reported that their
identity did not affect their overall treatment at school,
while 14 per cent said it did. Ninety-eight per cent did not
find it hard to move into a new school or class because of
their identity, while 1 per cent experienced problems once
or few times and 1 per cent oen. Ninety-nine per cent also
reported that their achievements were not acknowledged
less than those of others because of their identity, while 1
per cent reported that they were. At the same time, 98 per
cent reported that they never experienced special respect
or acknowledgement because of their identity at school,
whereas 2 per cent reported that they did. One hundred per
cent reported that they never experienced special respect
or acknowledgement because of their identity by their
teachers. At the same time, 96 per cent reported that they
never experienced disrespect from their teachers because
of their identity, while 2 per cent experienced disrespect
once or few times and 2 per cent oen. As examples, two of
the respondents reported that they were told off for being a
Leiti, one reported that she was hit for being a Leiti and one
stated that she experienced disrespect by teachers ‘only
when I overacted as a girl’. Ninety-four per cent reported that
they never experienced physical violence from their
teachers because of their identity, while 6 per cent reported
that they experienced physical violence from their teachers
because of their identity once or few times. As examples,
these 6 per cent stated: ‘The teacher hit me on the head’,
‘Because I didn’t participate in boys’ activities’, or ‘Only when I
showed too much of my true identity’. Ninety-two per cent
answered that they have never been excluded, bullied or
insulted because of their identity by other pupils or
students, 5 per cent had these experiences once or few
times, and 3 per cent oen. These 8 per cent gave the
following examples: ‘Just because of me being a Leiti’; ‘Boys
always asked me to suck them’; ‘Teasing and bullying me in the
20 per cent rarely, 18 per cent sometimes and 2 per cent
oen. No one answered always.
This means that the vast majority (92 %) of the 98
respondents who answered the question have experienced
that their Leiti identity is appreciated by their friends. At
the same time, 60 per cent of 99 interviewees stated that
they never experience disrespect regarding their identity
from their friends, but 38 per cent said that they experience
disrespect rarely or sometimes, and only 2 per cent oen.
Of those who sometimes experience disrespect, two gave
the following examples: ‘When I am out in church’ and ‘It
really depends on your surroundings’.
Ninety-six of the 108 participants answered the
question regarding whether they are open regarding their
identity with their partner, spouse or lover. Of these, 54 per
cent answered that they are very open, 39 per cent answered
that they are open in some respects and 7 per cent answered
that they do not try to be open. Eighty-nine Leitis answered
the question regarding whether their partners / spouses /
lovers appreciate their identity: of these, 35 per cent
answered always, 36 per cent oen, 7 per cent sometimes,
18 per cent rarely, and 4 per cent never. Of the 90 participants
who answered the question regarding whether their
identity is disrespected by their partner, spouse or lover, 79
per cent answered never, 12 per cent rarely, 6 per cent
sometimes, 2 per cent oen and 1 per cent always. This
means that over three-quarters have their identity
appreciated by their partner, spouse or lover, and that
almost the same proportion reported that they have never
experienced disrespect in regard to their identity by their
partner, spouse or lover.
The results regarding the experiences with friends
and with partners, spouses or lovers reflect the results
Figure 5 | Experiences of Transrespect in the private sphere
92 %
0 % 50 % 100 %
Leiti identity appreciated by friends
Leiti identity appreciated by partners
Receive family support regarding Leiti identit y
Experience Transrespect within the family
30 %
5 8 %
7 8 %
29
II. Tonga II. 2 The experiences of Leitis in Tonga
number of Leitis who have dropped out of school and would
therefore not be able to receive tertiary education, and
obtain meaningful employment, without support. Anecdotal
evidence from Leiti school drop-outs who receive TLA
scholarships suggests that many Leitis are bullied in school,
which negatively affects their overall wellbeing. A key
reason given by the scholarship holders for the high level of
drop outs is the stigma and discrimination experienced
within the educational system, in particular bullying.
2.4 Earning one’s living as a Leiti
Of the 91 participants who answered the question of
whether employment was refused to them because of their
identity, 94 per cent answered never, 3 per cent answered
once or few times and 1 per cent answered oen. Another 2
per cent stated that they did not know. › Figure 8
Of these 91 participants, 95 per cent stated that they
have never lost a job because of their identity, and five per
cent stated that they have oen lost a job for this reason.
Ninety-eight per cent of these 91 answered that their
identity has never affected their treatment at their work
place, and only 2 per cent said that it has.
Of the 89 participants who answered the question, 17
per cent reported that they have oen received employment
support, 13 per cent once or twice, 53 per cent never and 17
per cent explained that such support does not exist. The
majority of the 30 per cent who reported that they have
received employment support explained that they received
it from TLA. The TLA has established a Governing Board –
consisting of representatives of the government, NGOs and
the business sector, as well as legal advisors – which helps
secure jobs for unemployed TLA members, and which runs
hallway’; ‘Some of them hated that (being a Leiti)’. At the same
time, 98 per cent stated that they had never received special
respect because of their identity from other pupils, whereas
2 per cent stated that they had.
Surprisingly, the frequency with which respondents
experienced physical attacks and sexual violence from
other students was much higher. Four per cent reported
that they were oen attacked physically by other students
because of their identity, 14 per cent reported that they
were attacked physically for this reason once or few times
and 82 per cent never experienced such forms of violence
from students. Thirteen per cent reported that they
experienced sexual violence or harassment because of their
identity from other students, while 87 per cent reported
never having experienced sexual violence. Asked about
their experiences, the 13 per cent gave the following
examples: ‘... ‘cause they always thought that my mouth is good
for sucking’; ‘I was in an all-boys’ school, and I was always asked
by some of the boys to have oral sex or intercourse with them,
and if I didn’t comply I got hurt’; ‘When I used to be a dorm
student’; ‘In the dormitory, I was forced to do oral sex’; and ‘I
was forced to have intercourse most of the time by the older
boys’. › Figure 6 / Figure 7
The vast majority of the survey participants had
neutral experiences in school regarding their Leiti identity.
However, the negative experiences, including dire experi-
ences of physical attacks and sexual violence, outnumber
the very few positive experiences Leitis had at school.
The TvT research in Tonga thus confirms TLA’s
experiences with school drop-outs. A current programme
conducted by TLA consists of providing scholarships to
Leitis who want to achieve academic qualifications in order
to obtain a tertiary education. This is in response to the
30
Figure 6 | Physically attacked by students at school Figure 7 | Sexually harassed or attacked by students at school
87 % Never
13 % Few times
0 % Often
0 % 50 % 100 %
82 % Never
1 4 % Few times
4 % Often
0 % 50 % 100 %
be open within their religion, while 1 per cent stated that
they are not part of a religious community. Ninety-three
per cent stated that their identity is valued within their
religion, and 7 per cent said it is not.
Ninety-three per cent said that they have never been
told that they cannot participate in religious services
because of their identity, 5 per cent stated that they are not
allowed to participate because of their identity and 3 per
cent stated that they are only allowed to participate if they
hide their identity. › Figure 9 / 10
II. 2 The experiences of Leitis in Tonga
an advocacy programme in the rural areas of Tongatapu
and in the islands of Vava‘u.
All 108 participants answered the question regarding
whether they are working in a sector in which Leitis have
established themselves. Of these, 78 per cent said no, 21 per
cent said yes, 1 per cent answered that such a sector does
not exist. Of the 21 per cent who answered yes, the majority
stated ‘TLA’ as the sector, followed by ‘hairdresser’. Only
one person, or 1 per cent, answered ‘sex worker’ and gave as
the reason ‘because I am accepted for who I am in sex work’.
On the flipside, of the 75 interviewees who answered
the question, 16 per cent reported that they have oen been
employed because of special skills or knowledge related to
their identity, 4 per cent reported once or twice, and 79 per
cent stated never. In addition, 1 per cent stated that they do
not know.
The results show that the vast majority of Leitis in
Tonga do not have negative experiences in relation to the
labour market, their job or workplace, and that the positive
experiences outnumber the negative ones. Here, it is
important to note that positive experiences relate mostly to
support by the community, i. e. the TLA programmes.
2.5 Leitis in religion
As mentioned above, of the 101 participants who answered
the question regarding their religion, 96 per cent stated
‘Christian’ and 4 per cent stated that they have no religion.
Eighty-nine of the 108 survey participants answered the
question regarding their experiences with their religion: 81
per cent of these stated that they are always open regarding
their identity within their religion, 11 per cent stated
sometimes and 7 per cent said that they have never tried to
| His Eminence Lord Cardinal Soane Patita Paini Mafi adddressing
World AIDS Day 2013, hosted by the Tongan Ministry of Health
and TLA
Figure 9 | Is your identity valued within your religious or
spiritual community?
Figure 8 | Has employment been refused to you for to being a
Leiti?
0 % 50 % 100 %
94 % Never
1 % Often
3 % Few times
0 % I didn’t express my identity
2 % I don’t know
7 % No
93 % Ye s
0 % 50 % 100 %
31
II. Tonga II. 2 The experiences of Leitis in Tonga
However, when it comes to experiencing violence, 84
per cent reported that they never have been bullied or
attacked because of their identity in the broader society,
but 16 per cent have. › Figure 11 / Figure 12
2.7 Leitis and the health system
Of the 107 participants who answered the question, 100 per
cent stated that their identity has never affected how they
have been treated when receiving public health-care
services. However, of 108 participants 99 per cent reported
that they have never visited a counsellor, doctor, hormone
specialist or other professional about transition and trans-
related health-care. Only 1 per cent have done so, but only
once or few times. › Figure 13
Among those who have never visited a specialist, 95
per cent stated both ‘cannot afford’ and ‘services not
available’, 25 per cent stated ‘not needed / wanted’ and 1 per
cent stated ‘don’t know how to get’ and ‘other reasons’. Thus,
the lack of trans-related health-care poses a great challenge
for Leitis in Tonga.
Summing up, 93 per cent declared that their identity
does not affect the way they are treated within their
religion, whereas 7 per cent stated that it does.
This means that the vast majority of Leitis in Tonga
have neutral or positive experiences within their religious
community, and only few are excluded and / or have nega-
tive experiences. The research results thus confirm the
impressions at the Miss Galaxy week in December 2014, in
which religious and political leaders celebrated the
importance of the Leiti community, as mentioned at the
beginning of this chapter. As the picture below demon-
strates, one year earlier, the then-Bishop of Tonga, Soane
Patita Paini Mafi, who was appointed Cardinal (Cardinal-
Priest of Santa Paola Romana) by Pope Francis in February
2015, spoke in favour of TLA at the World AIDS Day in 2013.
Again, it is noteworthy that this situation has resulted from
20 years of successful advocacy by TLA.
2.6 Being a Leiti in Tongan mainstream society
All 108 survey participants answered the questions
regarding their experiences in the broader society, and
their answers confirm the overall trend.
Ninety-nine per cent of all participants think that Leitis
are appreciated as Leitis in Tongan society, while only 1 per
cent do not. Of these 99 per cent, 76 per cent think that Leitis
are always appreciated, 12 per cent think they are oen appre-
ciated and 11 per cent think they are sometimes appreciated.
On the flipside, 78 per cent think that Leitis are never
discriminated against in society for being Leitis, 17 per cent
think they are sometimes discriminated against, 4 per cent
think they are oen discriminated against and 1 per cent
think they are always discriminated against.
Figure 11 | Do you think Leitis are appreciated in Tongan society?
1 % Never
76 % Always
12 % Often
11 % Sometimes
0 % 50 % 100 %
32
Figure 10 | Due to my identity, I was excluded from religious
services
92 % No
0 % 50 % 100 %
3 % Only when I showed my identity
5 % Ye s
| Experiences of violence
The experiences of violence contradict the general level
of Transrespect in Tongan society. Six participants
reported that they have been insulted or threatened
with violence, five have experienced physical aggression,
four have experienced sexual violence and one has been
blackmailed.
Some of the respondents gave the following examples.
One stated that she was brutally raped in a park when
she was still in school. Another reported having been
raped ten years earlier, which rape was prosecuted and
led her to engage in social activism for Leitis to prevent
what happened to her from happening to others. One
reported that she was raped by eight boys in a hut and
had to leave school because of the rumours. Another
stated that she was abused and attacked from behind
by three boys, but was saved by other boys, who beat
the perpetrators.
Others reported that they were hit with a bottle, attacked
by drunken men or ‘would prefer to not talk about’
what happened.
Five of those who were sexually assaulted complained,
and three considered the investigation and outcome of
the complaint, as well as the support they received,
very good.
Of the eleven participants who answered the question
regarding whether they ever thought of committing
suicide as a result of negative experiences related to
their identity, 73 per cent stated never and 23 per cent
stated once or few times.
II.3 Conclusion II. Tonga
Figure 13 | Have you visited a counsellor, doctor, hormone
specialist, surgeon or other health professional about
transition / trans-related health-care?
Figure 12 | Have you been bullied, attacked or abused because
of your identity?
84 % No
16 % Yes
0 % 50 % 100 %
99 % Never
0 % 50 % 100 %
1 % Once or few times
0 % Often
33
II. 3 Conclusion
The TvT research in Tonga is a milestone for TLA and the
Tongan Leiti community insofar as it has enabled TLA to
discover the views and experiences of Tongan Leitis and
enabled the survey participants to share their stories freely
in a safe and anonymous environment. The latter must be
seen in the context of the cultural taboo of not speaking
about negative experiences within families and in child-
hood. In 2012, Joleen Mataele explained in the first TvT
research report: ‘Because of our culture and taboo, there is a lot
of silence. Nobody would be able to report any abuse or anything
that’s done to a leiti because, you know, that family would think
that they have rumours about it’.18
Thus, the comparatively high degree of experiences of
Transrespect in many areas is contradicted by astonishingly
horrible reports of experienced violence, which is usually
not spoken about in Tongan society. Here, the number of
experiences of sexual violence in school and family during
childhood, as well as in prison and within the broader
mainstream society, is extremely worrisome.
The comparatively high levels of Transrespect for
which Tonga is notable among the six countries that have
participated in this survey are further clouded by the legal
and health-care situation of Leitis. As shown, the lack of
legal gender-recognition legislation contradicts the reality
of Leitis and results in a striking gap between living in
one’s preferred gender and having one’s preferred gender
recognised in one’s legal documents. This lack of legal
recognition contributes to social invisibility and a lack of
influence on the policymakers and officials responsible for
resource allocation and service delivery. Legal gender
34
II. Tonga II.3 Conclusion
recognition therefore represents one of the keys to equality
for Leitis in Tonga. At the same time, the Tongan penal code
criminalises not only homosexuality as ‘sodomy’, but also
so-called ‘cross-dressing’ under certain circumstances.
Although neither of these laws has been enforced in recent
decades, they pose a challenge and have to be removed or
reworded. Criminalisation perpetuates discriminatory and
outmoded beliefs, for instance among some health pro-
fessionals, who consider the Leiti identity a disease or
disorder. These legal barriers, stigma and discrimination
make Leitis more vulnerable and have to be overcome. As
well, trans-related health-care and Leiti-awareness training
among health-care practitioners is needed in Tonga.
Despite these needs, TLA has little to no funding from
governments or donors in the region for its various projects.
This funding is needed to continue its successful awareness
raising and its fight for Leitis’ rights, wellbeing and sexual
health. Resources are urgently needed to fund this work.
And this requires leadership from governments, donors
and institutions in Tonga.
In conclusion, even though attitudes towards the Leiti
community have changed in the 21st century, Leitis still
face different forms of violence, including sexual violence.
The advocacy and awareness programmes that TLA has
been running for the past 21 years have broken down many
of the barriers that Leitis faced in the recent past. The TvT
research in Tonga will enable TLA and its activists to reach
out to Tongan communities and political leaders to support
TLA’s future plans. The research results will be used to
educate and break down more of the barriers that the Leiti
community continues to face.
This little kingdom is far too small for haters and
discrimination. Leitis need support, love and care.
35
| Miss Galaxy 2014 at the Miss Galaxy
Aftershow Party in a resort in Nuku'alofa
(Tonga), December 2014
III. The Phillipines III. 1 The transpin@ys
36
III. 1 The transpin@ys | Historical,
Socio-cultural and Legal Contexts
In the Philippines, the Society of Transsexual Women of the
Philippines (STRAP) carried out The Social Experiences of
Trans and Gender-diverse People as part of TGEU’s
Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide (TvT) project.
A total of twelve transpinays, all members of STRAP, were
involved in the various stages of this project.
There are not a lot of studies on trans people and
trans-specific issues in the Philippines, and most published
work on the subject has been done by non-Filipinos and / or
non-trans people. Having Filipino trans groups undertake
this research – from survey design through data collection
to analysis of results – has been an important way of
empowering trans people in the Philippines. The experience
will help Filipino trans activists embark on more peer-
research projects in the future, thus ensuring that data is
made available in a way that is most useful to the local
trans community.
Due to geographical constraints and the high costs
invol ved in travelling throughout the entire archi pelago,
interviews were concentrated in the greater metropolitan
area of Manila. The first batch was done in Quezon City, the
second in Caloocan City, the third in Navotas City and the
last in Antipolo City. Respondents were briefed about the
questionnaire and self-administered interviews were
facilitated.
Before discussing the findings of the TvT survey, we
will provide some context regarding trans identities and
movements in the Philippines. Spanish colonialism, which
imposed Catholicism, forms part of this context.
Pre-colonial and colonial identities
The Philippines is an ethnically diverse country with a rich
history that has long been marked by international
influence. Given the more than 300 years of Spanish colonial
rule, the most predominant religion is Christianity, and in
particular Catholicism, with about 80 per cent of the
population identifying as Catholic.
Gender identities and practices are diverse, and from
the few existing historical accounts we have been able to
trace gender pluralism as well as the transgression of
binaries in the pre-colonial and colonial eras.19 Due to the
many islands in the Philippines, various regions had their
own words to describe people who are gender variant. One
word was babaylan, which originally denoted women with
leadership roles who were akin to shamans, spiritual
III. The Social Experiences of Trans People
in the Philippines
C. Joy Cruz, Charlese Saballe and Brenda Alegre
III. 1 The transpin@ys III. The Phillipines
The accessibility of the Internet over the past decade
introduced transpin@ys to online information on tran si-
tioning. Although gender transitioning is not a crime in the
Philippines, it is fraught with danger because there is no
trans health-care standard to ensure proper tran sitioning
procedures.
