Captain Duniam's Nineteenth Century Worldwide Enterprises

Abstract

Nineteenth-century fascination for the exhibition of mummies from around the world promoted the traf cking of cultural objects from remote places including, as reviewed here, the Atacama Desert in northern Chile. While well-funded and organized expeditions travelled the world seeking this material, independent sailors and traders also returned to Europe and beyond with items of exotica for sale. The Macleay Museum, at the University of Sydney, has the well-preserved remains of a human female in its collection, with no record of its provenance. The remains may correspond to two Peruvian mummies brought to Australia by Captain George Duniam in 1851. Besides mummies, his worldwide enterprises included the traf cking of slaves from Polynesia to the coast of South America, and camelids out of Peru – practices still current in the twenty- rst century.

Full text

Journal of the History of Collections vol. 29 no. 3 (2017) pp. 395–407
© The Authors 2016. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1093/jhc/fhw031 Advance Access publication 22 November 2016
South American mummy trafficking
Captain Duniam’s nineteenth-century worldwide enterprises
ChristopherCarter, FloraVilches, andCalogero M.Santoro
Nineteenth-century fascination for the exhibition of mummies from around the world promoted the
trafficking of cultural objects from remote places including, as reviewed here, the Atacama Desert in
northern Chile. While well-funded and organized expeditions travelled the world seeking this material,
independent sailors and traders also returned to Europe and beyond with items of exotica for sale. The
Macleay Museum, at the University of Sydney, has the well-preserved remains of a human female in its
collection, with no record of its provenance. The remains may correspond to two Peruvian mummies
brought to Australia by Captain George Duniam in 1851. Besides mummies, his worldwide enterprises
included the trafficking of slaves from Polynesia to the coast of South America, and camelids out of
Peru – practices still current in the twenty-first century.
MuseuMs in the nineteenth century formed key fea-
tures in the scheme of urban life promoted in the
United Kingdom. They were considered ‘as necessary
for the mental and moral health of the citizens as good
sanitary arrangements, water supply and street light-
ning’.1 Besides, pre-modern museums ‘were more
concerned to create surprise or provoke wonder’ than
with education,2 and nineteenth-century Australia,
populated with British stock, shared this fascination
with ancient objects. Interest in mummies permeated
several elds at this time – not least in literature, as
exemplied by Edgar Alan Poe’s short stories, Some
Words with a Mummy.3
Museums in most states of Australia collected
antiquities from the ‘hot spots’ of the world, includ-
ing Egypt and the Near East. The South Australian
Museum, established in 1856, has Egyptian mummies
in its collection which, since the time of its founda-
tion, have proved favourite exhibits for visitors. The
Nicholson Museum, at the University of Sydney, was
founded in 1860 with a donation of over 1,000 artefacts
from the Mediterranean, the Near and the Middle
East, and from Europe, by Sir Charles Nicholson,
Chancellor of the University. Today, thousands of
primary and secondary students participate in the
Museum’s education programmes, which include
such topics as ‘mummies’, ‘mummication’ and
‘death and burial in ancient Egypt’.4 This high level of
interest and enthusiasm shows no sign of diminishing,
as demonstrated by an exhibition at the Queensland
Museum in May 2012 titled ‘Mummy: Secrets of the
Tomb’. Among its attractions were several Egyptian
mummies from the British Museum’s collection.5 The
numbers visiting this exhibition were the largest ever
recorded for such an exhibition at the museum.
While Egyptian mummies were perhaps the most
familiar, those from South America held a similar fas-
cination. These were collected from at least the sev-
enteenth century and examples are today housed in
museums around the world. The case presented here
concerns two Peruvian mummies brought in 1851
from Arica, then in southern Peru, to Australia; they
are currently at the Macleay Museum, University of
Sydney. Since no full records of these items exist, we
suggest they were not the products of one of the quite
organized expeditions that travelled the world seeking
such objects, but rather that they derive from the illicit
trafcking carried out by independent sailors and
traders. Besides feeding the public appetite for mum-
mies within nineteenth-century Western societies,
some of these traders were also involved in the traf-
cking of people from China and the Pacic Islands
to South America, and camelid exportation from Peru
to Australia. These activities, although unlawful since
middle of the nineteenth century, continue to be per-
petrated in the twenty-rst century.
