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Public Value and Local Communities
Abstract
The community discourse around public service reform is both complex and wide ranging. Community and locality feature prominently across the full spectrum of policy and dominate large areas of most of the social science disciplines. Of particular interest is the recent shift in policy development towards the ‘redemptive power’ of community, locality and active citizenship. There are a number of reasons for this move, not least the fact that services are, for the most part, directed towards particular places where people live and work – in other words, communities. But the move towards community is also driven by a series of core beliefs on the part of government in regard to public service reform. These are that:
• public services remain stubbornly tied to the needs of producers rather than users, and therefore lack responsiveness to local and individual needs
• there is a growing crisis of trust in government and the providers of public services, and this makes their work more di cult. In particular, it means that real improvements in services are often unappreciated by the public
• public apathy and lack of interest in mainstream politics now means the public participates less and cannot be mobilised easily to help improve public services
• apathy and mistrust now threaten a ‘legitimation de cit’ in democratic governance institutions, which means civic life is decaying.
... In particular, there have been a number of attempts to translate the public value framework into a blueprint for broader public sector improvement (for example, see Kelly et al. 2002;Alford and Hughes 2008;Benington 2009Benington , 2011. However, despite public value's increasing popularity within academic and practice settings, there is to date no formal review available within the published literature (although unstructured literature reviews have been carried out, for example, by Kelly et al. 2002;Blaug et al. 2006;Alford and O'Flynn 2008). This paper seeks to fill this gap by identifying and appraising literature on the public value framework and its applications to public enterprise and action. ...
... Much of the literature on public value is normative and/or exhortatory in tone (see, for example, Moore 1995;Smith 2004;Blaug et al. 2006;Barber 2007). Again, this might be seen as both a strength and a weakness. ...
... The most common usage of the public value concept and framework is in prescriptions for change and improvement in specific public sector domains ranging from culture, criminal justice, learning and skills, to employment, higher education and health. These supplement more generalized discussions of public value as a potential blueprint for public sector improvement (see, for example, Kelly et al. 2002;Smith 2004;Blaug et al. 2006). The most high-profile of these applications is that of the British Broadcasting Corporation whose manifesto for charter renewal was constructed around the public value credo. ...
Despite the increasing popularity of the concept of ‘public value’ within both academic and practice settings, there has to date been no formal review of the literature on its provenance, empirical basis, and application. This paper seeks to fill this gap. It provides a critical introduction to public value and its conceptual development before presenting the main elements of the published literature. Following this, a series of key areas of disagreement are discussed and implications for future research and practice put forward. The authors argue that if the espoused aspirations for the public value framework are to be realized, a concerted process of research, debate and application is required. Although some criticisms of public value are argued to be unwarranted, the authors acknowledge ongoing concerns over the apparent silence of public value on questions of power and heterogeneity, and the difficulties in empirically testing the framework's propositions.
... This confusion results from Moore's lack of clarity when he talks about public value, seemingly identifying it with public goods, but also (Kelly et al., 2002, p. 4) Public value refers to the value created by the government through services, regulation of laws, and other actions. (Blaug et al., 2006) Public value is what the public values. (Meynhardt, 2009, pp. ...
... In the analyses of the concept of public value, a direct reference is made to axiology and psychology (due to the needs theory) when considering its subjectivity (Meynhardt, 2009). A good example in this context is the definition adopted by British researchers who state that "public value is what the public values" (Blaug, Horner, Lekhi, & Kenyon, 2006). The meaning of public value adopted by Moore is also defined as "a combination of efficiency, social effectiveness, politically-sanctioned outcomes, and fairness and honesty in the context of democratic governance" (Bryson, Crosby, & Bloomberg, 2015, p. 3). ...
Objectives: The article has two main purposes. On the one hand, it shows how public value is defined and through
what management tools it is created. On the other hand, it presents how representatives of various scientific disciplines
describe the desired features of instruments creating public value and, based on this, how they evaluate the existing tools.