There are also new movements and research platforms
separating issues regarding MSM (men who have sex with
men) from trans issues. As of this writing, an amendment
to include trans rights in the Philippines’ Anti-Dis-
crimination Bill is being discussed. Anti-discrimination
ordinances have now been approved in Angeles City,
Bacolod City, Candon City, Cebu City, Dagupan City, Davao
City, Quezon City and the Provinces of Agusan del Norte
and Cavite. Since 2009, gay men are officially allowed to
serve in the military, although the same is not true for trans
women. The Anti-Bullying Law for elementary and secon-
dary schools was passed in 2013, and its Implementing
Rules and Regulations explicitly prohibit bullying on the
basis of sexual orientation and gender identity.
Although it is not illegal to be transpin@y, the Phi-
lippines does not have a gender-recognition law, and people
are not able to change their name and gender marker in
legal documents even aer undergoing gender-confirming
surgery. There are also still no laws allowing for same-sex
couples to marry, adopt children or enter into custodial-
property agreements. The Mely Silverio 2 8 case is the last
known case to reject any revisions to trans persons’ identity
markers.
healers who mediated between the gods and the people, but
which was also used to describe ‘gender crossing’ or
feminine men.20 Gender-variant people in Luzon, in the
northern Philippines, were known as bayoc or bayogin.
Labia were gender-transgressing men in Zamboanga, in
the southern Philippines, who were thought to be hermits.21
The asog were shamans from the Visayan Islands who
thought themselves to be feminine as well as masculine.22
The mentefuwaley libun (one-who-became-woman) and
mentefuwaley lagey (one-who-became man) were trans
identities among the Teduray in Mindanao, southern
Philippines.23 Interestingly, all these groups were venerated
and highly respected.24
Today, a vibrant segment of the population in the
country identifies as bakla – people who were assigned a
male gender at birth but who do not conform to
heteronormative expectations regarding gender and sexual
roles. The word itself is a challenge because it denotes not
only sexual orientation, but also sexual identity, gender
identities and gender expressions.25 The term most likely
emerged in the post-war era.26
The transpin@y Rising | The trans movement in the
Philippines
The spread of gender-rights activism started with groups like
Kakasarian in the 70s and the University of the Philippines’
Babaylan and Pro-Gay Philippines in the early 90s. The
flourishing of LGBT activism in the Philippines during this
period started to break down the conflation of the different
bakla iden tit ies, a nd P hil ippin e so cie ty wa s sl owly int ro duce d
to the issues of gender identity and trans genderism. In
2002, the Society of Transsexual Women of the Philippines
(STRAP), the first support and rights advocacy group for
and by trans women in the Philippines, was founded.
The Philippines did not have any modern local term to
describe the trans experience until STRAP introduced
transpinay in 2008.27 Transpinay was coined from the words
‘trans’, for transgender / transsexual, and pinay, a local term
for Filipina (a woman from the Philippines). For this report,
transpin@y is used to mean a trans and / or other gender
non-conforming person of Philippine descent. Transpinay is
a Filipina trans woman, whereas transpinoy is a Filipino
trans man. Transpin@y, transpinay and transpinoy are the
most suitable terms to use from this point forward to refer
to trans identities in the Philippines.
There are now several active trans groups in the
Philippines. Transpinoys have also become very visible over
the last few years with the founding of two female-to-male
(FTM) trans groups, Pinoy FTM and TransMan Pilipinas.
| Members of STRAP wearing traditional Filipiniana gowns at the
launch of transpinay – The Other Filipina Woman
37
38
III. The Phillipines III. 2 A por trait of the transpin@y
III. 2 A portrait of the transpin@y |
Results of the survey
Data were collected from 104 transpin@ys, the great majority
of whom identify as male-to-female (MTF) transgender or
transsexuals (79 %), while 13 per cent identify as FTM. The
remaining individuals identify with other terms, including
cross-dresser, third gender or multi-gendered.
Profile of the participants
The mean age of the respondents at the time of the survey
was 27.5 years, with the youngest 17 years old and the oldest
49. The participants were heavily concentrated in
Metropolitan Manila or the National Capital Region (81 %),
while the rest were from the neighbouring Region IV-A or
Calabarzon (19 %). Nearly one-fih of the respondents (16 %)
were migrants from various parts of the Philippines,
including as far away as Jolo, Sulu, in the south of the
country. Better work and educational opportunities were
reported as the major reasons for migration.
Of the 103 who answered the question about their
religion, an overwhelming majority are Christian (91 %).
Ninety per cent of the 104 participants have obtained at
least a high-school education. Nearly three in five
respondents (55 %) are gainfully employed in various
sectors, from those, like fashion, beauty and entertainment,
in which transpin@ys’ have traditionally found greater
acceptance, to more newly accepting ones such as Business
Process Outsourcing (BPOs), academia and banking, and
some are involved in the sex industry. Nearly three of every
seven respondents (28 %) draw financial support from their
family through their parents or siblings. Very few get help
from friends (8 %), from government welfare (4 %) or from
other sources (2 %).
Among the 100 participants who answered questions
about their living arrangements, 57 per cent live with their
parents or siblings, 11 per cent per cent live alone, 14 per
cent live with friends, 13 per cent live with a partner or
their children and 2 per cent live with others who have a
similar identity. When asked if they are active members of
organisations working for trans people, 69 per cent of the
98 who responded said they are.
Living in their preferred gender
Participants were asked if they live in their preferred
gender, and 85 per cent of the 102 who responded said they
always do so. The 14 respondents who gave other answers
were asked why. Eleven said that it was their personal
choice to not always live in their preferred gender. Other
reasons mentioned were lack of acceptance and the inability
to be legally recognised in one’s preferred gender.
Social connections | Family, friends and partners
Of the 96 participants who responded to the question of
how they were raised, about an equal proportion said they
were (46 %) and were not (47 %) raised in the gender they
currently identify with.
Among the 89 participants who answered the question
regarding whether they are able to be open about their
gender identity with their family, 88 per cent reported in
the affirmative, while 10 per cent said that they are but with
some conditions, only sometimes or only with selected
family members.
Close to one in four respondents (23 %) who are able to
be open about their gender identity with their family have
expressed this identity with them for as long as they can
remember. Over three-quarters started to express their
identity with their family at 11.5 years of age, on average.
The respondents began expressing their gender identity
with their family when they were as young as four and as
old as 30.
| Transpinays campaign for Gender Recognition and Equality at
the QC Pride 2014
39
III. 2 A portrait of the transpin@y III. The Phillipines
Two respondents reported oen being bullied by
family members, while five respondents have been bullied
once or a few times. Verbal abuse (passive-aggressive
remarks, negative comments), teasing, aloofness and
expressing annoyance are examples of bullying experienced
by transpin@ys from their families because of their gender
identity.
Eighty-eight per cent of the 97 participants reported
that they receive support from their families in relation to
their gender identity. Family support may vary; it can be in
the form of verbal expressions of love, moral support,
acknowledgement of their gender identity, buying of clothes
and make-up and financial support. Mothers were
mentioned a few times by respondents to have shown
support and love. Most transpin@ys reported being accepted
and appreciated by their family members because they
provide financial support to the family.
Friends seem to be an important social support among
transpin@ys. More than nine out of ten participants (92 %)
stated that they are always open about their gender identity
and expression with all their non-trans friends. There are
salient differences, however, in the frequency with which
participants reported being appreciated by non-trans
friends: a great majority mentioned that they are always
appreciated (63 %) and a substantial proportion that they
are oen (15 %) or sometimes (20 %) appreciated, while very
few stated that they are never appreciated (2 %). It is worth
noting that appreciation by non-trans friends is expressed
partly in the form of comments that the respondents are
natural and beautiful.
Respondents also reported being disrespected by non-
trans friends. Of the 96 participants who answered, 4 per
cent reported that they are always or oen disrespected,
the majority (56 %) that they are sometimes or rarely
disrespected and 35 per cent that they are never disrespected.
The reported examples of disrespect include not having
their gender identity recognised (non-acceptance, not using
their preferred name and correct pronoun), being laughed
at, being asked rude questions and being bullied. Not
surprisingly, with the Philippines being a predominantly
Christian country, some respondents experienced
disrespect from non-trans Christian friends, who cited
Bible verses to criticise the respondents’ being and
identity.
A great majority (90 % of the 94 who answered the
question) said they are very open about their gender identity
and expression with their lovers. Eighty-five per cent of the
92 who responded said they have lovers who appreciate
their gender identity. Expression of love, acceptance,
respect and moral / emotional / psychological support were
mentioned as examples of how the respondents’ lovers
express their appreciation of their identity. Some of the
responses were within the context of a live-in arrangement.
Some participants also reported disrespectful behaviour
from their lovers (20 %), including asking very personal
and inappropriate questions, arguing heatedly, mis under-
standing and using incorrect pronouns.
Education | School-related experiences
Close to three out of every ten respondents (13 % oen and
16 % once or a few times) reported difficulties due to their
gender identity when changing schools or classes. These
difficulties included non-acceptance of their gender identity
and the curtailment of their expression of their gender
identity because of conservative Christian school policies
like requiring pupils to wear gendered uniforms.
The difficulties in the school setting reported by the
respondents included many forms of discrimination,
bullying, harassment and violence from their teachers and
schoolmates. Figure 1 shows that a quarter of the parti-
cipants reported having experienced situations in school
where their achievements were not valued as highly as
those of others because of their gender identity. Because of
their gender identity, the participants said that they had
been expected to work harder to prove their worthiness of
acceptance, both at school and in society at large. The
disrespect experienced by the respondents from non-trans
friends was compounded by the disrespect (reported by 24
of 100 respondents) and physical violence (experienced by
12 of 93 respondents) from their teachers, and it too came in
various forms, including non-acceptance of the respondents’
gender identity and being asked rude questions. They also
reported having been taunted, teased and punished by
their teachers, with one respondent stating that she had
been asked by the teacher to stand before the class for the
entire period and several being called a sinner by their
teachers. Of the 101 participants who answered the question
on bullying at school, 72 per cent experienced being bullied.
The gender identity of many respondents was the target of
school bullies. Some respondents reported physical abuse,
including being kicked, and others who were stronger
would get into fights because of their gender identity. Of
the 98 participants who answered, more than a third (35 %)
experienced sexual harassment at school. The sexual
advances of schoolmates reported by some transpinay
respondents include male schoolmates showing them their
penises, being touched inappropriately and being forced to
touch male schoolmates’ genitals. One respondent reported
being raped in the school bathroom by a male schoolmate.
IIII. The Phillipines III. 2 A portrait of the transpin@y
The good news is that many respondents also had
positive experiences at school. More than three-fihs of
participants reported having experienced some form of
respect in school (63 %), from their teachers (64 %) and from
their schoolmates (63 %). These positive experiences came
in the form of being asked to participate in various school
activities, having their creative skills tapped, being comple-
mented on their looks and so on.
Employment | Earning your keep
Participants were asked about their negative employment
experiences. Figure 2 shows that close to two-fihs of
respondents (39 % of the 100 who answered) reported
having been refused employment because of their gender
identity, while one-tenth of the 91 who answered have lost
at least one job because of their gender identity. These
respondents stated that potential employers do not
recognise their gender identity, and that they can be hired
only if they conform to established gender conventions.
Some transpinays reported that only those born female can
fill other job vacancies. Fourteen respondents successfully
challenged the decision to refuse them employment
because of their gender identity, while 45 just kept silent
about it.
Participants were also asked about their good
experiences while looking for work and on the job. Sixty-
two per cent of the 95 who responded said they have
obtained employment because of their specific skills and
knowledge, which are related to their gender identity (see
Figure 2). Companies in traditionally trans-friendly sectors
such as fashion and beauty hire trans people because they
oen possess gender-identity-based skills like make-up / hair
and design skills. Meanwhile, companies (mainly multi-
nationals in the BPO sector) with diversity policies hired
respondents with good communication skills. When asked
about employment support, close to two-fihs of
respondents (41 % of the 99 who answered) stated that they
receive employment support, including having their gender
recognised, being able to participate in training
opportunities and being involved in their company’s
diversity programme. › Figure 2
About 57 per cent of the 86 who answered the question
regarding where they work work in a sector in which trans
people have established themselves. In the Philippines,
these sectors include entertainment, beauty, fashion,
retail / trade, BPOs and sex work. Thirty-eight participants
have done sex work; 35 of these are transpinays and two are
transpinoys. Those who earn their living by doing sex work
were asked why they do it: 26 cited a lack of other oppor-
tunities, some feel accepted in this kind of work (12 res-
pondents) and others prefer this kind of work over other
kinds of work (five respondents). A lack of education and
needing to help their families financially were the other
reasons mentioned.
Forty-one per cent of the 93 who responded said that
their gender identity affects how they are treated at work
or while applying for a job. Most of the time, human-
resource managers do not know how to treat trans people,
so there is a need to educate them regarding trans issues.
Only one in ten of those gainfully employed work in a
setting with specific facilities for trans people.
Of the 81 who rated their overall work experience,
about one in three (28 %) said it was somewhat bad to very
bad, 20 per cent were neutral and the majority (52 %) rated
it as somewhat good to very good.
Figure 1 | Experiences of discrimination, bullying, harassment
and violence at school by teachers and other students
40
Figure 2 | Employment experiences
Sexually harrassed / attacked in school
Physically attacked by other students
Bullying or insult from other students
Physical violence from teachers
Disrespect from teachers
Achievements acknowledged less than those of others
0 % 50 %
35,7 %
22,7 %
71,3 %
12,9 %
24,0 %
26,5 %
Ever been employed because of knowledge and skills
in relation to identity
Ever received employment support
Ever lost job
Ever been refused employment
0 % 50 %
62,1 %
41,4 %
11,0 %
40,0 %
III. 2 A portrait of the transpin@y IIII. The Phillipines
Brush with the law | The legal and criminal justice
systems
Six participants mentioned that they have tried to change
their gender marker on their legal identification documents,
while five have tried to have their name changed on these
documents. They all found the experience difficult and
expensive, and they were all ultimately unsuccessful.
Five respondents have oen experienced police
harassment because of their gender identity, while 13 have
experienced it once or twice. The police use anti-vagrancy
laws to harass the respondents. Extortion was another
harassment method mentioned. The respondents report
sometimes being charged with an offence for no reason,
and the police will only drop the charges in exchange for
sexual favours. Of those who have experienced police
harassment, 45 per cent are engaged in sex work.
Three respondents said they have oen been in prison,
while five said they have been in prison once or twice. One
respondent mentioned being hit by another inmate.
Another was sexually assaulted by a prison staff member,
while two others were sexually assaulted by other inmates.
On a lighter note, five respondents said the other inmates
respected them.
Religion, society and culture
While 6 per cent of the participants said that they are not
part of a religious or spiritual community, 17 per cent of
those who answered the question regarding whether they
are open about their identity with their religious or spiritual
community said they are not because they fear violent
reactions and negative comments. About five out of every
nine respondents (54 % of the 82 who answered) thought
their gender identity is not valued within their religious
community, and in particular that being trans is considered
a sin by their religious community.
Nine respondents are not allowed to participate in
religious activities because of their gender identity, while
five are permitted if they hide their gender identity. One
transpinoy respondent was told that he could only continue
to teach in Sunday school if he stopped expressing his
gender identity (i. e. stop dressing up as male). More than
two-fihs of the respondents (41 % of the 80 who responded)
believe that their gender identity affects how they were
received or treated in church. Of the 61 who rated their
experiences within their religious community, 21 per cent
rated them as somewhat bad to very bad.
While four-fihs of respondents (81 % of the 98 who
responded) thought that they are especially appreciated in
Wellbeing | Health-care experiences
More than one-third of the 99 who answered stated that
their gender identity affects how they are treated when
they access public health-care services. Actually, of the 28
transpin@ys who have tried, about half (46 %) said that they
have been refused access to public health-care for various
reasons, including health professionals’ belief that trans
people get sick because of hormone overdoses, em -
barrassment at seeing a trans body and lack of knowledge
regarding how to handle trans cases.
The participants who accessed health-care services
were asked to rate their experiences of trans-related care.
Figure 3 shows the proportion of respondents who rated
their experience of health-care services as somewhat bad
to very bad. Only one of the seven respondents who have
undergone gender-reassignment therapy rated the
experience as bad, while two of the 28 respondents who
visited a doctor or hospital to consult on medically unsu-
pervised body modifications rated it as bad. › Figure 3
Regarding health-seeking behaviour, a great majority
of the participants (66 % of the 99 who responded) reported
never having consulted a health professional regarding
transition or trans-related health-care. Alarmingly, 28 per
cent of those respondents who have never consulted a
health professional do not see any need to do so. Others
reported financial difficulties (31 %) as their reason for not
having trans-related health-care consultation, while
others said that they do not know how to obtain such
services (29 %).
41
Figure 3 | Respondents’ ‘somewhat bad’, ‘bad’ and ‘very bad’
experiences related to health-care and health-care professionals
Health professional regarding transition / trans-related health-care
Health professional regarding hormone therapy
Doctors, hospitals, and / or therapists regarding
gender reassignment surgery
Doctors, hospitals, and / or therapists regarding psychotherapy
1 6 , 2 %
2 0 , 6 %
17,6 %
41,7 %
Health professionals in general
22,2 %
0 % 50 %
III. The Phillipines III. 2 A portrait of the transpin@y
Somewhat Bad 1,25 %
Very Good
Good
Somewhat Bad
Somewhat
Good
2 2 , 5 %
6,25 %
32,5 %
3 7 , 5 %
∏ ‘Lessen / eliminate those things / practices that discriminate
against and exclude people. And promote instead more
accepting and accommodating values’.
∏ ‘(Society) should be educated about diversity and its
acceptance even when specific manifestations of diversity
go against some people’s beliefs’.
society because of their gender identity, about the same
proportion (80 % of the 97 who responded) thought that
trans people are discriminated against because of their
gender identity. Twenty-eight respondents said they have
been bullied, attacked or abused in their communities
because of their gender identity. The most common types
of bullying, attack or abuse are insults and threats of
violence (31 %, or all 28 respondents reporting such
incidents), sexual violence (18 %) and physical aggression
(16 %). Thirteen respondents who have experienced bullying
said they have complained to Barangay officials, the police,
family and friends.29
As for suicide ideation, one participant has oen
thought of committing suicide because of their gender
identity, while seven said they have thought of committing
suicide once or a few times for the same reason.
Lastly, about one-fih of the respondents (19 % of the
100 who answered) thought that their local communities do
not especially appreciate trans people. A great majority
(62 % of the 97 who responded) thought that trans people
are discriminated against in the local community, while
fewer (14 % of the 91 who answered) reported experiences of
physical violence in the local community.