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396
CHRISTOPHER CARTER, FLORA VILCHES, AND CALOGERO M. SANTORO
Background
The Arica region (today part of northern Chile) is
an area that is archaeologically very rich. Interest in
its archaeology stretches back for centuries, and the
collection of items of natural and cultural history –
antiquities and mummies in particular – continues to
hold a fascinationtoday.
During the sixteenth century Egypt emerged as
a source of mummied human remains that were
traded to collectors as curiosities or to apothecaries as
material that could be ground up for medicinal pur-
poses.6 By the eighteenth interest in the antiquities of
the Classical world became more widespread, with
collectors retrieving antiquities in earnest from the
1750s. Napoleon was one of the rst to recognize the
value and importance of Egyptian antiquities and the
reports, drawings and collections he commissioned
fuelled an industry that continues to ourish today.7
Meanwhile, in the New World, various coun-
tries not only attracted European expeditions seek-
ing mummied remains such as those to be found in
Arica, but they also supported a signicant local com-
munity of antiquities collectors. It has been observed
that following the Wars of Independence several
members of the élite in Peru and Chile owned objects
of pre-Hispanic origin.8 They collected these antiqui-
ties or bought them from the travellers, sailors and
traders mentioned earlier, while developing networks
of their own that aimed to establish the objects’ mean-
ing, origin, and monetary value. Although the major-
ity of these networks operated within the private
realm, some collectors were associated with the newly
founded national museums, including the Museo
Nacional de Peru (1826) and the Museo Nacional de
Chile (1830). Unlike the northern hemisphere, how-
ever, the Latin-American nation-states began to invest
more aggressively in public collections only at the
turn of the twentieth century. In that context, and in
the absence of effective control of the export of antiq-
uities, several ne private collections were sold in the
course of the nineteenth century, mostly to Europe
and the United States.9
The mummy at the MacleayMuseum
Alexander Macleay (1767–1848) was appointed
Colonial Secretary for New South Wales, Australia,
in 1826. Previously, he had assembled in England an
extensive collection of insects, which accompanied
him to Sydney when he took up his appointment. At
that time Macleay’s was one of the largest privately
owned insect collections in the world, subsequently
growing to more than half a million specimens.
Alexander’s son, William Sharp Macleay (1792–1865),
became one of Australia’s leading nineteenth-century
naturalists and continued to add to the collection.
Eventually the collection passed to William Sharp’s
cousin, William John Macleay (1820–1891), on con-
dition that ultimately he was to donate it in William
Sharp’s name to either the University of Cambridge
or the University of Sydney with a view to promoting
the study of science. The collection duly arrived at the
University of Sydney in 1887 and was housed in the
building it still occupies today. The Macleay Museum
was named in honour of William Sharp Macleay and
the collection has grown continually since that time
to include cultural material as well as specimens of
natural history.
Amongst the museum’s extensive collections are
the well-preserved remains of an adult human female
(Fig. 1). The body is preserved in a exed position
and is relatively intact, although its mandible is miss-
ing; a paper tag attached to the body reads ‘Peruvian
mummy’. The body is naked, but impressions of tex-
tile on the skin in the vicinity of the buttocks and
arms indicates that it was once clothed in a textile
bundle. The scalp retains traces of hair. Fingers and
toes have clear prints, but dehydration has resulted in
the nails shrinking below the cuticle line and the distal
phalanges of several toes are missing. The misshapen
feet suggest that the body was tightly bound, result-
ing in the toes curling back. The feet were probably
deformed when the body was originally wrapped and
the action of unwrapping the body may have resulted
in further damage to them. The maxilla lacks all its
teeth. The cranium is not attached to the spinal col-
umn and has become disarticulated post mortem.
In 2002 the mummy was examined by ct-scanning
and x-rays (Fig.2). The results show that the mummy
was a ‘strong young woman about 148 cm tall’.10 Muscle
attachments on the upper arms were well-developed,
suggesting that she was used to heavy work; her spine
was in excellent condition and showed no sign of
degenerative disease. Major organs remained intact.
Fully-formed third molar sockets (teeth lost post mor-
tem) and the fusion of wrist-bones indicate that she
was a young adult. The orbits contained evidence of
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397
CAPTAIN DUNIAM’S NINETEENTH-CENTURY WORLDWIDE ENTERPRISES
cribra orbitalia – a common condition among people
in the Atacama Desert since Archaic times; many indi-
viduals also show evidence of porotic hyperostosis.11
Some 10 per cent of Peruvian skulls from a collection
held by the National Museum of Natural History,
Smithsonian Institution, are reported to have shown
evidence of scurvy;12 it is suggested that cribra orbita-
lia might have been the result of deciencies of this
kind, and not necessarily due to lack of iron, a condi-
tion often judged to be the cause of such lesions.