Research Design & Methods: We apply multiple factor analysis (MFA) on data collected from scholars from different
scientific disciplines. The dimensions of various groups of methods described by the respondents made it possible to
reveal the similarities and differences in their perceptions.
Findings: The study demonstrates that a scientific disciplinal background can influence perceptions of the benefits
of management methods to deliver public value. Knowledge of background can make public managers aware of prejudices
towards particular tools as well as it helps identify the most adequate one for each dimension of public value.
Contribution / Value Added: Our paper contributes to the body of knowledge of public value by showing how different
perspectives can be integrated and helpful for describing diversified sets of tools. We outline how the respondents perceive
the delivery of public value through management methods and, from this perspective, how they evaluate various tools.
... To put it as simply as possible, one can define public value as what the public values (Blaug, Horner, Lekhi and Kenyon, 2006a). Nevertheless, this concept as a concept of 'public values' is not free of ambiguity (Chanut, Chomienne and Desmarais, 2015, p. 222). ...
The research objective of the paper is to present the role of public entrepreneurship in creation of public
value. The author maps its relationships and discusses a framework matching main actors (public
managers, citizens) and links existing between them (actions undertaken by public managers). At the
end of the paper, the author formulates objections raised after a critical analysis of the framework’s
parts and articulates methodological guidelines for investigating the role of public entrepreneurship in
creation of public value in different organisational types settings.
Niniejszy tekst poświęcono koncepcji wartości publicznej (public value), która, sądząc po bardzo małej liczbie publikacji w krajowej literaturze, jest ideą słabo znaną w Polsce. Tymczasem w świecie, głównie w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki, Wielkiej Brytanii, Australii i Nowej Zelandii, staje się przedmiotem badań, pozwalających na jej zróżnicowane interpretacje. Świadectwem popularności tej koncepcji jest też poświęcenie jej specjalnego wydania „International Journal of Public Administration” w 2009 r., w którym umieszczone analizy można uznać za zapis bieżącego stanu wiedzy na jej temat.
W opracowaniu w pierwszej kolejności zaprezentowano oryginalną wersję koncepcji wartości publicznej M.H. Moore’a, a następnie przedstawiono różne jej interpretacje. Objęły one wątki metodologiczne, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem funkcji jakie ta koncepcja może pełnić. Scharakteryzowano również wartość publiczną jako nowy paradygmat w zarządzaniu publicznym zastępujący wcześniejsze koncepcje. Na końcu dokonano jej oceny i wskazano na konieczność podjęcia studiów z tego tematu w polskich warunkach funkcjonowania administracji publicznej.
Within the scholarly literature on restorative justice, the ‘community’, as a distinctive crime stakeholder, has been the target of extensive research. This work provides an original interpretation of the underlying images of the community within policy documents and legal statutes on RJ produced in England and Wales since 1985. The paper begins with an outline of the most recurrent representations of the community in relevant laws and policy, unearthing their theoretical underpinnings. The next step aims to infer from the general representations a range of more specific features, and to sketch out an ‘ideal’ model of community in restorative justice, whose cultural background is also outlined. As a final step, some critical reflections on the implications of the ‘ideal community’ are offered. By identifying what is taken for granted in laws and policies on restorative justice and its cultural context, this study aims to foster a critical “reality check” on this specific development of western penal policy, relevant for the restorative justice movement, at the international level.
Niniejszy tekst poświęcono koncepcji wartości publicznej (public value), która, sądząc po bardzo małej liczbie publikacji w krajowej literaturze, jest ideą słabo znaną w Polsce. Tymczasem w świecie, głównie w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki, Wielkiej Brytanii, Australii i Nowej Zelandii, staje się przedmiotem badań, pozwalających na jej zróżnicowane interpretacje. Świadectwem popularności tej koncepcji jest też poświęcenie jej specjalnego wydania „International Journal of Public Administration” w 2009 r., w którym umieszczone analizy można uznać za zapis bieżącego stanu wiedzy na jej temat.