The research regarding respondents’ local com-
munities focused on quality of life. The purpose was to
raise the respondents’ consciousness about their overall
quality of life and give them the space to express the
changes they think are needed. Eighty participants
answered the question, the majority of whom (76 %) rated
their quality of life positively, while 23 per cent rated it as
neutral. Figure 4 shows that nearly two-fihs rated their
life quality as good and more than three in ten as very
good. › Figure 4
The respondents were asked about changes they
thought would improve their overall quality of life right
now. Some of the responses are as follows.
∏ ‘(Family) should be more open to the idea that gender
should not be based on genitalia’.
∏ ‘Employers should have a code / guidelines for (potential)
trans employees’.
∏ ‘Legislation should be created to protect and promote trans
rights’.
∏ ‘Schools should show sensitivity and respect’.
∏ ‘There should be easier access to health-care for trans
people’.
∏ ‘Loving your neighbour should be practiced without
judgment ’.
Figure 4 | Quality of life rating
42
| At a TDOR event organised by the Society of Transsexual
Women of the Philippines
43
III. 3 Moving for ward III. The Phillipines
For the government to develop trans-specific health-
care policies to promote the health and overall wellbeing of
transpin@ys. This includes creating separate HIV and AIDS
programmes and initiatives for MSM and trans people.
For government agencies (including law enforcement)
to implement and enforce policies regarding sexual
orientation and gender identity and expression (SOGIE),
and for SOGIE concepts to be added in their gender-
sensitivity training.
To ensure that the Implementing Rules and Regulations
of the Anti-Bullying Law are implemented effectively, and
that prevention and intervention programmes to address
bullying include comprehensive SOGIE policies and
procedures.
More research on trans people and issues should be
conducted, and transpin@ys should be involved in these
undertakings to ensure that the data collected are relevant
to the local trans community and are useful in advocacy
work and in pushing for policy / legislative changes that
would be beneficial to the community.
III. 3 Moving forward | Empowering
transpin@ys
The results of the research project highlight the following
areas of interest.
∏ Although a great majority of the respondents said that
they always live in their preferred gender and began
expressing their gender identity at a young age,
transpin@ys lack the ability to be legally recognised in
their preferred gender.
∏ Bullying and disrespectful behaviour towards
transpin@ys can be experienced at home, in school
and in the community.
∏ Some respondents have reported being refused
employment or having lost their job because they are
trans. Only very few of those employed have workplace
facilities that are respectful of their gender identity.
∏ The majority of participants have never consulted a
health-care professional regarding transitioning or
trans-related health-care. The main reasons given are
financial difficulties, the lack of information on how
to obtain these services and the lack of need for these
services.
∏ All the respondents who tried to change their name
and gender markers in their legal documents said
they found the experience difficult and expensive.
∏ Some of the respondents have experienced police
harassment because of their gender identity. Three of
the eight who have been in prison or detention
experienced sexual violence there.
In order to empower transpin@ys and improve their
socio-cultural experiences, the following actions are
recommended:
For the Congress of the Philippines to enact legislation
recognising the self-defined gender of transpinays and trans-
pinoys, without the need to undergo medical intervention
such as psychological diagnoses, hormone treatment or
surgery. This also means amending Republic Act 9048,
which regards the ability to change one’s name in the civil
registry, to make it possible to change one’s registered sex.
For the Congress of the Philippines to pass an anti-
discrimination law penalising discriminatory practices,
behaviour and policies based on sexual orientation and
gender identities and expressions. This should include
establishing employment- and workplace-related policies to
protect trans and other gender non-conforming people.
44
IV. Thailand
IV. 1 Introduction
and in state institutions. These violations affect the quality
of life of trans people economically, socially and culturally,
and trans people tend to have lower access education than
the general population. The school curriculum is not
suitable for and biased against trans people. Rules and
regulations in educational institutions lack gender sen-
sitivity; for example, school policies require sex-specific
uniforms and graduation gowns to be worn, and they forbid
‘cross-dressing’. Moreover, the current Thai sex-education
textbook defines trans people as ‘sexually deviant’ or
‘mentally abnormal’.30 Such portrayals cultivate mis con-
ceptions that form the basis of prejudice against trans
people in Thailand.
In addition, Buddhism, the predominant religion in
Thailand, has had a negative influence on people’s views of
trans people. The Pali Canon, the standard collection of
scriptures in the Theravadan Buddhist tradition, states that
trans people are not allowed to serve in the monkhood.31
In their careers, trans people are denied access to
employment and career-advancement opportunities. Their
job applications are oen rejected because application
photographs do not match the gender title indicated in the
application. Conscription documents issued by the Thai
military refer to trans draees with terms such as
‘psychotic’ and ‘insane’, which fosters the misconception
IV. 1 Introduction | Discrimination
against and human-rights
violations of trans people in
Thailand
In Thailand, the trans-led advocacy group Thai Transgender
Alliance (Thai TGA) carried out the study on The Social
Experiences of Trans and Gender-diverse People as part of the
Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide (TvT) project
in partnership with Transgender Europe (TGEU). The study
was conducted in 2014 and included 202 trans participants
from all regions of Thailand. A total of 30 Thai trans
activists and trans advocates were involved in the various
stages of this project. There is inadequate data about trans
people in Thailand, and this research contributes strategic
information for trans advocacy in the country. In the
process of conducting this research, the researchers
involved in this project have strengthened their research
skills.
The TvT research shows that Thailand is not the paradise
for trans people that it is often assumed to be
Thai trans people face discrimination and rights violation
at all levels – in their families, in education, in health-care
IV. The Social Experiences
of Trans People in Thailand
Rena Janamnuaysook, Jetsada Taesombat and Kath Khangpiboon
45
IV. Thailand
IV. 1 Introduction
administrative officers on a case-by-case basis. Currently,
changes in gender title are permitted only for intersex
people under the order of the Department of Provincial
Administration, Ministry of Interior.
However, two recent legal developments in Thailand
affect transgender people. The first is the current dra of
the new constitution, whose Article 34 states that ‘people are
equal before the law and enjoy equal legal protection. Men and
women have equal rights and liberties. Unfair discrimination on
the basis of birthplace, ethnicity, language, sex [phet], gender
[phet-saphap], age, disability or a physical condition, health,
status of the person, economic or social status, religious beliefs,
education and political beliefs that are not in contradiction with
the provisions of the constitution are forbidden. Measures taken
by the state to eliminate obstacles or facilitate the realization of
a person’s rights and liberties on an equal standing with other
persons do not constitute unfair discrimination as specified in
paragraph 3’.34 The second is the Gender Equality Act, B.E.
2558, whose Article 3 specifies that ‘Unfair discrimination
between the sexes means an action or absence of action that is
divisive, obstructive, or limits access to any benefits, directly or
indirectly, without a legitimate reason, on the basis that the
person in question is a man or a woman, or has expressions that
differ from their birth’.35 Both laws reflect the awareness of
gender equity. What needs to be monitored aer both laws
come into force is the extent to which they are implemented
in a way that actually upholds the human rights of trans
people.
that the draees are violent and cannot control their
behaviour, and are therefore unable to work with other
people.
At the same time, there is a stereotype in Thailand
that trans women can work in particular occupations (as
cabaret dancers, make-up artists, models, beauty queens or
entertainers). Trans people who are denied access to
mainstream jobs but are also unable to enter these kinds of
occupations oen end up in sex work, which lacks legal
protection and welfare provisions. Many of these issues
have already been noted by the Office of the National
Human Rights Commission of Thailand 3 2 including stig-
matisation and discrimination in general and regulations
in educational institutions banning what they consider to
be cross-dressing (especially during exams or graduation
ceremonies) and the informal custom of rejecting applicants
of diverse sexualities in certain educational fields.
Research by the Foundation of SOGI Rights and Justice
found that 38 per cent of trans people have faced structural
and cultural violence, especially in families, somewhat less
in educational institutions, and least in employment. The
most commonly experienced form of violence is verbal
violence, including insults and sarcasm targeting the
gender identity of the victim, followed by physical violence
and sexual violence and harassment.33
There is no gender-recognition legislation in Thailand,
as a result of which trans people’s gender and gender title
are indicated on their documents according to their birth
sex. Name changes are permitted by government and
| Thai trans peer researchers were trained to conduct the national survey on The Social Experiences of Trans and Gender-diverse
People in Thailand
IV. Thailand
IV. 2 The current situation of trans people in Thailand
However, 97 per cent of the respondents do not possess
legal identification documents that reflect their self-defined
gender. Eighty-four per cent have been unable to obtain
legal documents, such as passports, birth certificates or
identification cards, that reflect their self-defined gender.
2.2 Trans life in the context of family, friends and
partners
Seventy-seven per cent of the respondents were raised in
their preferred identity. Of the 79 respondents who ans-
wered the question, 75 per cent are open about their gender
identity with their family at all times. Of the 60 respondents
who answered the question, 60 per cent began being open
about their gender identity in childhood. On average, trans
people started expressing their gender identity when they
were approximately 8.5 years old.
Regarding their relationship with their family, 94 per
cent or respondents have not experienced harassment,
abuse or domestic violence from family members. However,
4 per cent reported that they have faced harassment, while
2 per cent have faced both harassment and physical abuse.
Forty-one per cent of respondents said they feel that their
families accept and support their gender identity. Examples
of support include family members buying clothes according
to their gender identity, behaving towards them in a way
that reflects their gender identity and providing financial
support for plastic surgery, sex-reassignment surgery and
so on. These finding demonstrate that trans people’s family
members tend to accept and support their gender identity
rather than forbid them from revealing or force them to
change them.
IV. 2 The current situation of trans
people in Thailand
2.1 Overview
For this research project, we collected the responses of 202
self-defined trans people to our questionnaire. Ninety-
seven per cent of the survey participants were born in
Thailand, while three per cent are immigrants from
neighbouring countries, such as Myanmar and Laos, who
reside and work in Thailand. The average age of the
participants was 25.5 at the time of the survey. Ninety-five
per cent are Buddhist, 2 per cent are Muslim and 1 per cent
are Christian.
Regarding the gender identity of the survey parti-
cipants, 88 per cent self-define as trans women, 1 per cent
as trans men, and 8 per cent as having other gender
identities. Among those who self-define as other, 72 per
cent self-define as the third gender. This finding reflects
the fact that Thai society still regards gender in terms of
mainstream male and female gender norms. Gender iden-
tities other than male and female are thus regarded as a
new gender and are collectively called the third gender.
› Figure 1
Ninety-five per cent of all respondents stated that
they always live in their preferred gender. Another 2 per
cent oen and another 2 per cent sometimes live in their
preferred gender. Only 1 per cent, or two respondents,
stated that they never live in their preferred gender. This
finding reflects the fact that that trans people who express
their gender identity through so-called cross-dressing in
Thailand are self-confident and outspoken about their
identity. › Figure 2
46
Sometimes 2 %
Always
9 4 %
1 % Never Often 2 % No 3 %
9 7 %
Yes
Figure 1 | Live in preferred gender Figure 2 | Legal recognition of gender in documents
IV. Thailand
47
IV. 2 The current situation of trans people in Thailand
positive attitudes towards trans people and admire and
accept their gender identities.
2.3 Experiences in school
Ninety-two per cent of all respondents have completed a
formal education.
One per cent of respondents stated that they were
always discriminated against by their teachers on the basis
of their gender identity, 11 per cent experienced such
discrimination once or a few times and 88 per cent did not
experience such discrimination. Moreover, 43 per cent recei-
ved special acknowledgment from teachers due to their
gender identity (10 % oen, 14 % a few times). These findings
indicate that trans people can express their gender identity
without much discrimination from teachers. › Figure 3
Concerning relationships with friends, 90 per cent
reported that they can reveal their gender identity to
friends with different identities. Of the 192 respondents
who answered the question, 34 per cent stated that their
friends with different identities always admire their gender
identity, 22 per cent that they usually admire it, 18 per cent
that they sometimes admire it, 3 per cent that they seldom
admire it and 23 per cent that they never admire it.
Of the 191 respondents who answered the question, 4
per cent reported that friends with different identities
always disrespect their gender identity, while 6 per cent
reported that their friends usually, 20 per cent sometimes
and 7 per cent seldom disrespect it. Sixty-three per cent
stated that their gender identity is always respected. This
shows that friends with mainstream gender identities
largely respect the gender identities of trans people.
Regarding their relationships with partners, 75 per
cent of respondents are always open about their gender
identity and 5 per cent are sometimes open, while 20 per
cent have never revealed their gender identity to their
partners. Of the 159 respondents who answered the
question, 57 per cent reported that their partners always
admire their gender identity, 16 per cent that they usually
admire it, 12 per cent that that they sometimes admire it,
four per cent that they seldom admire it and 11 per cent
that they never admire it. Regarding whether their
partners dis respect their identity, of the 158 respondents
who answered the question, 2 per cent reported that their
partners always disrespect their gender identity, 2 per
cent reported that they usually do so, 3 per cent said that
they sometimes do so, 8 per cent that they seldom do so
and 85 per cent that they never do so. This finding
demonstrates that most partners of trans people have
Often 1 %
Few times
Never
1 1 %
8 8 %
| A Thai trans woman from Pattaya attending the Thailand TvT
preliminary research presentation
Figure 3 | Experienced discrimination from teachers
48
IV. Thailand Title
employment on the basis of their gender identity. Regarding
dismissal from jobs, 1 per cent of the respondents reported
having been dismissed many times due to their gender
identity, 1 per cent reported dismissal once or a few times,
and 98 per cent reported that they have never been
dismissed from their jobs. Of the four respondents who
have been dismissed from their jobs, neither has ever
pursued a legal remedy. This is because most trans people
are self-employed or freelancers, and they therefore do not
have the benefits associated with formal employment –
labour unions, health insurance and welfare support.
Nine per cent of respondents indicated that they have
always received support in their workplaces based on their
gender identity, 7 per cent that they have received such
support once or a few times, 79 per cent that they have
never received such support and 6 per cent that there are
no support measures in their workplace. Interestingly; of
the 75 respondents who reported that they do sex work, 23
per cent indicated that they do so because they prefer it to
other occupations, 11 per cent feel that they receive recog-
nition of their gender identity in sex work and 95 per cent
gave other reasons, including that sex work is better paid.
The finding reflects the fact that career opportunities for
trans people are still limited, and that trans people still
experience discrimination in formal employment.
Ninety-six per cent of respondents did not report
physical abuse from teachers on the basis of their gender
identity; 73 per cent did not report isolation, harassment or
non-physical abuse from friends or classmates on the basis
of their gender identity; 92 per cent did not report physical
abuse from friends or classmates on the basis of their gender
identity. Eighty-five per cent of the participants reported
that they had not been discriminated against at school on
the basis of their gender identity. These findings indicate
that educational institutions are a space in which trans
people can reveal their gender identity and have it accepted.
However, concerning sexual abuse in schools, the
responses are less positive. Eight per cent of respondents
reported having oen experienced sexual abuse or sexual
violence on the basis of their gender identity, 21 per cent
reported having experienced sexual abuse or violence once
or a few times and 71 per cent reported not having
experienced either. This finding is the clearest indicator
that trans people still experience abuse or harassment in
the educational system.
2.4 The labour market, career and earnings
Nine per cent of respondents stated that they have always
been refused employment due to their gender identity, 13
per cent reported having been refused once or a few times,
and 63 per cent reported that they have never been refused
| Jetsada Taesombat, Thai TGA coordinator, presenting the Thailand TvT preliminary research findings at the International Day Against
Homophobia, Transphobia and Biphobia, 2015
49
IV. Thailand
IV. 2 The current situation of trans people in Thailand
2.5 The health-care situation for trans people
in Thailand
Trans-specific health-care is still uncommon in Thailand.
Forty-eight per cent of the participants reported that they
have not received counselling from medical doctors,
endocrinologists, surgeons or other medical professions in
regard to sex reassignment / trans health-care, while 32 per
cent have received such counselling once or a few times. Of
the 96 respondents who have not received such counselling,
55 per cent stated that they do not see a need for such
services, 10 per cent cannot afford them, 9 per cent do not
know how to access them and 8 per cent do not find it easy
to access them. This finding indicates that trans people still
lag behind in terms of access to health-care.
Of the 133 respondents who answered the question
about their experience with health-care providers regarding
sex-reassignment and trans-specific health-care, 6 per cent
reported a negative experience, 41 per cent a somewhat
negative experience and 52 per cent a good experience. Of
the 144 respondents who answered the question, 76 per
cent answered that they have received counselling services
from health-care providers regarding hormone use. The
finding reflects the fact that trans people are not certain
about gender-sensitive health services and thus do not feel
the need to receive such services. Moreover, this group’s
access to health-care is not limited to public health-care
facilities. Some receive services from private health-care
facilities or the black market. Others cannot access the
health-care system at all due to the cost involved and the
lack of information about trans-specific health-care.
2.6 Law and the criminal justice system
Regarding the law and the criminal justice system, 9 per
cent of respondents reported that they have tried to change
their gender marker in their legal identification documents;
of these 18 respondents, 22 per cent stated that they found it
easy to do so, while 44 per cent found it difficult. The
difficulties are a consequence of the fact that there is no
gender-recognition legislation and of prejudice towards and
discrimination against trans people in public admini stration.
Sixteen per cent of respondents have changed or tried to
change their name to reflect their gender identity in legal
documents. Of these 32 respondents, 53 per cent found it easy
to do so. Many public-administration offices allow individuals
to change their name in such a way that the characters and
meaning of the name accord with their gender identity.
Regarding their experiences with the police, 4 per
cent of respondents reported that they have oen
experienced abuse and harassment from the police on the
basis of their gender identity, 12 per cent that they have
experienced them once or sometimes and 84 per cent that
they have not experienced them. Ninety-four per cent of
respondents have never been arrested or fined on the basis
of their gender identity, 5 per have sometimes been arrested
or fined on that basis and 2 per cent have oen been
arrested or fined on that basis. Although the data show that
trans people are not oen harassed or unjustly arrested on
the basis of their gender identity, it does happen more
frequently in places such as Pattaya.
Of the 181 respondents who answered the question, 93
per cent have never been imprisoned or detained, 6 per cent
have been imprisoned or detained once or twice and 1 per
cent have been imprisoned or detained several times.
Among those who have been imprisoned or detained, one
person reported sexual violence during detainment from
both officers and other detainees on the basis of her gender
identity.
2.7 Thai trans people’s experiences with religion
Buddhism has influenced norms regarding masculinity
and femininity that stigmatise trans people, as well as
beliefs regarding sex and gender, according to which
sexual relationships between men and trans women are
considered same-sex relationships and therefore immoral.36
Religion and beliefs are one of the determinants of
whether or not trans people disclose their gender identity.