In ‘normal’ human skulls (that is to say, those not,
or not grossly, articially deformed), the inner and
outer bony tables of the cranium follow the same con-
tours, and closely parallel one another, with cancel-
lous bone (diploë) between the outer and inner tables.
The radiographic image reveals that the two tables
approach one another in the anterior frontal region,
constricting (possibly eliminating) the diploë; toward
the posterior frontal, the outer table is raised, form-
ing a prebregmatic eminence, with increased expan-
sion of the diploë space. There is a attening of the
nuchal surface, in such a way that the angulation
between nuchal and occipital scales of the occiput
is rounded off. This overall pattern corresponds to
what Anton refers to as the ‘circumferential’ type of
articial cranial deformation,13 resulting from the
binding in infancy of the head by wrapping it with
textiles around the cranial vault. A radiocarbon date
of 1205 ± 165 bp (sua 1388)was obtained from a frag-
ment of textile adhering to the body.
Captain Duniam and his mummies
A collection record card dated 5 March 1964 contains
some catalogue details. While the card records that the
mummy was collected by George Duniam, there is no
information on how exactly the mummy came into
the museum’s possession. The records further dis-
close that on 19 October 1851, George Duniam had
arrived in Sydney aboard the ship Walter Claxton.14
Duniam had sailed from San Francisco and had two
‘Ancient Peruvians’ in his possession. Shipping intel-
ligence stated that this vessel was carrying passengers
and general cargo including ‘1 case specimens natural
history’ which belonged to Duniam. By 3 November
these ‘perfect specimens’ were on public display at
the Royal Hotel, Prince Street, Sydney.15 The price of
admission was 1s. (equivalent to £38 13s. at present-
day value).16 Later newspaper reports summarize
a lecture at the Royal Hotel on 21 November given
by Dr Aaron, a well-known gure in nineteenth-cen-
tury Sydney,17 on the ‘manners and customs of the
Peruvians’.18 The report states that the lecture was
illustrated with mummies recently found by Captain
George Duniam at ‘Chaca Leuta’ [Chacalluta] near
Arica (Fig.3). There were two mummies – an adult
female and a child about seven years old – both in
a seated position and well preserved. Together with
the mummies, other exhibits included ‘implements,
utensils, clothing and provisions’.19 Several further
items used to illustrate the lecture included a num-
ber of skulls and drawings of skulls supplied by Mr
Wall, a curator from the Australian Museum. Due to
the popularity of this lecture, a second was scheduled
for 28 November, after which the exhibition would be
closed.20 Admission to the second lecture was set at 2s.
Fig.1. Peruvian Mummy, inv. no. o.619. Macleay Museum.
Photograph: C.Carter with permission from the Macleay
Museum.
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398
CHRISTOPHER CARTER, FLORA VILCHES, AND CALOGERO M. SANTORO
During November 1851 Duniam began negotia-
tions to sell the mummies to the Australian Museum.
On 8 November a note offering them to the museum
was dispatched to the chairman of the Australian
Museum Committee of Management, Captain Phillip
Parker King (1791–1856). In reply, the museum
requested that Duniam set a price for them; he
responded by asking for £200 for the mummies and
‘various implements, utensils, provisions &c’. This
was a considerable sum but Duniam supported his
claim with the following statement:
The law of Peru strictly prohibits under severe penalties
the exhumation and exportation of these relics and the
native inhabitants venerating the dead to an extreme would
not hesitate to commit the greatest violence on the party
attempting to remove them from the soil – so that the great
risk incurred in digging them up (which could only be done
at night) and getting them off the coast [was] coupled with
the heavy expense of bringing them on to Sydney.21
Duniam was unsuccessful in getting the museum
to approve the purchase directly, but the commit-
tee did agree to a public subscription to raise the
necessary funds. During January and February
1852 several advertisements appeared in The Empire
newspaper, stating that ‘the greatest curiosities ever
brought to Australia’ were on display at the Australian
Museum on Mondays and Fridays.22 The notice also
stated that William Wilkins had been appointed to
collect subscriptions for the purchase of the mum-
mies. Further correspondence between Duniam and
the museum shows that after six weeks only £35 had
been raised.23 Duniam then indicated that he would
accept £115 for the mummies. There is no record of
the museum’s reply, but a public notice appeared in the
Sydney Morning Herald on 17 February 1852 stating
that the mummies had been claimed by J.K. Leydon,
a licensed pawnbroker of King Street, Sydney, to sat-
isfy an unpaid loan of £25 to Duniam. Anote added
to the letter from Duniam to the museum, dated
29 November 1906 and signed by a senior curator,
R. Ethridge, stated that the purchase was ‘probably
never carried out: No knowledge of these things?