W opracowaniu w pierwszej kolejności zaprezentowano oryginalną wersję koncepcji wartości publicznej M.H. Moore’a, a następnie przedstawiono różne jej interpretacje. Objęły one wątki metodologiczne, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem funkcji jakie ta koncepcja może pełnić. Scharakteryzowano również wartość publiczną jako nowy paradygmat w zarządzaniu publicznym zastępujący wcześniejsze koncepcje. Na końcu dokonano jej oceny i wskazano na konieczność podjęcia studiów z tego tematu w polskich warunkach funkcjonowania administracji publicznej.
The challenge of how to marry the new culture of individualistic consumerism with the ethic of public service (necessarily more solidaristic and oriented around citizenship) besets all advanced economies. The vigorous and sometimes highly polarised debate in Britain is mirrored across the West. We want hospitals, museums and libraries to discharge their public goals, but we also want them to be more responsive to individual tastes and needs, and o er greater choice of when and how healthcare, schooling and library services are provided.
Voluntary associations are often ascribed a fundamental role in the formation of social capital. However, scholars disagree on the extent to which face-to-face contact, that is, active participation, is necessary to create this resource. This article examines the impact of participation in associations on social capital using three dimensions: intensity (active vs. passive participation), scope (many vs. few affiliations) and type (nonpolitical vs. political purpose). Whereas those affiliated display higher levels of social capital than outsiders, the difference between active and passive members is absent or negligible. The only cumulative effect of participation occurs when a member belongs to several associations simultaneously, preferably with different purposes. The article challenges the notion that active participation is necessary for the formation of social capital and suggests that more attention should be paid to the importance of passive and multiple affiliations within associations.
This paper evaluates critically the third-sector approach that encourages involvement in groups in order to foster community participation in deprived neighbourhoods. Analysing recent government surveys of community participation in the UK, it reveals that a culture of engagement in groups is relatively alien to most people in deprived areas, unlike one-to-one aid that is extensively used. Given this, a complementing of the third-sector route to community participation with a fourth-sector approach that seeks further to bolster one-to-one aid is advocated. The paper concludes by outlining possible policy initiatives to implement this fourth-sector approach.
During the spring and early summer of 2001, there were a number of disturbances in towns and cities in England involving large numbers of people from different cultural backgrounds and which resulted in the destruction of property and attacks on the police.
This report, prepared by an independent panel chaired by Ted Cantle, found that communities lived in 'parallel lives' with little or no contact between them and with no opportunity to disconfirm the stereotypes and prejudices. The report advocated contact and meaningful interaction and led to the development a new approach to race and community relations.
This paper analyzes the ways in which the Canadian voluntary sector has been created as a 'community of service providers'. Drawing upon a governmentality perspective, we illustrate how governmental interventions have been largely successful in carrying out the voluntary agencies' responsibilization efforts within the sector. We trace this responsibilization project through fiscal policies and programmatic schemes, characteristic of advanced liberalism. Once in-vested with the task of governing, we argue that voluntary agencies take it upon themselves to train their volunteers to become responsible citizens. As a form of, what we call, community government, these voluntary agencies have therefore become doubly responsible: they provide social services to disadvantaged individuals and simultaneously train community members to assume their moral duties. Overall, this paper contributes to the growing literature on governmen-tality and citizenship studies by producing new insights into the links between the voluntary sector and 'responsible citizenship' under advanced liberalism.
While plenty has been written about the reinvention of the social by the Third Way as a new governmentality of control, consensus, and social integration, less has been said about its subtle elision of social and the local, and the implications of this elision for urban and regional regeneration. This is the theme taken up by this paper, beginning with a critical appraisal of the recent turn by New Labour to community cohesion and social capital as a means of overcoming local poverty and disadvantage. It shows how the social has come to be redefined as community, localized, and thrown back at hard-pressed areas as both cause and solution in the area of social, political, and economic regeneration. The second half of the paper develops an alternative designation of the local-social that is less instrumentalist, decidedly a-moral (though equally ethical), agonistically political, and geographically unconstrained. It argues for a return to ideas of agonistic democracy and the society of commitments and connections so thoroughly repudiated by new versions of market social democracy.