Of the 186 of the 202 respondents who answered the
question, 77 per cent can express their gender identity at all
times, and 8 eight per cent can sometimes do so. Although
religions sometimes act to suppress trans people’s sexual
expression, they can also provide a space for believers to
express diverse gender identities. The practices vary,
depending on the religion in question. Of the 161 respondents
who answered the question, 42 per cent reported that their
gender identity is valued by their religious community and
institution, while 58 per cent reported that it is not. These
differences may result from the fact that different religious
communities value different virtues or qualities. In
Thailand, trans people, like the majority population, are
usually religious, and they are interested in going to
temples and participating in or leading religious ceremonies.
Indeed, 97 per cent of respondents have never been refused
the right to participate in religious ceremonies. Only 1 per
cent are required to conceal their gender identity in order
to participate, and 2 per cent have been refused the right to
participate in Muslim ceremonies.
IV. Thailand Title
50
| Trans peer researchers in the training
in Bangkok in June 2014
IV. Thailand
IV. 2 The current situation of trans people in Thailand
51
52
IV. Thailand Title
2.9 Experiences in local communities
Trans people’s experiences in their local communities differ
on the basis of ethnicity and location. Thirty-two per cent
of respondents stated that they are always appreciated by
their local community, 12 per cent usually and 37 per cent
never. Sixty-six per cent of respondents have never
experienced physical abuse in their local community as a
result of their gender identity, 23 per cent have experienced
it sometimes, 6 per cent oen and 6 per cent always. It is
easier for trans people to express their gender identity in
rural communities than in urban centres. In these
communities, gender identity is connected with
interdependence rather than competition on the basis of
social status, as a result of which trans people are more
readily valued as community members. However, five
respondents from Southern Thailand indicated that the
ethnicity and religious beliefs of their local community
contribute to the shaming and blaming of trans people.
2.8 Trans people’s experiences in Thai Society
Twenty-six per cent of respondents indicated that they are
always appreciated by society on the basis of their gender
identity, 23 per cent that they are usually appreciated, 28
per cent that they are sometimes appreciated, and 23 per
cent that they have never been appreciated at all. The
answers depended on the individual’s social status and
leadership. Forty-six per cent of respondents stated that
they have never been discriminated against by society on
the basis of their gender identity, 20 per cent that they have
sometimes been discriminated against, 21 per cent oen
and 13 per cent always. These findings are among the
clearest indication of discrimination against trans people
in Thailand. Examples of such discrimination include some
entertainment sites’ ban against trans women and
expressions that devalue the human dignity of trans
people.
Ninety-five per cent of respondents reported that they
have never experienced harassment or physical abuse on
the basis of their gender identity. Nonetheless, some still
reported abuse due to gender bias. One respondent reported
having been physically assaulted by her classmate at school
and another reported sexual and physical abuse. In
addition, one respondent reported an arbitrary arrest by
the police. Hence, there is still a need to create safe spaces
for trans people to express their gender identities.
| The IDAHOT 2015 Bangkok committees from Thai Transgender Alliance, Asia-Pacific Transgender Network and the guest speakers
53
IV. Thailand
IV. 3 Conclusion
IV. 3 Conclusion
Our research collected the responses of 202 self-identified
trans people. The majority of respondents live openly and
confidently in their gender identity, although legal gender
recognition does not exist in Thailand. Moreover, the
respondents reported that Thai society has become more
accepting of trans identities during their lifetime. However
trans people still experience prejudice and violence.
Thailand continues to restrict the right of trans people
to have their gender identity recognised in documents.
Thai society also fails to fully acknowledge and understand
trans people. At all social levels, including families, friends,
partners, educational institutions, communities, state
institutions and society as a whole, the gender identity of
trans people is recognised but not fully accepted. This
situation results in policy and legal infringements on the
human rights of trans people. Also, the existence of stigma
and gender bias cause discrimination against, violence
towards and the deprivation of the rights of trans people.
Thai TGA strongly suggests that the legal
vulnerabilities of trans people in Thailand be addressed,
and that trans identities be legally recognised. Key
stakeholders must strive for positive changes in legal and
| Thai TGA chairperson and TGEU senior researcher offering the TvT training certificate to a participant
political structures. In addition, oppressive laws and
practices regarding sex work must be reformed. Laws and
procedures recognising gender identity and gender
expression must be implemented and enforced.
Discrimination on the basis of gender identity and gender
expression must be made punishable under the law, and
hate crimes must be prosecuted as such.
In order to promote transrespect and reduce
Transphobia, Thai TGA believes that it is necessary to
continue collecting information regarding and the
experiences of trans people, and to promote academic
research on the topic. This TvT research project is part of
that endeavour, and its data will be used to promote and
advocate for social justice, collaborative partnerships and
integrated approaches to achieve a just and welcoming
society that respects and protects the human rights of trans
people in Thailand.
V. Serbia
54
V. 1 Introduction
V. 1 Introduction | Serbia, the Orthodox
Church and trans invisibility
There are no estimates regarding the number of trans
people in Serbia due to the variety of identities and lack of
visibility of trans people. As well, little is known regarding
the situation of trans people in the country. Therefore, in
2012 Gayten-LGBT, an LGBT-rights NGO registered in Serbia
in 2001, implemented The Social Experiences of Trans and
Gender-diverse People in Serbia as part of Transgender Europe’s
(TGEU) Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide (TvT)
project. The interviews were conducted by two people, a trans
person and a cis person. They were conducted in small
groups with a maximum number of four people. Many of
the trans people we contacted were not yet ready to parti ci-
pate in such a study. Challenges occurred in the outreach to
cross-dressers and trans sex workers, as members of these
groups were not organised. Gayten-LGBT mainly had
contact with trans people organised in a support group;
however some trans sex workers took part in the survey.
Altogether, 28 people with different trans identities parti-
cipated in the research. Sixty-five per cent of the respondents
live in Belgrade, 14 per cent in Vojvodina, 18 per cent in
Central and Eastern Serbia and 3 per cent in the western
part of the country. Many of the respondents were first-
V. The Social Experiences of
Trans People in Serbia
Kristian Ranđelović and Jelena Vidic
time participants in a survey of this kind. There was a sense
of community and belonging among those who completed
the questionnaires in groups. One trans woman stated: ‘It
was very important for me to be part of this, because I know my
statements and examples are very important to me and can be
helpful and significant for my trans brothers and sisters’.
Serbia has a population of 7,163,976.37 To understand
the situation of trans people in Serbia, it is helpful to know
that the majority of Serbians are Orthodox and influenced
by the Church. In the last census, 84 per cent of the
population declared that they are Orthodox, and religion is
embedded in tradition and has strong roots.38
An article on transsexual people in a book published in
1986 by the former head of the Orthodox Church, Patriarch
Pavle,39 stated that people who undergo sex-reas sign ment
surgery (SRS) are accepted by the Church. The Ortho dox
Church in Serbia does not discriminate on the basis of sex,
which means that trans men and women can become mem-
bers, but they may be discriminated against on the basis of
their sexual orientation, since the Church will not accept
them as members if they are homosexual aer their reassi gn-
ment surgery. Trans people can get married in the Church, but
only aer submitting medical docu mentation of SRS (sta ting
that they can fulfil their matri monial duties) and comple ting
a ritual of re-admission to the faith under their new name.
55
V. Serbia
V. 2 Analysis
V. 2 Analysis | The current situation of
trans people in Serbia
Only 12 participants gave their reasons for moving to the
cities. Among the reasons these participants gave are better
trans-related options (33 %), better social and cultural
options for trans people (17 %), better work opportunities for
trans people (17 %), greater safety for trans people (8 %) and
better trans-related health-care (8 %). In an interview, one
of the respondents stated: ‘I had to leave the old environment
for college and to find a way to start my sex-change transition’.
The responses indicate that the majority of trans people
who moved to the cities did so for reasons having to do with
their trans identity.
The respondents’ age span ranged from 23 (19 %) to
over 35 (26 %), and their average age was 30.5. According to
the 2001 census, the average age of the population is 42.2.
Thirty-six per cent of the participants identified as
female trans persons and 64 per cent as male trans
persons.
Almost all participants (97 %) live in their preferred
gender (66 % always; 19 % oen, 11 % sometimes, 4 % rarely).
Ten participants gave their reasons for (sometimes) not
living in their preferred gender. Of these ten respondents,
20 per cent said it is their choice not to do so, 40 per cent
said it is because of the obstacles they face and 33 per cent
gave other reasons. One of the participants explained:
‘Sometimes it’s easier not to declare your gender than to have to
completely explain things’.
Thirty-eight per cent of respondents have legal
documents that do not indicate their preferred gender
marker. However, 67 per cent have legal documents that
indicate their preferred name. Although there is no formal
procedure or legislation regarding legal gender recognition,
the existence of SRS for over 20 years has resulted in the
following administrative practice: aer trans people undergo
SRS, they are provided with medical documentation stating
that they have done so; they then take that document to
their municipal registrar and ask to have their name and
gender marker changed. Since there is no official regulation
governing this process, the process depends solely on the
administration officers, so some trans people manage to
have this data changed with little inconvenience, for others
the process is very complicated and takes many months
and others have their request denied. › Figure 1 / 2
Forty-four per cent of the respondents have tried to
change their gender marker in official documents. Of the 12
respondents who answered the question, 16 per cent stated
Aer the Yugoslav Wars in the 1990s, it was very hard
to form an LGBT organisation in Serbia because of the
social and political situation. The general population oen
equated sexual orientation and gender identity. At the
beginning of the 2000s, only a few LGBT NGOs were active:
Labris – the Organization for Lesbian Human Rights,
Gayten-LGBT – the Center for Promotion of LGBTIQ Human
Rights – and Queeria – the Center for the Promotion of a
Culture of Non-violence and Equality (as a working group;
it officially registered as an NGO in 2005). From 2006 to
2014 Gayten-LGBT was the only organisation working with
and for trans people within its trans section.
The situation has changed since this research was
con ducted. Two new organisations that work with the trans
com munity have been established. The former does not
work specifically with trans people, but with sex workers,
including trans sex workers, and the latter, which works
with trans people of various identities, was registered in
2014. These orga ni sations work directly with the community
and have active members, some of whom are present in the
media. Even so, there are no trans role models, but more
trans people participate in TV shows and print media, and
the image of trans people and attitudes towards them are
changing slowly. In 2014, the trans community was present
at Pride Day for the first time.
In the public space, the most visible trans people are
those who are engaged in sex work. Trans visibility during
the 1990s was promoted by a publicly known trans person
called Merlinka, named aer the famous actress Marilyn
Monroe. In memory of Merlinka, who was killed in 2003,
The Inter national Queer Film Festival Merlinka was
established in 2010.
There is no legislation regulating legal gender recog-
ni tion in Serbia. In 2013, Gayten-LGBT created a model law
on gender identity, and it is currently advocating for its
adoption. Despite the lack of explicit legal gender recog-
nition, trans people are able to change their gender marker
and other relevant personal information in their documents
aer they have undergone surgical interventions (including
obligatory sterilisation), usually a long, uncertain and unre-
gu lated pro cess that excludes recognition of all trans people
during the process of transitioning, as well as all trans
people who do not undergo SRS. Antidiscrimination legis-
lation, adopted in 2013, forbids discrimination on the basis
of ‘sex’ and ‘sex change’ (though the effectiveness with
which this legislation is im ple men ted is questionable), and
in 2013 hate crime on the grounds of gender identity was
added to the Criminal Code. Apart from the Law on Youth,
gender identity is not mentioned in any other law.
56
V. Serbia
V. 2 Analysis
role in the family. They expressed their opinions, thoughts and
criticisms, hoping that this would result in a more functional
family as the basic cell of society. My brother and sister also
avoided contact and talking to me. They felt ashamed and
probably had comments from people in their surroundings’. One
respondent had markedly different ex periences before and
aer their SRS: ‘My father supported me only in that he wasn’t
against it. But none of my other relatives, including my mother,
supported me until the day of my reassignment surgery in
February 2009. Aer that, just a year aer, most of them were
at my wedding, and everything looked like nothing had ever
happened’.
Fieen per cent of the respondents stated that they
are never open or have never even tried to be open about
their identity with their friends, while 37 per cent are
always open with all of their friends and 48 per cent with
some but not all of their friends. Of the 23 respondents
who answered the question, almost all (95 %) felt that their
identity is appreciated to some degree (39 % always, 43 %
oen, and 13 % sometimes) by their friends. For more than
half (52 %), their identity is never disrespected by their
friends with a non-trans identity, while 9 per cent and 17
per cent reported that their friends always or sometimes
disrespect their identity, respectively. Of the 22 res-
pondents who answered the question, over 90 per cent can
express their identity with their partners openly (91 %)
and their identity is always appreciated (95 %). Only 5 per
cent of the respondents’ partners sometimes disrespect
their identity.
that it was hard to have their gender marker changed, 50
per cent stated that it was easy and the remaining 32 per
cent rated it as neutral.
Fiy per cent of the respondents have tried to change
their name on their documents. Of those respondents, 54
per cent found it easy and 8 per cent hard, while the
remaining 38 per cent rated it as neutral.
2.1 Trans life in the context of family and friends
The vast majority of all participants (82 %) were not raised
in the identity they identify with. Of the 25 respondents
who answered the question, 65 per cent stated that they are
open about their preferred identity with all family members,
while 16 per cent are not open or have not even tried to
come out to their family. Of those who stated that they are
open with their family, the average age at which they came
out to them was 16.5 years.
When it comes to family violence, of the 23 respondents
who answered the question 9 per cent reported being
bullied and 4 per cent reported being attacked by family
members. A third of the respondents have never received
support from their family regarding their expressed identity,
while 63 per cent reported occasional support. One of the
respondents told the following story: ‘My mother told me not
to use male pronouns in her company. She told other people in
front of me that it’s a shame. For instance, in front of a priest she
said sex change is a sin. Sometimes she threatened to kill me,
because I would kill her with my behaviour, etc. But all that
changed aer my sex-reassignment surgery’. Another respon-
dent reported the following: ‘Yes, my family members, mother
and father, tried everything, including physical and mental
abuse, negotiation, punishment, neglect and marginalizing my
Figure 2 | Legal documentationFigure 1 | Living in one’s preferred gender
Rarely 4 %
Sometimes
Often
1 1 %
1 9 % 6 6 %
Always
Legal documentation
without preferred
gender
33 % 6 7 %
Legal documentation
with preferred
gender
57
V. Serbia
V. 2 Analysis
Eighteen per cent reported (11 % oen, 7 % a few times)
that their achievements in school were recognised less
than those of other students. Almost all (96 %) never
received respect / acknowledgment from their teachers
specifically for their identity. Sixty-eight per cent never
experienced disrespect from teachers (25 % a few times, 7 %
oen), and 4 per cent experienced physical violence from
teachers because of their identity.
In the Serbian educational system, students are not
encouraged to respect non-conforming gender identities.
Half of the respondents experienced bullying and insults
from other students (14 % oen, 36 % few times). Eighty-two
per cent reported that they never received respect or
acknowledgment from other students specifically for their
identity, and 25 per cent were exposed to physical violence
from other students (4 % oen, 21 % a few times) Four per
cent reported that they were sexually harassed or attacked
at school. Three-quarters of respondents (74 per cent) stated
that their identity did not affect the way they were treated
at school. › Figure 3
2.3 Trans and employment in Serbia
Because of the economic crisis, most trans people are forced
to find a job immediately aer finishing high school. Most of
the jobs they get are underpaid or in the sex industry. Many
trans women (predominantly cross-dressers) are le with
sex work as the only option, and they are oen discri mi nated
against by their colleagues, customers and the police.
More than half of the respondents (54 %) were
unemployed and they were supported financially by either
their family or the state.
At the time of the interviews, 40 per cent of the
respondents lived with parents / siblings, one-quarter with
their partners and / or children, 21 per cent alone, 7 per cent
with roommates and another 7 per cent said something
else. We can assume that the specific economic status of
each trans person has a significant impact on their living
arrangements.
Serbia is a country in transition, with an open labour
market aimed at EU accession. The transition process from
state-funded to private-sector jobs continues to have a very
significant impact on many people. The majority of Serbians
still want to work in state institutions, where employment
is stable and salaries are regular. When asked if they have
ever been refused a job because of their identity, 11 per cent
of respondents said yes (4 % oen and 7 % a few times),
while 44 per cent answered that they had not expressed
their identity to potential employers.
2.2 Being trans in school
Serbia’s population is mainly high-school educated, and a
small percentage has a university degree. Discrimination
in school and at the workplace is high, and it particularly
affects people who are perceived as different. Primary
education is compulsory, and trans people oen hide their
identity in high school.
All respondents have completed formal education,
and their average education lasted 13.3 years. Half were
educated for eight to 12 years, while the other half were
educated for more than 12 years. Seventeen per cent have
completed only elementary education, while 83 per cent
have a higher education.
The respondents are also members of a trans self-
support group, and it may be the case that those with
higher education are more likely to seek support and help.
In turn, this may mean that the average educational level
among trans people in Serbia is lower than these figures
suggest. Indirectly, that may indicate that there is a need
for more information about the support available for and
need for education among trans people. The stigma that
trans people face is not recognised in schools, because it is
part of the culture, and it can be stronger or weaker
depending on whether the schools are located in rural or
urban areas. Fieen per cent of respondents reported that
they oen found it hard to change schools or classes
because of their identity, and 19 per cent said they
encountered such difficulties a few times. In an interview,
one respondent stated: ‘I ran away from my first school,
because of abuse, but I didn’t have the same experience at my
second school’. Another reported the following: ‘I was
transferred to a different class because of my sexual orientation
and appearance’.
Figure 3 | Respondents’ experiences at school
Sexually harrassed / attacked in school
Physically attacked by other students
Bullying or insults from other students
Physical violence from teachers
Disrespect from teachers
Achievements acknowledged less than those of others
0 % 50 %
4 %
25 %
50 %
4 %
32 %
18 %
58
V. Serbia
V. 2 Analysis
Of the 26 respondents who answered the question, 81
per cent take hormones. Of these respondents, 24 per cent
rated their experience with health-care providers vis-à-vis
hormone therapy as bad, 14 per cent as neutral and 2 per
cent as good.
Eighty-two per cent of the 22 respondents who
answered the question have visited health-care experts in
hospital regarding surgical transition, and 17 per cent rated
their experience as negative, 11 per cent as neutral and 72
per cent as good.