burnt’. There are no records held by the Australian
Museum to indicate what became of either the mum-
mies or the items that accompanied them, following
their seizure by Leydon.
Duniam’s mummies were held by the Australian
Museum late in 1851 and early in 1852, but after
passing into the hands of the pawnbroker their fate
is unknown. No records have been found to suggest
that anyone else brought a Peruvian mummy into
Australia in the nineteenth century. The question
remains as to whether that now held by the McLeay
Museum is one of the two brought to Sydney in 1851
by Duniam. One clear link between the two institu-
tions is that George Macleay was on the committee
Fig.2. x-ray of cranium.
Courtesy of the Macleay
Museum.
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399
CAPTAIN DUNIAM’S NINETEENTH-CENTURY WORLDWIDE ENTERPRISES
of the Australian Museum when the purchase of
the mummies was discussed, and William Macleay
was noted as the chairman of the committee on 20
January 1852.24 Both George and William Macleay
were involved with the management of the Macleay
Museum and active with museum acquisitions. They
were in a position to purchase the mummies or satisfy
the loan and take possession from the pawnbroker –
possibly at a lower sum than was being asked for. It
is not beyond the realms of possibility however, that
other mummies entered Australia by similar means
since Australia had regular maritime contact with the
west coast of South America.
Who was George Duniam?
George Bleakie Duniam was a character with a cheq-
uered history. He was born in Dublin on 1 January
181725 and in 1842 arrived in Australia from Ireland
in command of the vessel Dublin, which docked at
Melbourne on 13 December.26 The passenger-list for
that voyage included the Revd John Ham, his wife
Anne and their four children, one of whom was named
Jemima. Captain Duniam married Jemima Ham in
Melbourne on 15 December 1842, two days after they
had arrived there, and before continuing on to Sydney
on board the Dublin. On 10 October 1843 the Dublin
was cleared for departure from Sydney to London
with both Captain and Mrs Duniam on board. The
Port Phillip Gazette of 22 May 1844 reports that on
the voyage Duniam allegedly assaulted one of the pas-
sengers, a charge that was later proven. The victim
left the ship in Capetown and was given passage to
London at Duniam’s expense, he having raised the
sum via a ‘bottomry bond’ (pledging the ship, or part
thereof, as security). In 1845 Duniam found himself
in trouble again when he was charged with assault-
ing a sailor on board the Kingston while sailing from
Guyana; he was found guilty and ned £5.27 Duniam
left England for Australia on 31 July 1848 in com-
mand of the Penyard Park;28 his family was with him,
including a son, Thomas, who was only twelve days
old. Jemima Ham died on board on 5 September
1848; the rest of the family continued on to Sydney
but Thomas died at the home of his grandfather, the
Revd Ham, in Sydney on 22 January1849.
Shipping records show that Duniam was involved
in antiquities trafcking during the rst half of the
nineteenth century. He regularly sailed from England
to western South America during the late 1830s and
early 1840s. In March 1842 he was in command of the
Actaeon when it arrived in England from Lima on 10
March.29 Earlier reports have him in command of the
Thomas Worthington, disembarking in Liverpool on 22
March 1839 after sailing from Arica.30 Interestingly
the cargo manifest listed, inter alia, two mummies. In
May 1839 Dr William Wilde presented a paper to the
Royal Irish Academy in which he described a mummy
Fig.3. Location map. Drawn by P.Salgado and C.Carter.