Community-based research in public health focuses on social, structural, and physical environmental inequities through active involvement of community members, organizational representatives, and researchers in all aspects of the research process. Partners contribute their expertise to enhance understanding of a given phenomenon and to integrate the knowledge gained with action to benefit the community involved. This review provides a synthesis of key principles of community-based research, examines its place within the context of different scientific paradigms, discusses rationales for its use, and explores major challenges and facilitating factors and their implications for conducting effective community-based research aimed at improving the public's health.
This paper evaluates critically the third-sector approach that encourages
involvement in groups in order to foster community participation in
deprived neighbourhoods. Analysing recent government surveys of community
participation in the UK, it reveals that a culture of engagement in
groups is relatively alien to most people in deprived areas, unlike one-to-one
aid that is extensively used. Given this, a complementing of the third-sector
route to community participation with a fourth-sector approach that seeks
further to bolster one-to-one aid is advocated. The paper concludes by outlining
possible policy initiatives to implement this fourth-sector approach.
This book presents a detailed analysis of the new management of public services at the local level, drawing on the work of the ESRC Local Governance Programme. The radical transformation of public service delivery is assessed in terms of its overall impact as well as its operation in particular service areas. Efficiency has improved and services have gained a user focus yet the new management appears to be full of contradictions and distortions, in many respects creating as many problems as it solves
Since coming to power in 1979 the Conservatives have sought to restructure the system of local government. The scale of change attempted has been extraordinary. Huge amounts of legislative time have been devoted to matters concerning local government. This chapter provides an evaluation of the process, progress and impact of central government-inspired change, drawing on the evidence and insights presented in Parts I and II of the book. We do not refer back to individual chapters unless it is not obvious where supporting evidence in the book is to be found.
The word ‘community’ is, nowadays, a ubiquitous term. It crops up in all kinds of situations though its meaning remains elusive. ‘Community’ has been used in senses that include the personal, political, cultural, geographical, historical, national and international. This anthology brings together a number of writings on ‘community’, the aim being not so much to clarify the meaning as to illustrate the breadth of its usage. The choice of extracts is not intended to be comprehensive and has been, necessarily, selective. Diversity of style and presentation, not to mention content, have been the criteria for selection.
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
The past twenty years have witnessed a growing doubt about the status of scientific knowledge. The problem, the philosophers observe, is one of finding some foundational grounding for affirming knowledge true and certain. Enlightenment philosophers of the eighteenth-century believed in the capacity of Reason to understand the world, whereupon planned interventions might secure human Progress. Western social thought developed largely under the wing of such a modern rationalist view, though there was always philosophical dissent. Today, the dissenters are in the majority. Post-modernists and post-structuralists deny that there can be any grounds for sustaining the narrative of Progress, of a singular, universal and developing core of knowledge to which science once pretended. We live in an age of radical doubt. While this condition might seem to undermine traditional histories of science as steadily approaching perfect understanding, it makes little difference to giving an account of urban sociology, which has always been characterised by discontinuity, uncertainty and rediscovery.
This article argues that social policies foster social cohesion through their direct contribution to a citizenship regime, referring to a stable set of civil, political and social rights, which together serve to constitute a society of equal citizens before the state. However, economic and policy transformations since the 1980's have eroded the social aspects of the Canadian citizenship regime. The government's Policy Research Initiative (PRI) has posited new grounds for social cohesion by shifting the sense of social citizenship away from its traditional association with social rights and grounding it instead in the actions and institutions of civil society. The article identifies an affinity between this model of social cohesion developed by the PRI, and the shifting policy orientation of the Canadian government, as exemplified by the direction of new social spending. Both social cohesion and citizenship are increasingly seen as "bottom-up" rather than "top-down" processes, while social policy is geared more to social regulation.