The question regarding their overall experience with
health-care professionals in relation to their identity was
answered by 19 of the 28 respondents. Of those 19, 21 per
cent rated their experiences as bad, 32 per cent as good and
47 per cent as neutral. One respondent remarked in the
interview: ‘During my transition, a doctor refused to check me
in detail. He just prescribed medication. Medical staff and
technicians laughed at me and were surprised regarding my
hormonal therapy’.
2.5 Serbian trans people’s experiences with
the police
Eleven per cent of all respondents have been harassed by
the police (7 % oen and 4 % once or twice). Seven per cent
of all respondents, i. e. 2 respondents, have been fined and
arrested for doing sex work. These two respondents did not
experience violence, sexual harassment or insults from
prison staff or other inmates. One reported that treatment
by prison staff was very disrespectful. One was held in a
separate unit and one in a cell with other inmates.
Of the 26 respondents who answered the question, 12
per cent reported that they lost their job because of their
gender identity. One of the respondents gave the following
example: ‘It affected me in so much that my appearance does
not match my gender marker, which repels most employers’.
Ninety-two per cent of respondents have never received
trans-specific support for employment (e.g. training or
programmes for inclusion in the labour market, higher
education specific for trans people). Sixteen per cent work
in sectors that are more accommodating of trans people,
e.g. as artists, sex workers, hairdressers, in human rights,
etc. Of those respondents who engage in sex work, four
gave their reasons for doing so. A quarter (25 %) explained
that they do sex work because of a lack of other opportunities,
and another quarter (25 %) explained that they do sex work
because their identity is recognised in sex work.
Twenty-two per cent stated that their identity, in
general, affects how they are treated at work. › Figure 4
2.4 The health-care situation for trans people
in Serbia
In 1989, 26 years ago, the first team of medical specialists
started to perform SRS in Serbia. In the following years,
Belgrade became one of the most prominent SRS centres in
the world, primarily due to the excellent surgical team.
However the results of the survey show a differentiated
picture, especially in regard to the public health system.
Twenty-nine per cent of respondents stated that their
identity affects how they are treated within the public
health system, and 45 per cent have had difficulties in
accessing it due to cost or distance. Of the eight respondents
who answered the question, 38 per cent have been refused
health-care because of their identity. One respondent
explained: ‘The doctor refused to examine or look at me and
wrote that I am healthy’. Nineteen per cent of respondents
have never accessed trans-related health-care, 26 per cent
have sometimes accessed such health-care, and 56 per cent
have oen accessed such health-care. Five respondents
gave reasons for not accessing trans-related health-care. Of
these, 40 per cent reported that they cannot afford it, while
another 40 per cent said that they do not know how to
access it. In addition, 40 per cent gave other reasons, such
as waiting for the right moment.
In regard to their overall experience with trans-
related health-care, of the 25 respondents who answered
the question 56 per cent rated it as good, 16 per cent as
neutral, and 28 per cent as negative.
Identity affects treatment at workplace
Do sex work
Job refused due to identity
Last job due to identity
Unemployed
0 % 50 %
22 %
14 %
11 %
12 %
54 %
Figure 4 | Respondents’ experiences at the workplace
59
V. Serbia
V. 2 Analysis
Of the 25 respondents who answered the question, 36
per cent have experienced bullying in society. Three have
experienced insults or threats of violence, one has received
a death threat, and one has experienced sexual violence.
Two respondents have experienced blackmail and extortion,
five physical aggression and three other forms of violence.
Five of the victims filed a report with the authorities,
three of whom stated that no investigation followed and
there was no outcome. The remaining two rated their
experience as neutral. One person stated that they were not
able to leave the house for months aer they had been
attacked.
Of the nine respondents who answered the question
regarding whether they have ever thought of committing
suicide because of experiences related to their identity, 77
per cent said yes (33 % oen, 44 % sometimes).
2.8 Serbian trans people’s experiences in their
local communities
Of the 21 respondents who answered the question, 81 per
cent reported that they are never appreciated in their local
communities due to their identity. Eighty-six per cent of the
22 respondents who answered the question have experienced
discrimination in their local community. Nine per cent
have also experienced violence in their local community.
2.6 Serbian trans people’s experiences with religion
According to the last census, a vast majority of Serbians
(90 %) are Christian, Orthodox (84.6 %) and Catholic (5 %),
while 3 per cent are Muslim. Of all interviewed trans people,
27 answered the question on religion: 63 per cent are
Christian, 4 per cent are Muslim and 33 per cent stated that
they have ‘no religion’.
Nineteen of the 28 respondents answered the question
regarding whether they are open about their identity in
their religion. Of them, 16 per cent said that they are always
open about their identity in church and 47 per cent have
never tried to communicate their identity with their
religious / spiritual community, while 37 per cent said that
they are not part of a religious / spiritual community. Of the
six people who answered the question regarding whether
they are allowed to participate in the church service, all six
stated ‘yes’.
2.7 Trans life in Serbian society
None of the respondents felt that their identity is always
appreciated by society. Most stated that their identity has
never been appreciated (81 %), while 4 per cent stated that it
is oen appreciated and 15 per cent that it is sometimes
appreciated.
Eleven per cent reported that they have never been
discriminated against in society because of their identity,
but 89 per cent have experienced social discrimination
(30 % sometimes, 44 % oen, and 15 % always). One res-
pondent explained: ‘Most people consider transgenderism to be
a disease, commonly incorrectly associated with homo sexuality’.
Another stated: ‘Most people avoid us because they think we
are not normal and that there is something wrong with us’.
Figure 5 | Respondents’ experiences in the health-care system
Identity affects treatment in the health-care system
Difficulties in accessing health-care
Taking hormones
Surgical transition
Bad overall experience with health-care professionals
0 % 50 %
29 %
45 %
8 1 %
82 %
21 %
100 %
60
V. Serbia V. 3 Conclusion
issues: the accessibility of health-care (in terms of cost) and
the lack of information among general practitioners
regarding trans people. Since 2012, 65 per cent of the cost of
SRS is funded by the public health insurance, but some
trans people are still unable to obtain the remaining third.
As well, hormone therapy is not covered by insurance, and
pharmacies are not always well supplied with this kind of
medication. Training for general practitioners and other
health professionals on trans issues and trans health is also
needed.
Besides training in the area of health, this research
has indicated that awareness raising among the general
public, as well as systematic work with schools and the
families of trans people, is needed, regarding both the
provision of information on gender identity and recognising
and eliminating violence and discrimination against trans
people. Patterns of violence and rejection are different in
different areas. Eighty-nine per cent of trans people stated
that they have experienced discrimination from society,
including bullying, violence and threats; half of the
respondents were bullied in school, and 25 per cent were
physically attacked there; 9 per cent reported bullying and
4 per cent physical attacks in their families. However, when
it comes to family life, lack of support is the most prominent
pattern: a third of the respondents have never received
support from their family related to their identity, while
two-thirds have received support occasionally.
The discrimination and violence against, and rejection
of, trans people in Serbia demands targeted long-term
multi-dimensional actions. These measures should include
awareness-raising, sensitivity and education campaigns,
intervention programmes in schools and workplaces (both
preventive and supportive, and directed at both gender
identity and violence against trans people), training
regarding trans-friendly approaches in the health-care
system and the inclusion of hormone therapy in the list of
medications funded by government, as well as the
continuation of the supportive activities (support groups,
outreach work, help-lines, individual psychological and
legal consultation) of organisations that already work with
trans people. There is also a need to adopt inclusive
legislation to regulate legal gender recognition for people
of all trans identities and to protect their rights, including
the rights not to be discriminated against and to health,
family life, education and insurance. Gayten-LGBT’s model
law on gender identity presents the first step in this
direction. But there is also a need for a comprehensive and
systematic approach to the difficulties trans people face in
all areas.
V. 3 Conclusion
The two-fold goal of the TvT survey was to collect data for
evidence-based advocacy and to empower trans people and
encourage them to share experiences, challenges and needs.
The survey results show that trans people in Serbia
have the greatest difficulties when it comes to their
situation in society in general, but also in the areas of
employment, legal gender recognition, health-care, educ-
ation and family life.
One of the most urgent issues for the trans community
in Serbia is the lack of formal procedures for legal gender
recognition. Though a high majority of respondents (97 %)
live in their preferred gender (66 % always, and another
30 % oen or sometimes), only two-thirds said that they
have documents that accord with their identity. This rate is
possible due to the existing non-regulated practice that
allows trans people to request to have their name and
gender changed in personal documents aer SRS (including
obligatory sterilisation); however, only 50 per cent of
respondents found the process easy. It is important to keep
in mind that the existing non-regulated process leaves all
trans people except post-operative trans people unprotected
and out of system.
The impact of this informal legal gender recognition
procedure, which excludes people with various trans
identities, can be seen in numerous areas in this research,
but primary in the area of employment – 54 per cent of
respondents are unemployed (a rate more than double that
of the general public), with 11 per cent stating that they
have been rejected for a job because of their identity and 12
per cent stating this as the reason that they lost their job.
Fourteen per cent of respondents work in the sex industry,
saying that this is their only option to make a living, and
for some of them sex work is the only way to have their
identity recognised. Along with discrimination, a lack of
positive measures in the area of employment is evident – 92
per cent of respondents stated that they have not received
trans-specific employment support of any kind.
The issue of trans-specific health-care also stands out:
45 per cent of respondents have had difficulties in accessing
trans-specific health-care due to distance or costs, and
almost 30 per cent stated that their identity has affected
the way they have been treated in the public health-care
system. The situation is significantly better when it comes
to physical and mental health-care provided by the expert
team located in Belgrade – the majority of respondents
described the care they have received from this team as
satisfying. However, this situation raises two important
61
| ‘Transfobi öldürür – Transphobia kills’ – Manifestation
against transphobic hate violence in Ankara (Turkey),
November 2010
62
VI. Turkey
VI. 1 Introduction
VI. 1 Introduction
In Turkey, Pembe Hayat, a trans-rights NGO based in
Ankara, implemented The Social Experiences of Trans and
Gender-diverse People as part of Transgender Europe’s (TGEU)
Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide (TvT) project.
The research was carried out in 2012 by and with trans
people from four cities in Turkey: İstanbul, Ankara, İzmir
and Eskişehir. Aer being trained on how to conduct
interviews, six trans activists and local members of trans
communities reached out to 109 trans people in total.
This chapter was written by the Red Umbrella Sexual
Health and Human Rights Association (Kırmızı Şemsiye), a
sex-workers’ rights-advocacy NGO based in Ankara. Red
Umbrella has combined the analysis of the TvT survey with
supporting documentation from other community resour-
ces as well as reports from different NGOs that have
worked on trans rights in Turkey. In what follows, we will
first provide a brief overview of trans communities and
activism in Turkey and then present the survey findings in
combination with references to supporting documentation.
VI. The Social Experiences of Trans People
in Turkey
Kemal Ördek
A brief history of a vibrant community and trans
activism in Turkey
Trans peop le hav e been visible in Turki sh so ciet y for a long time
and in many ways. Even though they have been among the
most marginalised and vulnerable social groups, they have
always found ways to survive and mobilise in response to
hum an-rights violations. I n Turke y, tr ans p eople, a nd esp e cially
trans women, have been portrayed as ‘negative role models’ – as
people who use drugs, sex workers, thieves, im moral and sinful
perverts and so on. The overall image of trans people has
exacerbated the societal exclusion and mar gi nalisation of the
com mun ity a s a wh ole. Howe ver, t rans p eople h ave a lway s been
in the public consciousness, as either criminals or celebrities
that are appreciated by the whole society.
In the late Ottoman Empire, in the nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries, trans people were visible as
‘effeminate guys’ in certain sectors, including the enter-
tain ment sector and as sex workers and assistants to well-
known officials. These ‘effeminate guys’ even had their own
guilds, through which they regulated the sectors they
worked in, espe cially in sex work, which demonstrates the
level of recogni tion of this community. Trans visibility was
limited to certain sectors due to the dominant belief that
these ‘effeminate guys’ could only fit in in these sectors. In
other words, discrimination was still evident.
63
VI. Turkey
VI. 1 Introduction
Aer the establishment of the Turkish Republic in
1923, sexuality and various sexual identities were
invisibilised and became taboo, but in the 1960s and 1970s
trans people became increasingly visible in public life,
especially in big cities like İstanbul, Ankara and İz mir.
Trans people, especially trans women, were sex workers,
singers, dancers and celebrities. On the one hand, trans
women experienced severe human-rights violations and
societal exclusion as sex workers; on the other hand,
celebrities like Bülent Ersoy, Zeki Müren and Seyfi
Dursunoğlu were enormously appreciated even though
their sexual identities were highly discussed in public. In
the 1970s, several trans women were on stage as singers or
film artists. This kind of acceptance or tolerance demon-
strated a type of hypocrisy in Turkish society: several trans
celebrities enjoyed public support and wealth, while the
vast majority of trans women had to engage in sex work
and faced ignorance and oppression from the state and
society.40
With the military coup in 1980, visible trans celebrities
were banned from public life. Bülent Ersoy, for example,
faced oppression from the military administration, was
banned from the stage and had to flee the country because
of her gender identity. Other celebrities, like Zeki Müren,
were not willing to be open about their identity and acted
in line with the roles the coup wanted from them, which
ensured them a wealthy and a popular life. Most others
had to quit their stage shows and album productions and
remain silent.41
The military administration created an atmosphere
of fear within the trans community. Trans women and
feminine gays experienced full state oppression. Trans
women who were sex workers were subjected to torture at
police stations or military centres. There were times when
trans and gay sex workers were put on trains and sent from
İstanbul to the rural areas of Anatolia. ‘Cleansing’ the city
of the ‘unwanted’ was the policy.42
In the late 1980s, trans women sex workers in İstanbul
started to demonstrate against the continuing state
oppression. Several community members came together to
protest police violence in Taksim Square and started a
hunger strike in 1987. Trans women sex workers became
increasingly visible in protesting the human-rights vio-
lations they experienced in this period.43
The late 1980s also saw an important change to Turkish
legislation. With the support of then-Prime Minister Turgut
Özal, a centre-right politician, Bülent Ersoy was granted
the right to change the gender on her identity card. Ersoy
had undergone SRS abroad aer she had to flee the country,
| Participants in the National Trans Sex Workers Consultation Meeting, 18 December 2014, Ankara
64
VI. Turkey VI. 1 Introduction
and with the change to the Civil Code in 1988, which enabled
trans people to change their gender markers and names for
the first time, she returned to Turkey and continued her
career as a transsexual woman.44
Trans women sex workers experienced significant
violence and exclusion in the 1990s. Police stations were
torture centres for trans women. Süleyman Ulusoy, known
as ‘Hortum Süleyman’, chief of police at Beyoğlu Police
Station, became notorious for his torture methods. He was
called ‘Hortum Süleyman’ (‘hortum’ means ‘hose’) because
he beat trans women with hoses at the Beyoğlu Police
Station. He also played a leading role in the 1996 ‘cleansing’
of Ülker Street, a street in Beyoğlu where trans women sex
workers lived.45 A systematic witch hunt was carried out by
the police and local residents against trans women sex
workers, and several community members survived
physical lynching attempts. Trans women began getting
involved in organisations like Lambdaistanbul (İstanbul)
and Kaos GL (Ankara) from the very beginning of the 1990s
to fight against the on-going and widespread violence they
faced. In 2006, a ‘cleansing operation’ similar to the one in
Beyoğlu in 1996 was conducted by state-sponsored gangs
and police in Eryaman, Ankara, where trans women sex
workers lived and worked together. Several community
members suffered severe physical attacks and lynching
attempts, and their houses were raided and their cars were
damaged and burned.46
In response to these atrocities, trans women in Ankara
started the first trans-led NGO, Pembe Hayat,47 in 2006.
Pembe Hayat’s first campaign was against the systematic
attacks against trans women sex workers in Eryaman. A
group of trans women from İstanbul started to self-organise
and mobilise community members in response to the
on-going human-rights violations. As well, İstanbul LGB 4 8
became more active as a trans-led NGO in 2010.
Until the mid-2000s, trans-rights activism in Turkey
had focused mainly on trans women’s rights, but this focus
started to change in the second half of the decade. A group
of trans men came together to discuss their own issues and
needs at house meetings or in LGBTI platforms. They
founded Voltrans Transmen Initiative 4 9 and became an
active advocate of trans men’s rights.
In 2013, two NGOs with two different focus areas were
regis tered. Red Umbrella 5 0 was registered to voice the
demands of sex workers of all genders and to bring a sex-
workers’ rights perspective to the movement. T-Der,51 Trans
Counselling Center Association, was registered to advocate
for better access to trans-specific health-care and for the
right to legal gender recognition for all trans people in the
country.
The human-rights situation of trans people in Turkey
Trans people are one of the most vulnerable and
marginalised groups in Turkey. There are several reasons
for this situation – widespread Transphobia, the lack of
legal and policy-based protection from the authorities, the
criminalisation of sex work and ‘whorephobia’.
Many times, because they were obliged to quit school,
trans people lack qualifications for regular jobs. But in
many cases they are university graduates and possess the
required qualifications but still face discrimination. Their
job applications are rejected, or they are fired if they are
found out to be trans. Widespread discrimination in
education and the job market pushes many trans women
into the sex industry.
Sex work is not illegal in Turkey, but every step that a
sex worker takes to do sex work outside of a brothel (more
on this below) is illegal. This contradiction emerges because
of the blurry nature of the existing laws around sex work.
Sex workers regularly face police raids, arbitrary admini-
strative fines, house closures, extortion by the police, ill
treatment by the police and torture and violence from their
clients and organised groups / gangs. Sex workers have
almost no access to justice, and impunity for perpetrators
65
VI. Turkey
VI. 1 Introduction
of crimes against sex workers is widespread, which leads to
a vicious cycle of further human-rights violations for trans
women sex workers.52
Transphobia brings with it the burden of stig ma-
tisation and marginalisation for trans women. Dis cri-
mination in almost all sectors is the direct result of these
social dynamics and is linked to hatred directed against
trans women. Many trans women experience insults,
threats and physical and sexual violence. Since many trans
women are sex workers, they are at risk of ‘whore phobic’
violence as well.