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400
CHRISTOPHER CARTER, FLORA VILCHES, AND CALOGERO M. SANTORO
brought to Ireland by Captain Duniam and purchased
by the Academy. Wilde stated:
Captain Duniam, a gentleman in the South American trade,
having been informed that a colony of Irish had settled on
the western coast some years since, determined on visiting
them; and having been hospitably received, was brought on
a day’s pleasure to a wild spot on the shore where the party,
for his amusement, commenced digging up several mum-
mies, the most perfect of which he brought away. In a letter
he says: ‘This mummy was dug up from the sloping ground,
about two miles and a half south-east of the Morro of Arica
facing to the south-west on the coast of Peru …’31
The mummy itself was on display when Wilde read his
paper. He stated that it had originally been wrapped in
textiles. These had been removed in the presence of a
number of members about two weeks prior. The mummy
was in a sitting position with its knees drawn up and its
hands on its chest. Wilde’s description indicatesthat
. . . the cranium was deformed, although to what extent is dif-
cult to gauge. The textiles described included a ‘wampum’
belt and several bags – one containing a brown powder and the
other fragments of leaf, probably ‘cocco’ [coca]. The mummy
was wearing leather sandals held in place by leather thongs.
Its hair was parted centrally and had several long plaits.
It attracted enough attention to require a second
showing a week or two later and further descriptions
appeared in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Interest in the mummy must have passed quickly as in
1841 the mummy was purchased by ‘a gentleman’ for
the sum of £9 and presented, as a gift, to the Royal
College of Surgeons Ireland (rcsi).32 The mummy, along
with some of the goods that accompanied it (including
some pottery, ‘darts’ and a painting in its wrapped state)
were held by the rcsi for some time but none of the
material seems to have been on display for any length of
time. In 1997 the mummy was offered to the National
Museum of Ireland by the rcsi. The museum accepted
the mummy but as of July 2012, its long-term fate has
yet to be decided.33 The mummy is not Irish nor was it
discovered by an Irish archaeologist and, as such, it does
not comply with the museum’s collecting policy. The
ethical considerations of human remains have resulted
in the repatriation of several items held by both the rcsi
and the National Museum and this Peruvian mummy
may be dealt with in a similar manner.
By the 1850s, George Duniam appears to have been
able to operate in the ‘right’ circles and to have well-
respected academics contribute their skills to his enter-
prises. Dr Aaron was able to draw many to his lectures
and Mr Wall, of the Australian Museum, contributed
by providing a range of other specimens. Duniam was
able to approach the museum via Captain King, per-
haps because of his links to the sea. It may be noted
that Duniam did not use the title ‘Captain’ in his cor-
respondence with the museum: for reasons unknown,
he no longer had authority to command a vessel.
But was he a man of means? It seems not, although
he may have tried to make it appear so. From the
address given on his correspondence with the
Australian Museum, he was resident at the Royal
Hotel in Sydney while the exhibition was running
and possibly for a time thereafter. This was a popular
hotel and certainly would not have been the cheap-
est accommodation available, but by January 1852
Duniam ‘had an urgent need for money’ and appears
almost to have been pleading with the museum to
purchase the mummies for a reduced fee.34 Perhaps
that was why he had needed a loan and resorted to
using the only collateral he had – the two mummies.
There is no record that his endeavours were fruit-
ful, although an article in the Sydney Morning Herald
certainly reveals Duniam’s previous involvement in
similar a venture.35 The article described how he was
appointed by Messrs Mort & Brown to travel to Peru to
select suitable specimens of alpaca and to take charge
of them for the return voyage to Australia. A‘public
subscription entered into by a large number of gentle-
men’ raised in excess of £1,500 and the barque Julia
was chartered specically for the purpose. Shipping
intelligence reported that the Julia, under the com-
mand of Captain Le Croix with ‘Captain’ Duniam
listed as a passenger, had departed for ‘Africa’ that
d a y. 36 It seems likely that the destination ‘Africa’ was
a typographical error and meant to be ‘Arica’. The
article further states that the venture failed because
the Peruvian authorities forbade the exportation of
alpaca. Another article about alpaca appeared in the
Sydney Morning Herald on 7 April 1856, discussing
the importation of alpaca into Victoria:
The same thing was discussed some years ago but nothing
came of it . . . Much will depend on the type of person you
may entrust with the management of your business. We suf-
fered from the fact of the matter having been initiated upon
the statements of a Captain Duniam – the same man who
bolted with the funds raised by public subscription for the
purchase of a couple of Peruvian mummies which he had
imported and which he had secretly pledged to a Sydney
‘uncle’ while the subscription was going on. It was scarcely
likely that anything very practical could result from the
statements of such a man, however well-founded.