Democratic theories that argue for expanding the scope and domain of democracy assume that democratic experiences will transform individuals in democratic ways. Individuals are likely to become more public-spirited, tolerant, knowledgeable, and self-reflective than they would otherwise be. This assumption depends on viewing the self as socially and discursively constituted, a view that contrasts with the standard liberal-democratic view of the self as prepolitically constituted and narrowly self-interested. The importance of the social and discursive view of the self is that it highlights how standard assumptions about the self help to justify limits to democratic participation. As now conceptualized, however, the transformational assumption does not meet standard objections to expanding democracy. I sketch an approach that distinguishes classes of interests according to their potentials for democratic transformation, and strengthens—by qualifying—transformative expectations in democratic theory.
A by-product of the fragmentation of services that occurred at local government level under the Conservative Government was the emergence of networks and other forms of joint working. These became formalised particularly through various economic and urban regeneration schemes. But elsewhere they were often an ad hoc response to the changing local governance structures. The election of the Labour Government in 1997 has, this article contends, seen the emergence of a more collaborative discourse in which networking and partnership are the intentional outcomes of many of the central government's policy initiatives, including the Education and Health Action Zones and the Social Exclusion Unit. This collaborative discourse is founded on a perception of the importance of trusting, mutually beneficial relationships, as distinct from adversarial, low trust relationships, to achieving central government aims and objectives. Based on interviews with local authority Leaders and Chief Executives, and other 'elite' actors, the article explores how well local authorities are responding to the challenges and opportunities that these policy initiatives will bring both with regard to internal structures and decision making processes, as well as to the role of the local authority in local governance networks.
Panel data from a sample of 313 women who were wives and mothers in 1956 and were interviewed both in 1956 and in 1986 are used to consider the pathways that lead to health and social integration. Possible relationships were explored between the number, duration, timing, and episodes of various nonfamily roles throughout adulthood and subsequent health and multiple-role occupancy. It was found that occupying multiple roles in 1956, participating in volunteer work on an intermittent basis, and belonging to a club or organization were positively related to various measures of health and that occupying multiple roles in 1956, as well as doing volunteer work, was positively related to occupying multiple roles in 1986.
Community participation in local development is an increasingly important theme in urban policy and practice. Some of the problems encountered in its implementation result from differing expectations and interpretations of the meaning of community and the role of community in urban development. Using examples from urban programmes, the paper explores some of the implications for urban policy of the under-theorisation of the concept of community.
English
In the UK regeneration strategies and patterns of local service provision have usually been imposed from the top down. Most communities have had little influence over plans to revitalise their areas or the design and delivery of services. The ‘New Labour’ government has emphasised its commitment to involving local people in a wide range of policy decisions relating to employment, health, crime reduction, education, local government services and regeneration. According to ministers an enhanced role for local people will increase local accountability and improve service standards. Previous experience of community-focused initiatives suggests however that there are significant obstacles to increasing public participation. Moreover, the present government’s commitment to ‘bottom-up’ initiatives and local experimentation may be at odds with its strong centralising instinct and continuing insistence on ‘zero tolerance of failure’.
The changing nature of local political leadership in Britain over the past 25 years has received scant attention from political scientists. This article argues that changes in the roles and functions of local authorities have had a marked impact on the nature of local political leadership. Three phases (operational, transitional and collaborative) are identified and leadership roles are related to changes in the political context of local government. The fundamental tasks of leadership have not changed but what has changed is the balance or relative emphasis between them and the way they have been interpreted. While elected local authorities cannot ignore the implications of the changed external agenda – notably the advent of new forms of executive leadership – the way they respond still bears the mark of the local political culture.