Indeed, most forms of discrimination or violence that
trans women in Turkey experience result from the fact that
they do sex work. Sex work in Turkey is not regulated to
protect the rights of sex workers, but rather to control them
and eliminate the industry. Laws and policies around sex
work result in oppression against sex workers. Institutional
violence is evident in every city in Turkey. Trans women sex
workers are subjected to administrative fines, which are
justified on the grounds that they are intended to ‘ensure
general morality’ and ‘general health’. The houses of trans
women sex workers are regularly raided by the police and
are closed for at least a month. Trans women sex workers
are prevented from accessing their rights to housing and
freedom of movement and are pushed into poverty as a
result of the systematic economic violence they face.
The impact on trans women sex workers of the
existing laws around sex work are severe. Safe and
protected places for work are closed down by the authorities
and trans women are pushed to the streets for work. Doing
sex work on the streets is highly risky, as trans women sex
workers are faced with attacks from clients, organised
groups / gangs, the police and other people. Oen, trans
women sex workers work on the outskirts of cities in order
to avoid police harassment, which results in higher levels
of violence.
Turkey is among the ten countries with the highest
absolute numbers of reported murders of trans people
worldwide, according to TGEU’s Trans Murder Monitoring
(TMM) project.53 A large majority of murdered trans women
were sex workers. Laws and policies that criminalise sex
work, widespread discrimination in employment and
education against trans people, impunity and lack of access
to justice and legal and policy-based protection for trans
people all contribute to further violence and murders.
Trans people in Turkey can change their name and
gender on their legal documents. In other words, there is
legal gender recognition in Turkey.54 However, there are
several problems attached to this issue. First, gender
recognition requires a trans person to obtain a diagnosis
from a team of doctors, get a divorce if married, be above 18
years of age and be sterilised. Secondly, the process is
lengthy and costly. Oen, depending on the attitudes and
experiences of health professionals and judges, it can take
a trans person two years to have their gender recognised.
Many trans people lack proper jobs and sustainable
financial support, which adds to the difficulties involved.
In addition, many trans people who do not live in big
cities do not have access to trans-specific health-care
because of the lack of quality health services and
experienced health professionals. Many trans people go to
big cities for SRS. Even in big cities, only a few university
hospitals and some private hospitals are equipped with
experienced health professionals and the required facilities
for surgery. Other services, like hormone therapy and
psychiatric services, also do not exist in many Turkish
cities. This makes it impossible for many trans people to
start and complete the legal gender-recognition process in
many cities. › Figure 1
| Participants at the Conference on Ending Violence against Trans
Women Sex Workers
VI. Turkey
66
VI. 2 Analysis
One of the barriers in regard to gender recognition
and access to health-care services is judicial authorities’
and health professionals’ ignorance of the issues involved
and discrimination against trans people.
VI. 2 Analysis
Of the 109 respondents in the TvT survey, 86 per cent
identify as MTF, 6 per cent as FTM and 8 per cent as non-
binary. Seventy-five per cent are sex workers, and they
were most likely also thinking of their sex-work experiences
while answering these questions. › Figure 2
The research that was carried out by Red Umbrella
targeted only trans women sex workers. This fact must be
taken into account when analysing the differences between
the TvT survey and the research by Red Umbrella.
2.1 Discrimination and violence in social context |
Family, school and work
Trans people face stigmatisation from the very beginning
of their lives. Having a non-conforming gender identity or
gender expression results in stigmatisation and social
exclusion. In the TvT survey, of the 108 of 109 respondents
who answered the question on discrimination from society,
66 per cent stated that they always experience discri-
mination from society, while only 2 per cent feel that they
have never been discriminated against. Many trans people
experience pressure from their family members, peers,
teachers and others. Many times, they face different forms
of violence. At school, they are subjected to bullying,
discriminatory attitudes and even violence from other
students, their teachers and the administration. According
to the TvT survey, of the 49 respondents who answered the
question on experiences at school, 63 per cent stated that
their overall experience was very bad or bad. Being a trans
child or adolescent may mean being trapped in an endless
struggle for recognition. › Figure 3
Figure 2 | The trans identities of survey respondents
FTM 6 %
Non-binary (Other) 8 %
MTF
8 6 %
Overall work experience as regards gender identity
Employment refused (Never)
Discrimination in society (always, often, sometimes)
Appreciated in society (never)
Overall experience at school (very bad)
0 % 50 %
90 %
26 %
9 8 %
60 %
82 %
100 %
Bullied or attacked
73 %
Figure 3 | Trans people’s experiences of discrimination in regard
to education and employment
50 %
100 %
0 %
Health-care
refused No access to
trans-related
health-care as
services not
available
Changing gender
on documents
(hard)
68 %
4 0 %
30 %
2 0 %
10 %
90 %
8 0 %
70 %
60 %
8 2 %
44 %
Figure 1 | Trans experiences in regard to access to health-
care and changing one’s gender on official documents
67
VI. Turkey
VI. 2 Analysis
Trans women and trans men experience different
types of discrimination and violence. Consistently with the
dominant patriarchal system, femininity is perceived as
inferiority in society. As a result, trans children or
adolescents who want to wear female clothing or express
themselves in a feminine way easily become targets of
Transphobia. The situation differs in many ways for trans
men, but they too face severe human-rights violations. They
are perceived as ‘masculine ladies’, and masculinity is
appreciated in Turkish society. However, they benefit from
this prejudice only as long as they live as female. If they
come out as trans men, they are faced with rejection,
stigmatisation and discrimination, oen in the form of
rape, forced marriage or brutal violence and murder.
Many trans women leave their families and cities of
residence because of the rejection and violence they expe-
rience. Many times, they escape from threats from neigh-
bours and relatives. Being trans may ‘damage a family’s
honour’, which is why many trans women receive death
threats from their families.
Trans women experience discrimination in access to
employment opportunities other than sex work. In the TvT
survey, among the 101 respondents who answered the
question, 34 per cent stated that they have oen been
refused a job because they are trans. In addition, among the
50 respondents who answered the question, 90 per cent
stated that their overall work experience in regard to their
gender identity or gender expression is negative.
2.2 Violence against trans people in Turkey | Life in
the midst of systemic hatred
Trans people experience high levels of violence from their
family members, partners, clients, organised groups, the
police and other people. Being caught in the crosshairs of
Transphobia and ‘whorephobia’ and lacking protection
mechanisms, trans women in particular face the difficulty
of living in an unsafe environment.
Of the respondents who identify as trans women, 87 per
cent are engaged in the sex industry. However, the actual
percentage of trans women who are engaged in sex work in
Turkey is likely higher. The sex industry in Turkey is largely
an underground activity attached to economic exploi tation,
physical and sexual violence and illegal net works, mainly
because sex work is not regulated to protect the human and
labour rights of sex workers. Unregistered sex workers face
police harassment, admini strative fines, house raids and
closures. According to the by-law that regu lates sex work in
Turkey, 55 sex workers are only permitted to work in registered
brothels, and only if they have pink ID cards.56 Since trans
women who work as sex workers have usually not had SRS,
they do not have the right to work in brothels, which are
compa ratively secure working places. In short, the legislation
around sex work in Turkey pushes trans women sex workers
away from secure working environments by not allowing
them to work in registered brothels, closing their houses
and arbitrarily fining them. As a result, trans women sex
workers experience high levels of violence.
| Transgender Sex Workers from Ankara speak at the Conference on Sex Workers’ Human Rights, held on 14 March 2015 in Ankara
and organised by the Red Umbrella Sexual Health and Human Rights Association
VI. Turkey
68
VI. 2 Analysis
In an interview, I stated: ‘Since a huge majority of trans
women in Turkey do sex work, as a result of existing dis-
crimination in education and employment and violence from
their peers and family members, and since sex work is not
formally regulated in a way to protect the rights of sex workers,
but rather to prosecute them, trans sex workers are continuously
targeted by law enforcement bodies, together with gangs and
their clients. The majority of physical attacks and killings are
directed at trans sex workers, as they are pushed into insecure
environments at the margins of the society, where the police
and / or judicial authorities legitimize the violence they face
through their actions’.57
According to TMM data, 37 trans people were
murdered in Turkey between 1 January 2008 and 31
December 2014, accounting for 39 per cent of all reported
murders in Europe.58 This alarming figure demonstrates
how regularly murders are committed against trans people
in the country. Several incidents of violence, including
murders, had a transphobic or ‘whorephobic’ motive. In
many cases, perpetrators have confessed that they
murdered the victims because they found out that the
person was trans, wanted to restore their family’s honour
or panicked at seeing a trans person. Many of the incidents
involved an extreme degree of brutality, including stabbing
the victims dozens of times, decapitating them and
removing their silicone implants and genitals. Keeping in
mind that trans women, known as ‘travestis’, are auto-
matically thought to be sex workers and that almost all of
these trans women were sex workers, these incidents can
be considered ‘whorephobic’ as well.
Eda Yıldırım, a trans woman sex worker from Bursa,
was murdered in 2009 by one of her clients, and she was
decapitated. Her silicone breast implants were severed
from her body.59 In another incident, a trans woman sex
worker was shot to death by her brother in Gaziantep in
2011 while she was at a hospital.60 Her brother confessed to
the police that he shot her because her ‘brother’ was
engaged in transvestism, and that he wanted to restore his
honour. These and many other incidents throughout Turkey
have le trans women in fear of being attacked or murdered
because of their gender identities / gender expressions or
the work they do. As demonstrated in the case in Gaziantep
in 2011, transvestism is oen viewed as damaging to a
family’s honour and can be a reason for murder.
Trans people experience severe verbal and physical
attacks and lynching attempts. The motives behind these
incidents are clearly transphobic and ‘whorephobic’.
According to Kaos GL’s 2013 Report on Homophobic and
Transphobic Hate Crimes,61 trans people experience much
higher levels of violence than people who identify as lesbian
or gay. Only a quarter of all media reports of violence
against trans people indicated that the victims were trans.
However, in two-fihs of all reported murders of LGBTI
individuals, the victims were trans. In addition, 83 per cent
of all cases of extreme physical violence involving LGBTI
individuals were committed against trans people. Ninety-
nine per cent of all 109 respondents in the TvT survey said
they have experienced insults and threats of violence, while
87 per cent said they have experienced physical aggression
and 78 per cent have experienced sexual violence. In
Figure 5 | Trans people’s reasons for doing sex work
8 % Sex work – accepted (yes)
5 % Sex work – preference (yes)
0 % 50 % 100 %
76% Sex work – lack of oppor tunities (yes)
Physical aggression (often, once or twice)
Blackmail and extortion (often, once or twice)
Sexual violence (often, once or twice)
Death threats (often, once or twice)
Insult, threats of violence (often, once or twice)
0 % 50 %
87 %
72 %
7 8 %
65 %
99 %
100 %
Other forms of violence
93 %
Bullied or attacked
73 %
Figure 4 | Trans people’s experiences of violence
VI. Turkey
69
addition, 72 per cent of the respondents have faced blackmail
and extortion, while 68 per cent stated they have received
death threats. › Figure 4
According to the data from field research conducted
in 2014 by Red Umbrella with 233 trans women sex workers
from ten Turkish cities,62 74 per cent of the respondents had
experienced physical violence. Fiy-four per cent stated
that they had experienced sexual violence and 68 per cent
that they had experienced psychological violence in the
form of threats, insults, regular harassment and verbal
abuse.
Trans women have been targets of collective lynching
attempts in many cities in Turkey. According to the TvT
survey, only 2 per cent of all 109 respondents stated that
their trans identity is appreciated by society. The view of
trans women as criminals who destroy public order by
engaging in prostitution and drug use has fuelled
discrimination against them. Apart from the collective
lynchings on Ülker Street in İstanbul in 1996 and in
Eryaman, Ankara, in 2006 (both described earlier), a more
recent example of collective threats occurred in Avcılar,
İstanbul, against trans women sex workers, where local
residents took to the streets and marched against sex
workers with slogans like ‘No to prostitution!’ and ‘We
protect our morality’ and created an atmosphere of fear.
Several other collective threats and protests have taken
place in Antalya, Izmir, İstanbul and some other cities for
years. A common characteristic of these collective actions
against trans women who do sex work is that they have
both ‘whorephobic’ and transphobic motives. Another
important element is that the police have either been
directly involved in mobilising locals against trans women
sex workers or ignored the attacks or threats.
In my book, which highlights the impact of admini-
strative fines that target trans women sex workers, I state:
‘At any place in Turkey, locals await in bid for targeting sex
worker trans women in a collective manner. Social unrest, which
is fed by the argument of ‘moral values’ and ‘anti-prostitution’
creates an atmosphere of mobilization and threats against sex
worker trans women. This unrest paves the way for possible
‘cleansing operations’ by the police and the locals’.63
2.3 Institutional violence: When the state is the
perpetrator of violence
Trans people experience high levels of police violence. The
existing legislation on sex work paves the way for police
officers to use excessive force against sex workers, and
trans women sex workers are continuously harassed and
discriminated against by the police. According to the TvT
survey, of all 109 respondents who answered the question,
61 per cent stated that they have oen been harassed by the
police, and 14 per cent stated that they have sometimes
been harassed by the police. Only 25 per cent of the
| Öykü, a transgender-rights activist from Diyarbakır, addressing the audience at the Conference on Ending Violence against Trans
Women Sex Workers, which was held in Ankara on 20 December 2014
70
VI. Turkey
VI. 2 Analysis
respondents stated that they have not been harassed by the
police. However, we should be careful in interpreting this
data because these figures include all trans people who
participated in the survey. It is likely that trans women face
greater police harassment than do all trans people,
primarily because 87 per cent of trans women respondents
do sex work.
In the TvT survey, of the 108 of 109 respondents who
answered the question, 42 per cent stated that they have
oen been fined by the police, while 29 per cent stated that
they have been fined once or twice. The reasons given for
fines are prostitution, cross-dressing and public nuisance.
Of the 106 respondents who answered the question, 46 per
cent stated that they have oen been arrested by the police,
while 25 per cent have been arrested once or twice. Only 28
per cent of the participants have never been arrested. The
reasons for arrest are the same as for the fines, and it is
again important to note that fines and arrests are higher
among trans women. In other words, the percentages would
be higher if trans men were excluded. Secondly, it is clear
that trans women are regularly targeted by the police
because they do sex work. The by-law on sex work is used to
apply the Law on Misdemeanours, which enables the police
to use administrative fines against trans women.64
The extensive powers of the police to combat
‘prostitution’ result in various forms of violence against
trans sex workers. Police use threats of physical violence or
actual physical violence against trans women sex workers
if they object to the arbitrary nature of the fines. Sevda, a
trans sex worker from Ankara, recounts her experience of
police violence: ‘A police officer who fined me yesterday night
approached me again on the same day and wanted me to get on
the police car to be taken to the police station and to get fined. I
was tired of this vicious cycle and rejected to be fined. He started
to beat me up with his stick. Another police officer also came and
started to hit me. They did this for at least five minutes. Only when
the passers by reacted, they stopped. I was taken to the hospital
and stayed there for five days with injuries and a broken arm’.65
Half of the respondents in the research done by Red
Umbrella on violence against trans women sex workers
stated that they had experienced physical violence from
police officers. A third of the respondents stated that they
had experienced police violence at police stations, while the
vast majority of those who stated that they had experienced
violence while working on the streets experienced this
violence from the police. › Figure 6
Another impact of administrative fines, house raids
and closures and the overall fight against prostitution by
law-enforcement officials is that trans women sex workers
are subjected to economic violence. From a more structural
perspective, trans women sex workers experience economic
marginalisation and poverty because they are systematically
subjected to regular fines. Göksu, a trans woman sex
worker who is in debt to the state because of the fines she
has received, stated: ‘I have to pay 40,000 TRY to the state just
because of these fines. I am getting older and sick. How will I be
able to pay this debt back? I can’t, and I am depressed. I have
thought of committing suicide many times’.66 The policy of
oppressing unregistered sex workers leads to a further
financial burden for trans sex workers. Moving to other
houses, being forced to work on the streets or being fined
aer house raids create financial difficulties. In addition to
breaching these people’s right to housing, police raids
breach their right to privacy. In short, discriminatory and
arbitrary police actions both create financial difficulties
for and impinge on the basic rights of trans people.
2.4 Barriers to justice, and the problem of impunity
Trans people experience very significant barriers in
accessing justice, which in turn makes them more
vulnerable to human-rights violations. First, many trans
people do not have the tools to obtain information on how
to access justice. Second, trans victims of discrimination
and violence usually lack the necessary economic means to
cover the costs of legal assistance. Third, trans victims do
not trust the police or the courts. Many trans women sex
workers hesitate to file a complaint against perpetrators
because of fear of reprisals from perpetrators, threats from
perpetrators and fear of being outed as sex workers – and
the disadvantages that result.
According to the research carried out in 2014 by Red
Umbrella with trans women sex workers, 42 per cent of all
of respondents who experienced physical violence did not
Figure 6 | Institutional violence against trans people
76%
0 % 50 % 100 %
71%
71%
Arrested because of identity (once / twice or often)
Fined because of identity (once / twice or often)
Police harrassment (once / twice or often)
71
VI. Turkey
report these incidents to the police or to a prosecutor’s
office. The reasons for not doing so were a lack of trust in
the justice system, fear of being targeted by the police and
the belief that they would be victimised again. Of those
incidents that were reported, only 11 per cent resulted in
cases in which perpetrators received the appropriate
sentence. In the other cases, either the police ignored the
complaint or judges acquitted the perpetrators or decreased
their sentence.
Eylem, a trans woman sex worker from Ankara,
stated: ‘While working on the Street, I and my trans friends
were physically attacked by a group of men. Our cars were
destroyed. We tried to escape from the incident scene with our
cars and they followed us for a while. The le arm of one of my
friends was broken as a result. We went to the nearest hospital
and then to the police station. They ignored us and did not want
to report the cases. Later we learnt that the recordings of the
surveillence system on the same street was deleted by the police.
Still, there is no result and perpetrators are free’.67
Trans people hesitate to report the arbitrary actions of
police officers. There is a strong belief that police officers at
police stations will ignore or victimise them further. Mine,
a trans sex worker from İstanbul, stated: ‘A police officer
stopped by me on the street and wanted me to get into the car. I
asked why, and he held my arm and forcibly put me into the car.