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401
CAPTAIN DUNIAM’S NINETEENTH-CENTURY WORLDWIDE ENTERPRISES
While George Duniam had failed in his attempt to
acquire alpaca in Peru, his actions indirectly assisted
the rst importation of the animals into Australia. In
November 1858, Charles Ledger arrived in Sydney
from Chile aboard the Salvadora along with 256
alpaca, llama and vicuña.37 Ledger had sailed from
Chile, since it was unlawful to export the animals from
Peru: he had brought the animals overland from Peru,
driving them through Bolivia and Argentina before
sailing from Chile. In an attempt to capitalize on the
value of their wool and break a Peruvian monopoly,
alpaca had been taken from Arica to Britain in 1844,
but of 400 animals only three survived that voyage.
Ledger was an Englishman who had settled near
Tacna in southern Peru, approximately 50 km north
of Arica: he was a trader in wool and skins and, over
time, had established a herd of alpaca. In early 1851
Duniam arrived in Arica aboard the Julia and, as we
know, was unable to procure any alpaca, so the ship
sailed with no animals on board. Duniam’s visit to
Arica may have been the prompt that resulted in
the British consul contacting Ledger to discuss the
exportation of alpaca.38 In January 1852, the consul
wrote to Ledger outlining Duniam’s failed attempt.
The letter stated that Her Majesty’s chargé d’affaires
in Lima was ‘of the opinion that it would be very
benecial to the interest of the said Colony [New
South Wales] that the views of the Company [repre-
sented by Duniam] should be carried out.’ Ledger
was requested to provide information concerning
the procuring of large numbers of alpaca, how best
to export them and the cost of such an exercise.
Subsequent correspondence indicates that Ledger
met with the chargé d’affaires in Lima to discuss
the venture and was asked to take charge of the pro-
ject;39 as a result, Ledger continued to build on his
herd of alpaca and then devised a plan to circum-
vent the laws of Peru in order to export the animals
to Australia.
It is assumed that Duniam did not return to
Australia on the Julia but stayed on to eventually
return on board the Walter Claxon from California in
October 1851. There is no record of Duniam leaving
Australia in 1852, nor any of him returning. In 1862,
George ‘Black’ Duniam was recorded as an immi-
gration agent in Peru and on 22 November 1862 he
left Callao (Lima) on board the Empresa de Lima.
Duniam’s role was to ‘recruit’ Polynesians to provide
labour in Peru for which he was to be paid 5‘pias-
tres’ per recruit.40 Early in 1863 the commander of the
Empresa, one of the several ships that operated from
Callao to illegally capture people of all ages and both
sexes from the Polynesian islands to be sold in Peru
for the exploitation of seabird dung (guano) and farm
labour. Captain Detert reportedly kidnapped twenty-
six islanders, but it seems that Duniam disagreed with
the tactics employed by Detert, who was later alleged
to have said ‘but for those two scoundrels [Duniam
and William Carr, the supercargo] Ishould have had
200 kanakas at Nukuhiva [Marquesas]’.41 The captain
locked the ‘two scoundrels’ in the cubbyhole without
food and water for three days before marooning them
on offshore rocks in the Marquesas group. The two
men were rescued and later gave evidence in Lima
in the trial of Captain Detert, who was found guilty
and sentenced to six years’ imprisonment. Duniam
appears to have been a resident of Lima when he
embarked on this venture, for there is mention of cor-
respondence from a wife in that city, suggesting that
he had remarried and settled there. No records have
been found to indicate whether Duniam stayed in
Peru or moved on. The authors have made enquiries
with the both the British cemetery and the main pub-
lic cemetery in Lima to no avail. Telephone records in
Lima list seven subscribers with the paternal surname
Duniam and four with Duniam as the maternal sur-
name: it is not a common name, and it may be that
even if George Duniam did not remain in Peru, he
may have had children whose descendants are still
residentthere.
In sum, George Duniam was entrepreneurial, if
not devious, and seemed quick to take advantage of
circumstance wherever possible. His visit to Arica
in 1839 was fortuitous in that he was able to obtain
a mummy and subsequently found a buyer for it. His
later visit to Arica in 1851 was for the purpose of
transporting alpaca to Australia, but when that ven-
ture foundered he took advantage of the situation by
obtaining the mummies with the hope that he would
nd a buyer back in Australia. But, what of George
Bleakie Duniam? From what is known of his life, we
can say he was an adventurer and while he may have
been the master of several vessels, ‘Captain’ Duniam
may be better described as Mr Duniam – a journey-
man, continually seeking, but unable to claim mastery
of his chosen pursuits.