The New Labour government has highlighted the democratic reform of local governance as one of its key priorities. Old fashioned systems of representative democracy and bureaucratic–technocratic decision-making and policy implementation are, it is proposed, to be superseded by more participative mechanisms of community consultation and involvement in which citizens are encouraged to take a more active, rather than passive, role in local politics. Local authority–community relations and the institutional mechanisms in and through which consultation takes place have become the subject of this reform. This paper, drawing on a study of community–local authority relations in two Labour-led Scottish local authorities, examines the complexities, problems and opportunities of enhancing community participation. It suggests that too little attention has been given to place–space tensions at the local level and that arguments for the breaking-open of democratic processes raise critical issues over the scales, systems and structures of local authority decision-making processes and accountability.
For more than fifty years English local government has come under sustained attack from governments of every political complexion. Such attacks began most importantly with Clem Attlee. They were pursued vigorously with different means under Margaret Thatcher. And they continue as a result of policy confusion under Tony Blair. There is now an urgent need for debate about the role of local government in England's democratic arrangements. Without it, muddled thinking will continue and an opportunity to deliver truly accountable local services will be lost. The current confusion arises from a crisis. Command-and-control’ delivery of public services from Whitehall is at last seen to be terminally unworkable. But the alternative, ‘New Localism’, consciously bypasses local government through a combination of political anxiety and a reluctance to accept any potential power rival to central government. All this risks a blundering move from a central and over-bureaucratic management system to fractured and unaccountable arrangements at a local level.
Place is undoubtedly relevant to health, and geography is a central character in the story of how rich societies handle inequalities in death and disease. But the text is incomplete, its scope limited by a too-delicate encounter between research and policy, and by a strange subdisciplinary divide. Accounts of the geography in health inequalities are largely, albeit subtly, locked into 'context'. They document the complex extent to which different (material, social and cultural) environments undermine or enhance resilience. They tell the tale of risky places. Our complementary narrative is written around the findings of qualitative 'compositional' research. It is about the way health itself is drawn into the structuring of society and space. This geography is a map of health discrimination, illustrated in the processes of selective placement, entrapment and displacement. By drawing attention to the 'healthism' of politics and policy in 'care-less' competition economies, this enlarged perspective might enhance the role of geography (and geographers) in both understanding and managing health inequalities.
Community involvement is seen both as means and as ends in contemporary urban policy, and although increasingly popular with policymakers it is not universally welcomed. Incredulous opponents assert that it does not improve the position of poor people and that it distracts attention from structural inequalities, whereas sceptical believers hold that it boosts social cohesion, and improves the position of powerless groups. The authors provide a framework for understanding these conflicting accounts of the processes and impact of community involvement in area-based initiatives (ABIs). They draw on a review of the relevant literature commissioned by the Home Office. The work is grounded in theories of democracy that claim both developmental and instrumental benefits for participants. A third rationale is found in ‘due process’ claims for involvement as a fundamental right. This framework suggests that answering questions about what works in community involvement in ABIs requires an empirical focus on aims, processes, and effects. The evidence shows that believers are justified in being sceptical but optimistic, and that opponents will remain incredulous in the light of weaknesses in the practice and outcomes of community involvement in ABIs. The authors conclude by discussing the implications for policy and future research.
Most studies of local autonomy and local democracy fail to distinguish adequately between the two terms. As a consequence, there is an assumed bilateral relationship between them in which changes in one are always deemed to affect the other – particularly in policy formulations. This article develops a stronger analytical distinction between them by considering local autonomy in three separate ways: as freedom from central interference; as freedom to effect particular outcomes; and as the reflection of local identity. Each of these conceptualisations raises different challenges for local democracy and its relationship to broader forms of democratic practice. When used to analyse the recent emergence of the ‘new localism’ as a policy approach within Britain, this separation also shows significant limitations in current policies towards democratic renewal and central policies that are supposedly focused on outcomes rather than processes. Although localities are being afforded some autonomy, most initiatives are not supporting the enhancement of local democracy.
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