VI. 3 Conclusion
He started to shout at me, saying, “Faggot, never dare go on this
street again!” He hit me in the face and took me to the police
station to fine me. I wanted to file a complaint against the police
officer, but other police officers laughed at me and said: “Do you
think you’ll be able to go and work on the same street again if
you report what you experienced?” ’ 68
In many cases, police officers who are perpetrators of
violence file complaints against trans people in order to
deter the victims from filing complaints against them. For
instance, three trans sex workers from Ankara were
attacked by several police officers on a street, and they filed
complaints. Immediately aer their complaints, the same
police officers charged the victims with ‘resisting the police’
and ‘insulting the police’. The charges were prosecuted,
and the three trans sex workers received sentences of a few
months’ imprisonment, while their complaints were
officially ignored and none of the police officers were
disciplined or charged.69
Perpetrators who are convicted of murdering a trans
person usually receive low sentences. There have been
many instances in which a perpetrator has argued that he
murdered a trans woman because he was shocked and
panicked when he discovered that the victim was not a
woman. Perpetrators use this argument as a strategy to
have their sentences reduced with ‘unjust provocation
decreases’. Lale Kemal, a Turkish journalist, states: ‘The
killings of several transsexuals and transvestites, along with
recent violence by police against transgendered persons, are
worrying developments. Courts have applied the principle of
‘unjust provocation’ in favor of perpetrators of crimes against
transsexuals and transvestites’.70
| Poster of the Conference on Ending Violence against Trans
Women Sex Workers, which was held in Ankara 20 December
2014 and organised by Red Umbrella Sexual Health and Human
Rights Association
VI. Turkey VI. 3 Conclusion
72
VI. 3 Conclusion
Lawmakers and decision-makers in Turkey must enact anti-
discrimination and hate-crimes legislation that includes
gender identity and gender expression as grounds for
special protection. This requirement is also listed as one of
the recommendations by the former Commissioner for
Human Rights of the Council of Europe, Thomas
Hammarberg, in his 2009 Issue Paper Human Rights and
Gender Identity.71 The Recommendations of the Council of
Europe Committee of Ministers (2010) 72 and the Resolutions
of the Human Rights Council of the United Nations 7 3 also
require states to take all necessary steps to protect trans
people against discrimination and violence.
The government must also require all public and
private companies to establish and enforce anti-discrimi-
nation policies vis-à-vis trans people. Social pro grammes
that facilitate exit strategies for trans women who want to
leave the sex industry should be established by the govern-
ment. These programmes should be designed to offer
economic and other support to people as they make the
transition to other kinds of work.
The existing laws on violence against women and
domestic violence must be revised, and gender identity and
gender expression should be included as grounds for
protection. The articles of the same law must be revised to
be consistent with the Istanbul Convention.
The Turkish government must decriminalise sex
workers, their clients and third parties. The Turkish Penal
Code should also be revised to the same effect. Turkish
police must stop fining trans sex workers and raiding and
sealing off their houses. All arbitrary action, ill-treatment
and torture by the police against trans sex workers must be
prosecuted, and relevant redress mechanisms should be
established. Trans sex workers who hold blue ID cards must
be permitted to enter registered brothels, which provide a
safer working environment for sex workers.
The Turkish Civil Code must be revised to stop
arbitrary interventions against the bodies of trans people.
The sterilisation requirement must be removed from the
Civil Code, and all trans people should have the right to
change their gender marker on official documents. The
requirements for divorce and diagnosis in order to have
access gender-reassignment procedures must be removed
from the Civil Code. Any interference in the private lives of
trans people must be stopped. The Turkish government
must ensure easy, accessible and free trans-specific health-
care services for all trans people. Health professionals must
be given required trans-specific health-care and non-
discrimination training. Prosecutors and judges must be
trained on the needs and sensitivities of trans people in
relation to gender-reassignment processes.
The Turkish government must gather data on trans-
phobic hate violence. The police, prosecutors and judges
must be trained on the human rights of trans people. Law-
enforcement officials must be in continuous dialogue with
civil-society organisations that work with trans people.
Social policies must be developed by relevant
government bodies in order to respond to the needs of
vulnerable trans people, including trans people who are
73
| The international TvT team meets sistergirls in Darwin (Australia),
May 2014
HIV positive, trans people who are elderly or have diseases
that need special attention, trans people who live in poverty,
homeless trans people, trans people who live with dis-
ability, trans sex workers, migrant trans people and trans
people who use drugs. Social programmes must be created
from a holistic and intersectional perspective that will
ensure the human rights of all trans people.
VII. Appendix
74
VII. a Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide
| Partner Organisations of
the TvT Project
A Gender Agenda (Australia)
APTN (Asia-Pacific)
ASTRA Rio (Brazil)
Centro de Apoyo a las Identidades Trans A.C. (Mexico)
Diverlex (Venezuela)
GATE (Argentina / USA)
Gender DynamiX (South Africa)
Grupo Gay da Bahia (Brazil)
Labryz Kyrgyzstan (Kyrgyzstan)
LGBT Centre (Mongolia)
LGBT Gayten (Serbia)
Observatorio Ciudadano Trans (Colombia)
Pembe Hayat (Turkey)
PLUS (India)
STRAP (The Philippines)
Red Umbrella (Turkey)
Thai Transgender Alliance (Thailand)
Tonga Leiti Association (Tonga)
Trans China (China)
Transgender Law Center (USA)
TransInterQueer (Germany)
Trans X (Austria)
United and Strong (St. Lucia)
VII. a Transrespect versus Transphobia
Worldwide | Cooperation across
continents
The organisations partaking in the presented TvT Survey
on the Social Experiences of Trans and Gender-diverse People
are part of a wider network of activists, researchers and
organisations that is grounded in and serves gender-
diverse / trans people’s movements and activisms first and
foremost. From 2010 to 2015, TGEU’s TvT team worked in
cooperation with 23 partner organisations and numerous
trans activists and researchers from more than 100
countries in all six world regions and was counselled by
an international Advisory Board of more than 25 LGBT,
trans, and human-rights experts and researchers, as shown
be low.
VII. Appendix
| There were further collaborations with
activists, researchers and / or legal experts
from:
Albania, American Samoa, Antigua, Argentina, Armenia,
Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Barbados,
Belgium, Belize, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana,
Brazil, Bulgaria, the Caribbean Netherlands, Chile, Cook
Islands, Croatia, Cuba, Cyprus, Denmark, Dominica, East
Timor, Estonia, Fiji, Finland, France, Greece, Guam, Haiti,
Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Ireland, Israel, Italy,
Jamaica, Japan, Kiribati, Kosovo, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia,
Lithuania, Macedonia, Malaysia, Malta, Mexico, Moldova,
Mongolia, Montenegro, Namibia, Nauru, Netherlands,
New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niue, Norway, Papua New
Guinea, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Puerto Rico,
Romania, Russia, St. Lucia, St. Kitts, St. Vincent, Samoa,
Singapore, Sint Maarten, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon
Islands, South Africa, South Korea, Spain, Suriname,
Sweden, Switzerland, Tahiti, Tajikistan, Thailand, Tokelau,
Trinidad and Tobago, Uganda, UK, Ukraine, USA, US Virgin
Islands, Uzbekistan, Vietnam, Venezuela and Zambia.
| The TvT Advisory Board from 2010 to 2015
comprised the following members:
Mauro Cabral (Argentina), Peter Hyundal (Australia), Dr
Nicolas Beger (Belgium), Majorie Marchi, Dr Luiz Mott and
Dr Joseli Maria Silva (Brazil), Dr Sam Winter and Jiangang
Zhao (China), Dr Thamar Klein (Germany), Agniva Lahiri
and Shabeena Francis Saveri (India), Silvan Agius (Malta),
Sass Rogando Sasot (the Netherlands), Jack Byrne and
Thomas Hamilton (New Zealand), Belissa Andía Pérez
(Peru), Roger Tootooali Stanley (Samoa), Victor Mukasa,
Jabu Pereira and Liesl Theron (South Africa), Huya
Boonyapisomparn (Thailand), Joleen Mataele (Tonga), Kim
Mukasa (Uganda), Masen Davis, Justus Eisfeld, Anna Kirey
and Dr Susan Stryker (US A), Dr Tamara Adrián (Venezuela)
75
VII. Appendix
VII. b The TvT Publication Series
VII. b The TvT Publication Series
In 2010, Transgender Europe initiated the TvT Publication
Series to translate important human-rights documents and
publish TvT research reports in various languages. The
country chapters of the present report will be published in
local languages in the subsequent volumes of the TvT
publications series. All volumes can be downloaded as PDFs
from www.transrespect.org.
Volume 9 | Transrespect versus Transphobia – The
Experiences of Trans and Gender-diverse People in
Colombia, India, the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand,
Tonga, Turkey and Venezuela
Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Jan Simon Hutta (editors),
TGEU, September 2015
Volume 8 | Küresel ‘Transfobibye Karşi Trans-Saygi’
– Projes Toplumsal Cinsiyet Farklılığına Sahip
Bireylerin / Trans Bireylerin İnsan Hakları Durumunun
Karşılaştırmalı İncele
Carsten Balzer ve Jan Simon Hutta (Tamara Adrian, Peter
Hyndal ve Susan Stryker’in katkılarıyla…), TGEU, Kasim
2012 (1st TvT report Turkish version)
Volume 7 | Transrespeto versus Transfobia en el
Mundo – Un Estudio Comparativo de la Situación de
los Derechos Humanos de las personas Trans
Carsten Balzer y Jan Simon Hutta (con Tamara Adrián,
Peter Hyndal y Susan Stryker), TGEU, Noviembre 2012 (1st
TvT report Spanish version)
Volume 6 | Transrespect versus Transphobia
Worldwide – A Comparative Review of the Human-
rights Situation of Gender-variant / Trans People
Carsten Balzer and Jan Simon Hutta (with Tamara Adrián,
Peter Hyndal and Susan Stryker), TGEU, November 2012
(English version)
Volume 5 | Direitos Humanos e Identidade de Gênero
– Relatório Temátic
de Thomas Hammarberg, Comissário de Direitos Humanos
do Conselho da Europa (Série de Publicações do TvT –
Volume 5)
Issue Paper ‘Human Rights and Gender Identity’, Thomas
Hammarberg, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human
Rights. (Portuguese translation – English original version)
Volume 4 | I Diritti Umani e l’Identità di Genere –
Issue Paper
di Thomas Hammarberg, Commissario del Consiglio
d’Europa per i Diritti Umani (Pubblicazione per la serie
TvT – Volume 4)
Issue Paper ‘Human Rights and Gender Identity’, Thomas
Hammarberg, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human
Rights. (Italian translation – English original version)
Volume 3 | Tożsamość płciowa a prawa człowieka –
Dokument tematyczny
autorstwa Thomasa Hammarberga, Komisarza Praw
Człowieka Rady Europy (Publikacje projektu TvT – tom 3)
Issue Paper ‘Human Rights and Gender Identity’, Thomas
Hammarberg, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human
Rights. (Polish translation – English original version)
Volume 2 | Menschenrechte und Geschlechtsidentität
– Themenpapier
von Thomas Hammarberg, Kommissar für Menschenrechte
des Europarats (TvT Veröffentlichungsreihe – Band 2)
Issue Paper ‘Human Rights and Gender Identity’, Thomas
Hammarberg, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human
Rights. (German translation – English original version)
Volume 1 | Derechos humanos e identidad de
género – Informe temático
de Thomas Hammarberg, Comisario de Derechos Humanos
del Consejo de Europa (Serie de publicaciones de TvT –
volumen 1)
Issue Paper ‘Human Rights and Gender Identity’, Thomas
Hammarberg, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human
Rights. (Spanish translation – English original version)
76
VII. Appendix
VII. c About the authors
VII. c About the authors
Dr Brenda Rodriguez Alegre
... completed her bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral (magna
cum laude) degrees in Psychology at the University of Santo
Tomas. She is a member of STRAP’s Board of Directors. She
is also the lead coordinator for the English-speaking
members of the Transgender Resource Center in Hong
Kong. Dr Alegre is a Resident Tutor at Lap Chee College and
an Assistant Lecturer at the University of Hong Kong,
where she, perhaps one of the few trans* identifying
academics in Hong Kong, teaches Sexuality and Gender.
Brenda is also interested in music and singing and performs
as a soprano.
Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata
... has been active in several social movements since the
mid-1980s and wrote hir PhD thesis on trans communities
in Brazil, Germany and the United States. S_he is a founding
editor of Liminalis – Journal for Sex / Gender Emancipation
and Resistance and an Editorial Board member of Trans -
gender Studies Quarterly (TSQ). From 2011 to 2012, s_he was a
member of the Advisory Committee of the Open Society
Foun dations’ LGBTI Rights Initiative. Carla supported TGEU
from its very beginnings and served as a TGEU Steering
Committee member from 2008 to 2012. S_he is TGEU’s
Senior Researcher and initiated the TvT project in 2009.
Ms. C. Joy Cruz
... is a University Researcher at the University of the
Philippines Population Institute. Ms. Cruz holds a double
master’s degree, in Business Administration and Demo-
graphy, from the University of the Philippines Diliman. Her
areas of specialisation include fertility, gender and
sexuality, adolescent studies and technical demography,
including population projections and population aging. Her
advocacy work includes membership in various non-govern-
ment organisations, like STRAP Kababaihan Philippines,
Inc. and the Philippine Population Association, where she
was formerly an officer. She is currently a member of the
Board of Trustees and serves as Treasurer of the
Demographic Research and Development Foundation, Inc.
Jan Simon Hutta
... is a Lecturer at the University of Bayreuth in Germany,
working in the Cultural Geography Research Group. He has
conducted research on sexual and transgender politics in
Brazil and Germany. He received his PhD from The Open
University in Milton Keynes, UK. Since 2010, he has
conducted research for TvT. He is a committee member of
the Space, Sexualities and Queer Research Group (SSQRG) of
the Royal Geographic Society, an Editorial Board member
of Revista Latinoamericana de Geografia e Gênero and a
founding editor of sub\urban – zeitschri für kritische Stadt-
forschung. He is currently preparing a research project on
migrant trans people.
Rena Janamnuaysook
... is a Thai transgender woman advocating for the health
and human rights of transgender people and HIV key
populations. She has extensive local, national and
international experience in working with HIV and AIDS
organisations. Rena provides technical and organisational
capacity development support to USAID-funded and GFATM-
funded civil society organisations and is a co-founder of the
Thai Transgender Alliance (ThaiTGA). She obtained a
bache lor’s degree in political science from Thammasat
University, Thailand and a master’s degree in International
Public Services from the University of Birmingham, United
Kingdom. Rena currently works as a project coordinator
with the Thai Red Cross AIDS Research Center.
Kath Khangpiboon
... is one of the co-founders of the Thai Transgender Alliance
(ThaiTGA), a national network of transgender activists
working to address the unmet needs of Thai transgender
communities. She advocates for anti-Transphobia, anti-
violence against transgender people and access to
healthcare. Kath has represented Thai transgender youth
at various international platforms and is an active local
board member of the Asia Pacific Transgender Network
(APTN), a regional platform for transgender people to
discuss the key issues they face in their communities. Kath
received a bachelor’s and a master’s degree, both in Social
Work, from Thammasat University, Thailand.
77
VII. Appendix
VII. c About the authors
Joleen Mataele
... from the Kingdom of Tonga is a singer, entertainer and
event planner and has five adopted children. Joleen is an
active promoter for HIV & AIDS awareness, has been an
LGBTIQ activist in Tonga and the South Pacific for 23 years
and was the founder of the Miss Galaxy Queen Pageant. She
is the President of Tonga Leiti Association (TLA) and the
President / Co-Founder of the Pacific Sexual Diversity
Network (PSDN). In 1996, she was awarded the Silver Jubilee
Medal by His Late Majesty King Taufa’ahau Tupou IV for
her humanitarian work with disability and sexual-minority
groups. In 2008, she was awarded the Order Of Queen
Salote Medal during His Late Majesty King George Tupou
V’s Coronation for services to the Royal Family.
Kemal Ördek
... is the founder of Red Umbrella Sexual Health and Human
Rights Association (Turkey). The organisation has been
active in monitoring and documenting violence against
transgender people and sex workers in Turkey. It provides
legal advice to victims of violence and discrimination and
also holds training workshops on access to justice for sex
workers, transgender people and MSM. It carries out
advocacy actions targeting decision-makers regarding the
sexual and reproductive health situation of sex workers,
while lobbying relevant authorities for the decriminalisation
of sex work.
Kristian Ranđelović
..., born in 1973 and based in Belgrade, Serbia, joined
Transgender Europe’s Steering Committee in 2010. Kristian
holds an M.A. for editing TV and movies. He has been
working as a trans counsellor and cooperating with the
Medical Team in Serbia in order to provide help and support
to trans persons for over 15 years. He has systematically
developed programmes for trans individuals, including the
first trans-support group in the Balkans. Kristian has also
contributed to the creation of trans programmes in the
ex-Yugoslavia region and participated in the creation of the
first trans web site in the region.
Charlese ‘Char’ Saballe
... is the outgoing Chairwoman of the Society of Transsexual
Women of the Philippines (STRAP), the pioneering trans-
gender human-rights advocacy and support organi sation
for transpinays. Charlese is the Philippine project
co-coordinator of the Transrespect versus Trans phobia
(TvT) Project Worldwide, in partnership with Trans gender
Europe (TGEU). She is also one of the founders of
TransAmbassadors Finland and, together with her partner
Jaakko Jaskari, is working on a documentary film about
trans women. She majored in Statistics at the University of
the Philippines and is a Data Analytics professional
specialising in data reporting and workforce management.
Jetsada Taesombat
..., a transgender woman or a Thai kathoey, is a human-
rights defender, social activist, public speaker, trainer and
graphic designer. She co-founded the Thai Transgender
Alliance (ThaiTGA) and works as a coordinator. Jetsada is
currently working as a programme assistant for the South-
east Asian Consortium on Gender, Sexuality, and Health.
She holds a bachelor’s degree in Social Development and
Anthropology from Prince of Songkhla University, Thailand.
Jetsada has also served as a commissioner for the Gender
Equality Act of Thailand.
Jelena Vidic
..., a psychologist, psychotherapist and activist, currently
works with Gayten-LGBT on project coordination, research
and the provision of psycho-social support to trans* people.
She has been working with people living with HIV / AIDS,
sex workers, oncology patients, users of psychiatric services
and youth.
78
VII. Appendix
VII. d Endnotes
VII. d Endnotes
1 See Council of Europe Commissioner for Human
Rights, Human Rights and Gender Identity, issue paper,
July 2009, available at
https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=1476365
(last accessed on 15 July 2015).
2 Human Rights and Gender Identity (op. cit.), p. 44.
3 C. Balzer and J.S. Hutta, Transrespect versus Transphobia
Worldwide: A Comparative Review of the Human-rights
Situation of Gender-variant / Trans People, November
2012, p. 5, available at
http://www.transrespect-transphobia.org/uploads/
downloads/Publications/TvT_research-report.pdf
(last accessed on 15 July 2015).