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CHRISTOPHER CARTER, FLORA VILCHES, AND CALOGERO M. SANTORO
Mummies of northernChile
As far as archaeology is concerned, early interest in
the Arica area centred on the collection of antiquities
and – once their presence became common knowl-
edge – the collection of human remains in the form
of mummied corpses increased. From the beginning
of the eighteenth until well into the twentieth century,
numerous visitors to the region, whether on ‘ofcial’,
well-funded and organized expeditions or arriving
as independent private travellers, sailors and traders,
like George Duniam, collected or commented on the
mummies that were found there. In any case, they
returned to Europe and beyond with a wide variety
of items, whose histories of origin, transportation and
display are often now lost, ignored or downplayed.
In 1713 the French naturalist Amédée-François
Frézier described naturally mummied human
remains that he had excavated in Ilo Peru, north of
Arica.42 The expedition of Alessandro Malaspina, with
the Spanish Navy, between 1789 and 1794, landed on
the coast of Arica, where excavations were carried out;
some incomplete mummied human remains were
taken back to Spain. Three drawings by Felipe Bauza
show disturbed remains and a sherman on a sea-lion
raft, have subsequently been published by the Museo
Naval in Madrid.43 Another French naturalist, Alcide
D’Orbigny, who stayed in Arica between 22 April and
1 May 1830,44 excavated human remains south of the
city (from an area now known as El Laucho or Playa
Miller). The Peabody Museum at Cambridge, Ma,
houses an extensive collection of material from Arica:
it was collected in 1836 following the excavation of a
cemetery about 2 km to the south of the town by John
Blake. Blake described the bodies as being in a sitting
position, knees drawn up with their arms crossed over
their chests.45 J.J. Tschudi spent ve years in Peru in
the early nineteenth century.46 In 1844 de Tschudi
spoke before the Ethnological Society of London,
outlining his observations of the ‘Ancient Peruvians’
with detailed descriptions of cemeteries, tombs and
mummies. While he covered Peru quite broadly, he
specically commented that ‘Captain Banckley . . .
could obtain any quantity of mummies at Arica’.47
Between 1849 and 1852 the US Naval Astronomical
Expedition carried out archaeological excavations in
Arica and Maipo, in the central part of Chile.48 William
Bollaert also excavated and described human burials
found near the Morro of Arica.49 In November 1856
Lieutenant Rising of hMs Tribune, which had made
land in Arica, visited a burial area south of the city
and found strange items placed in the orbits of bur-
ied skulls: these were later found to be the dehydrated
eyes of cuttlesh.50 T.J. Hutchinson,51 British consul
in Peru, stopped in Arica in 1871 and was told by the
vice-consul there of the impact on ancient mummies
made by the earthquake and tsunami of three years
earlier; he saw and received several antiquities exca-
vated in the Arica region. ‘At all events, many bodies
have been found here; and they are constantly being
exhumed through the search of treasures all through
the Arica country to Tacna’.52 Awitness of a similar
disaster in 1868 recordedthat:
Many have refused to credit the story of mummies thrown
up from the earth. It is, however, entirely true. Near the foot
of the ‘morro’ the mummies were seen in great numbers –
some thrown completely out of the ground, and sitting
upright; while some were partially, and others were wholly
underground. No one had ever heard of there being any
thing of the kind in Arica, and the supposition is that they
were buried there in the time of the Incas, and had been
preserved by some process known to that people. We carried
one on board our ship [the US steamer Wateree] and boxed
it up, afterwards sending it to the United States’.53
Later, more focused collections were made by special-
ists who were either commissioned by museums or
were collecting artefacts with the idea of selling them
on, either to individual collectors or to public insti-
tutions. Between 1893 and 1903 Adolpho Bandelier
continually visit Peru and Bolivia in order to collect
relics for the American Museum of Natural History
(aMnh) in New York.54 In July 1894 Bandelier was sail-
ing from Trujillo to Mollendo (Peru) when weather
forced the vessel to continue on to Arica.55 While he
was waiting for the weather to abate, Bandelier
. . . at once made arrangements for visiting a site near this
town, where a great many bodies have been exhumed a short
time ago . . . We found the graves completely disturbed, dug
up, but to our surprise the handsomest textile fabrics, entire
garments etc. were still scattered over the surface. The dig-