4 See www.transrespect-transphobia.org
(last accessed on 15 July 2015).
Regarding the TMM and Legal Mapping, Radcliffe
observed: ‘The project’s documentation of trans phobic
violence and mapping of the legal environ ment for
transgender people are unique and provide a clearer
picture of the scale of the problem and of the kinds of
responses that can help to address it’. See Transrespect
versus Transphobia Worldwide: A Comparative Review of
the Human-rights Situation of Gender-variant / Trans
People (op. cit.) p. 5.
5 The second phase of the research implemented in
Turkey was conducted by Red Umbrella in Turkey.
6 See http://www.stigmaindex.org/
(last accessed on 15 July 2015).
7 In West Bengal, only half of the participants answered
the question.
8 In Serbia, many of the participants stated ‘Yugos-
lavia’, which was the name of the country when they
were born.
9 Because there is no regulation of legal gender
recognition in Serbia, the process depends entirely on
administrative officers, which means that trans
people’s requests can be denied without explanation.
10 See, e.g. Americas Quarterly ‘Colombia strikes physical
exam requirement for gender change’, 2015, available
at http://www.americasquarterly.org/content/colombia-
strikes-physical-exam-requirement-gender-change?utm
(last accessed on 15 July 2015).
11 See C. Balzer, Gender Outlaw Triptychon: Selbstbilder und
Formen der Selbstorganisation in den Transgender-Subkul-
turen Rio de Janeiros, New Yorks und Berlins, PhD thesis,
Free University of Berlin, 2007, pp. 132-134, 348-356, 378,
available at:
http://www.diss.fu-berlin.de/diss/receive/FUDISS_thesis_
000000005722
(last accessed on 1 July 2015).
12 Here, it must be taken into account that all respondents
did not answer this question in all countries.
13 Only six of 28 respondents answered the question.
14 See www.spc.int/prism/tonga/ and
http://data.un.org/CountryProfile.aspx?crName=Tonga
(last accessed on 1 Feb. 2014).
15 Tongan Criminal Offenses Act Section 136 criminalises
homosexuality as ‘sodomy’: ‘Whoever shall be convicted
of the crime of sodomy with another person or bestiality
with any animal shall be liable at the discretion of the
Court to be imprisoned for any period not exceeding ten
years and such animal shall be killed by a public officer’.
See http://www.ilo.org/dyn/natlex/docs/ELECTRONIC/73337/
95725/F665862081/TON73337.pdf
(last accessed on 1 May 2015).
16 Tongan Criminal Offenses Act Section 81.5 makes it an
offence for a male to impersonate a female under
certain circumstances: ‘Any male person who, whilst
soliciting for an immoral purpose, in a public place
with intent to deceive any other person as to his true
sex, has on or about his person any article intended by
him to represent that he is a female or in any other
way impersonates or represents himself to be a female
shall be guilty of an offence and shall upon conviction
be liable to a fine not exceeding $100 or to imprison-
ment for a period not exceeding one year or to both
such imprisonment and such fine’.
See http://www.ilo.org/dyn/natlex/docs/ELECTRONIC/73337/
95725/F665862081/TON73337.pdf
(last accessed May 2015).
17 See N. Besnier, ‘The social production of abjection:
Desire and silencing among transgender Tongans’,
Social Anthropology, 2004, Vol. 12.3, pp. 308-309.
18 Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide (op. cit.).
19 C. Brewer, ‘Baylan, asog, transvestism, and sodomy:
Gender, sexuality and the sacred in early colonial
Philippines’, Intersections: Gender, History and Culture in
the Asian Context, 1999, Vol. 2, available at
http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue2/carolyn2.html
(last accessed on 5 Sept. 2014).
79
VII. Appendix
VII. d Endnotes
20 See J.N. Garcia, ‘Male homosexuality in the Philippines:
A short history’, I.I.A.S. Newsletter 35, Nov. 2004,
available at
http://www.iias.nl/sites/default/files/IIAS_NL35_13.pdf
(last accessed on 12 June 2015).
21 M. Johnson, Beauty and Power: Transgendering and
Cultural Transformation in the Southern Philippines,
Oxford: Berg, 1997, pp. 26-27.
22 See ‘Baylan, asog, transvestism, and sodomy’ (op. cit.).
23 See S. Sasot, ‘Learning from the Teduray people:
Valuing self-determination’, Outrage Magazine, 30 May
2015, available at
http://outragemag.com/learning-from-the-teduray-people-
valuing-self-determination
(last accessed on 3 June 2015).
24 J.N. Garcia, Philippine Gay Culture: Binabae, Bakla, Silahis
to MSM, Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philip-
pines Press, 2008, pp. 14, 23-25, 36, 162-179; B. Alegre,
Toward a Better Understanding of Hormone and Silicone
Injection Use and Self-perception of Transgender Women in
the Philippines and Hong Kong, University of Santo Tomas,
Manila, 2013, pp. 9, 16; ‘Beauty and power’ (op.cit.).
25 M. Manalansan, Global Divas: Filipino Gay Men in the
Diaspora, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2003,
pp. 20-25, 101-105; Philippine Gay Culture (op. cit.), pp
46-60; Toward a Better Understanding of Hormone and
Silicone Injection Use and Self-perception of Transgender
Women (op. cit), pp. 8-9, 16-17.
26 Philippine Gay Culture (op. cit.), pp. 61-80.
27 See S. Sasot, ‘Our brave new world: A brief history of
the birth of the transgender movement in the
Philippines’, Outrage Magazine, 21 Nov. 2012, available at
http://outragemag.com/our-brave-new-world-third-of-five
(last accessed on 5 Sept. 2014).
28 Dr Mely Silverio petitioned to have her first name and
sex changed on her birth certificate. In October 2007,
the Supreme Court ruled that the petition lacked merit
on the following grounds: a person’s first name cannot
be changed on the ground of sex reassignment, no law
allows one’s designated sex to be changed on one’s
birth certificate on the ground of sex reassignment
and one’s first name and sex cannot be changed on a
birth certificate on the ground of equity. See Silverio vs.
Republic of the Philippines G.R. No. 174689, 22 October,
2007, available at
http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/jurisprudence/2007/
october2007/174689.htm
(last accessed on 25 May 2015).
29 Barangay are the smallest administrative units in the
Philippines, and there are over 42,000 of them in the
country.
30 Boonpraset, C. (ed.). Violated Lives: Narratives from
LGBTIQs and International Human Rights Law, Bangkok:
Teeranat Kanjanauaksorn Foundation; Rainbow Sky
Association of Thailand; Global Fund to Fight AIDS,
Tuberculosis and Malaria (GFATM), 2011, p.45.
31 Chai Voradhamo, Kathoei (Trans) in Monk and Military
Conscript on Queer Theory, Bangkok, Women Gender
Sexuality Studies programme, Thammasat University,
2014.
http://www.deklanghong.com/content/2014/10/70
(last accessed on 22 May 2015).
32 NHRC, Evaluative Report of the Human Rights Situation
in Thailand, 2004-2007, Bangkok, National Human
Rights Commission of Thailand, 2009, p. 9.
33 FOR-SOGI, The Terminology of Sexual Diversity in Family
Project, Bangkok, Foundation for SOGI Rights and
Justice, 2013, p.19.
34 R. Kobsirikarn, The Work of the National Human Rights
Commission of Thailand on Human Rights in Relation to
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity, Thailand
country paper for the APF-Komnas HAM Workshop
on the Role of NHRIs in the Promotion and Imple-
mentation of the Yogya karta Principles, 5-7 May 2009,
Yogyakarta, 2009, p.4.
35 The Royal Thai Government Gazette 132 session 18, 2015.
Gender Equality Act, p.17.
36 S. Winter, Lost in Transition: Transgender People, Rights
and HIV Vulnerability in the Asia-Pacific Region.
Bangkok, United Nations Development Programme,
2012, pp.13-15.
37 See http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.TOTL
(last accessed on 27 May 2015).
38 See http://webrzs.stat.gov.rs/WebSite/Public/PublicationView.
aspxpKey=41&pLevel=1&pubType=2&pubKey=1586
(last accessed on 27 May 2015).
39 See http://www.novinar.de/2009/08/14/spc-darovi-crkve-
hristove-i-za-trans-osobe.html
(last accessed on 27 May 2015).
40 P. Selek, Maskeler, Süvariler, Gacılar – Ülker Sokak: Bir Alt
Kültürün Dışlanma Mekanı. Ankara: Ayizi Yayınları,
2011, pp. 91-110.
41 Ibid, pp. 93-94.
80
VII. Appendix
VII. d Endnotes
42 Siyah Pembe Üçgen İzmir Derneği, ‘80’lerde Lubunya
Olmak’, İzmir: Siyah Pembe Üçgen İzmir, 2012, p. 12.
43 See Ç. Doğan, Dernekten Açlık Grevine ve Buluşmalara
25 Yıl BiaNet, 28 Feb. 2004, available at
http://bianet.org/bianet/toplum/30182-dernekten-aclik-
grevine-ve-bulusmalara-25-yil
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
44 80’lerde Lubunya Olmak (op. cit.), p. 18.
45 Maskeler, Süvariler, Gacılar (op. cit.), pp. 148-152.
46 Lambdaistanbul, ‘Eryaman’da Travesti ve Trans-
seksüellere Sistemli Şiddet’, Kaos GL, 3 May 2006,
available at
http://www.kaosgl.com/sayfa.php?id=113
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
47 See http://www.pembehayat.org
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
48 See http://www.istanbul-lgbtt.org
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
49 See vol-trans.blogspot.com
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
50 See http://www.kirmizisemsiye.org
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
51 See http://www.t-der.org
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
52 K. Ördek, Violence against Sex Worker Trans Women in
Turkey: An Existence Struggle in the Midst of Invisibility
and Impunity, Ankara: Red Umbrella Sexual Health and
Human Rights Association, 2014, p. 44.
53 See http://www.transrespect-transphobia.org/en_US/tvt-
project/tmm-results/idahot-2015.htm
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
54 Legal gender recognition is ensured by Article 40 of
the Turkish Civil Code.
55 This by-law, issued in 1961 by the Turkish Cabinet of
Mini sters in order to regulate the sex industry, is known
as the By-Law on Combatting Sexually Transmitted
Disea ses and Prostitution. The articles in the by-law are
out dated and have been severely criticised by sex wor kers
because they have not been designed with their needs in
mind. The text of the by-law is available in Turkish at
http://www.ttb.org.tr/mevzuat/index.php?option=com_
content&view=article&id=66:genel-kadinlar-ve-genelevler-
tabolacaklari-hler-ve-fuhuyden-bulan-zrevhastaliklarla-
madele-t&Itemid=31
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
56 In Turkey, men and women have ID cards with
different colours. Men are given blue ones and women
are given pink ones. This difference makes it very
difficult for many trans people to have access to a
secure work environment. Many trans women have
blue ID cards because they have not undergone SRS,
which is a prerequisite for changing one’s gender
marker in official documents. This fact prevents them
from working at registered brothels because only those
who have pink ID cards can register to work at brothels.
57 C. Balzer and J.S. Hutta, Transrespect versus Transphobia
Worldwide: A Comparative Review of the Human-rights
Situation of Gender-variant / Trans People, November
2012, p. 55, available at
http://www.transrespect-transphobia.org/uploads/
downloads/Publications/TvT_research-report.pdf
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
58 See http://www.transrespect-transphobia.org/en_US/tvt-
project/tmm-results/idahot-2014.htm
(last accessed on 30 May 2015).
59 In April 2014, Çağla Joker (25), a trans sex worker, was
shot to death in a flat in Tarlabaşı, İstanbul, where she
was doing sex work, by one of her clients. In October
2014, Çingene Gül, another trans sex worker, was
murdered in her house. ‘Bursa’da Vahşi Travesti
Cinayeti’, Life In Bursa, 24 March 2009, available at
http://www.lifeinbursa.com/haberx/165151/18
(last accessed on 15 May 2015).
60 ‘Gaziantep’te Travesti Cinayeti’, Haber 7, 7 October 2011,
available at
http://www.haber7.com/genel-olaylar/haber/ 792528-
gaziantepte-travesti-cinayeti
(last accessed on 4 May 2015).
61 Kaos GL, 2013 Report on Homophobic and Transphobic
Hate Crimes, available at
http://www.kaosgldernegi.org/resim/yayin/dl/nefret_sulari_
raporu_2013.pdf
(last accessed on 30 April 2015).
62 Violence against Sex Worker Trans Women in Turkey: An
Existence Struggle in the Midst of Invisibility and Impunity
(op. cit.).
63 K. Ördek, Registered The in Unregistered Sphere:
Administrative Fines as a way of ‘Taxing’ Trans Sex
Workers, Ankara: Red Umbrella Sexual Health and
Human Rights Association, p. 85, available at
http://kirmizisemsiye.org/Dosyalar/
KayitsizAlandaKayitliSoygun.pdf
(last accessed on 15 April 2015).
81
VII. Appendix
VII. d Endnotes
64 The Directorates of Security in each city are empo we-
red by the Commissions on Prostitution under the
Gover nor’s Office of each city to employ the Law on
Mis demea nours to fine trans women who do sex work.
The Law on Misdemeanours does not have any articles
that are relevant to sex work, but the Commissions on
Prosti tution authorises the police to employ this law
against sex workers.
65 Registered The in Unregistered Sphere: Administrative
Fines as a Way of ‘Taxing’ Trans Sex Workers, (op cit.) p. 47.
66 Ibid. p. 32.
67 K. Ördek (ed.) in Red Umbrella Sexual Health and
Human Rights Association, Sex Workers Speak Up: We
Want Freedom! Ankara: Ayrıntı Yayıncılık, 2014, pp. 37-38.
68 Interview with Mine, 6 October 2014, İstanbul.
69 A detailed account of this incident by ILGA-Europe can
be found at
http://ilga-europe.org/home/news/latest/ilga_europe_s_
statement_on_the_recent_incident_of_police_violence_
against_trans_activists_in_ankara
(last accessed on 15 April 2015).
70 Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide: A Compara tive
Review of the Human-rights Situation of Gender-variant /
Trans People (op. cit.) p. 56.
71 Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights,
Human Rights and Gender Identity, issue paper, July
2009, available at
https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=1476365
(last accessed on 15 April 2015).
72 Council of Europe, CM / Rec (2010) 5 – Recommendations
to Member States on Measures to Combat Discrimination
on the Grounds of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity,
available at
https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=1606669
(last accessed on 15 April 2015).
73 United Nations Human Rights Council, Human Rights,
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity, Resolution, 2011,
available at
http://ap.ohchr.org/documents/dpage_e.aspx?si=A/HRC/17/
L.9/ Rev.1
(last accessed on 15 April 2015);
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,
Discriminatory Laws and Practices and Acts of Violence
against Individuals based on their Sexual Orientation and
Gender Identity, 2011, available at
http://ap.ohchr.org/documents/dpage_e.aspx?si=A/HRC/19/41
(last accessed on 15 April 2015).
| Leitis at World AIDS Day on December 1st 2014 in Nuku'alofa
(Tonga)
82
| Leitis in front of the Catholic Basilica in
Nuku'alofa (Tonga), November 2014
83
| Notes
| Edited by
Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Jan Simon Hutta
TvT Publication Series Vol. 9
Transgender Europe (TGEU)
www.tgeu.org
Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide (TvT)
c / o Transgender Europe (TGEU)
K i e � o l z s t r . 2
12435 Berlin
Germany
research@transrespect-transphobia.org
www.transrespect.org
Layout | Berno Hellmann, www.bernoh.de
Printer | www.fl yeralarm.com
Text Revesion | Daniel Moure
Copyright 2015 by Carsten Balzer and Transgender Europe (TGEU)
The reproduction of parts of this publication is permitted provided
that due acknowledgement is given and a copy of the publication
carrying the part in question is sent to Transrespect versus
Transphobia Worldwide (TvT) at the address above.
You can support the Transrespect versus Transphobia Worldwide
project with a donation:
www.transrespect.org/donation
The TvT project and this report are funded by
| Photo Credits
Tonga Leitis Association Collection | Pages 25, 31
STRAP Archives | Pages 37, 42
Mikki Galang | Page 38
Thai Transgender Alliance | Pages 45, 47, 48, 52
Kemal Ördek / Red Umbrella | Pages 63, 64 / 65, 67, 69, 71
Carla LaGata | Front page and pages 1, 7, 10, 21, 23, 26, 35, 50 / 51,
53, 61, 72 / 73, 81, 82
The image on the front page resulted from a TvT training (Trans
Rights Activism Workshop, Darwin, Australia, 13 - 14 May 2014), in
which 35 trans activists from indigenous Australia, Australia,
Aotearoa / New Zealand, Fiji, Germany, the Philippines, Thailand
and Tonga participated.
Transrespect versus Transphobia
The social experiences of trans and
gender-diverse people in Colombia, India,
the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga,
Turkey and Venezuela
A banner, resulted from a TvT training |
(Trans Rights Activism Workshop,
Darwin, Australia, May 2014)
TvT Publication Series Vol. 9
Transrespect versus Transphobia
The social experiences of trans and
gender-diverse people in Colombia, India,
the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga,
Turkey and Venezuela
| Edited by Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Jan Simon Hutta
A major obstacle in developing concrete steps towards
changing the social situation of trans and gender-diverse
people is the lack of data.
The present comparative survey on the social
experiences of trans and gender-diverse people – which
complements the on-going Trans Murder Monitoring and
Legal and Social Mapping projects of the TvT research project
– tries to address this issue for a small selection of countries,
i. e. Colombia, India, the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga,
Turkey and Venezuela. The survey was implemented in form
of a peer research combined with empowerment of local
activists and carried out in cooperation with eight partner
organizations in Asia, Europe, Oceania, and South America.
The results confirm the experiences of trans activists
with empirical data on many issues, including police violence
against trans sex workers. At the same time, they reveal
blind spots of discrimination and Transphobia, including the
situation of trans and gender-diverse children and teenagers.
www.transrespect.org
www.tgeu.org
Transrespect versus Transphobia
The social experiences of trans and
gender-diverse people in Colombia, India,
the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga,
Turkey and Venezuela
| Edited by Carsten Balzer / Carla LaGata and Jan Simon Hutta
www.transrespect.org
www.tgeu.org
The social experie nces of trans and gender-diverse people in Colombia, Ind ia, the Philippines, Serbia, Thailand, Tonga, Turkey an d Venezuela
Transrespect versus Transphobia
TvT Publication Series Vol. 9 | Edited by C arsten B alzer / C arla LaGata , Jan Simon Hut ta