gers had paid no attention to such valuable remains, and had
left them, taking with them only the bodies and whatever
objects of silver, copper, and other material that struck their
fancy . . .56
Bandelier then made arrangements with a ‘trustwor-
thy individual’ to collect more antiquities from a place
known as Vitor, located on the shore about 9 miles
south of Arica. Bandelier’s schedule allowed him only
one day at Vitor, but he was able to collect sufcient
material to dispatch four crates to the aMnh contain-
ing, among other things, four mummies, one with a
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CAPTAIN DUNIAM’S NINETEENTH-CENTURY WORLDWIDE ENTERPRISES
feather head-dress, a ‘splendid int knife’, pieces
of cloth, shing implements, needles, pottery and
wooden implements. In May 1917 a Swedish expe-
dition for a biological survey of the Chilean Pacic
Islands, stopped in Arica. Carl Skottsberg, a reputed
Swedish biologist and explorer, mentioned in his
report that ‘having obtained permission to make a
few excavations and to collect for Swedish museums
he proceeded’.57 Apart from his report, the remains
were forgotten about and not rediscovered until late
in the twentieth century.58 The situation regarding
the collection of human remains in this region is well
summed up by the comments of Oswald Evans when
he visited the north coast ofChile:
Nothing struck me more forcibly on my arrival than the
number of opened graves; for miles along the coast bleached
and crumbling fragments of human bones ‘knaved out of
their graves’ bear witness to the ignorant curiosity or ava-
rice which has ransacked these poor resting places of the
despised ‘indels’.59
As a result of these activities, many museums through-
out the world (including the aMnh, the Peabody
Museum, the Smithsonian Institution, the British
Museum, the Pitt Rivers Museum in Oxford and the
Swedish Museum of Ethnography) have mummies
collected from northern Chile and/or southern Peru.
Interestingly, we must note that the Chilean state
joined in their recovery excavation only in the after-
math of one of the most important political conicts
in nineteenth-century Latin American history: the
War of the Pacic (1879–83).60 Indeed, winning the
war meant that Chile annexed the region of Tarapacá,
a signicant portion of former Peruvian southern ter-
ritory – including the city of Arica. Gänger argues
that from that event onwards, ‘both the incorporation
of archaeological remains and the appropriation of
Peruvian archaeology helped insert Chile into inter-
national scientic debates, and that this effect was, if
not intended, at least conducive to the priorities of the
emerging nation-state.’61 As a matter of fact, follow-
ing the footsteps of European nation-states, Chile – as
well as other Latin American countries – relied heav-
ily on archaeological imagery to forge national iden-
tity as instruments of statepower.
Archaeological investigation
Radio-carbon dating of a fragment of textile from
the mummy at the Macleay Museum indicates that
it is in the region of 1,200 years old. Duniam stated
in his rst letter to the Australian Museum that he
retrieved the mummy from ‘Chaca Leuta’. Chacalluta
is a locality 5 km to the north of Arica. There is a set-
tlement there straddling the Rio Lluta which ows
from the highlands through to the coast. In 2004 the
authors carried out a site survey along the coastal ter-
race between Chacalluta and the outskirts of Arica.
Anumber of tombs were located in several groups on
natural terraces anking the Rio Lluta in the vicin-
ity of Chacalluta. No intact mummies were found
although human remains were observed scattered
across the surface adjacent to tombs. Three tombs
were examined in some detail and they all contained
human remains: in each case, the skeletal remains
had been disturbed, most likely by looters looking for
items that could besold.
The remains from one tomb were sufciently intact
to indicate that the body had been wrapped in a tex-
tile bundle in a seated position and placed centrally
on the tomb oor. While disarticulated, the cranium
contained signs of articial deformation. Asample of
bone taken from these remains returned a radiocarbon
date of 635 ± 30 uncalibrated years bp (human tooth,
anu-27638). Stable isotope levels suggest a terrestrial
diet (-16.83 ± 0.544δ13C). The date indicates that the
burial occurred during the Late Intermediate Period,
some 600 years later than the Macleay Museum
mummy. While the remains are in poor condition,
there are several similarities to the mummy described
by Wilde in 1839. There are also similarities with
the mummy at the Macleay Museum. All three were
exed when placed in their graves, all were wrapped
in textile, and all appear to have deformed crania.
The mummy in the National Museum of Ireland had
plaited hair, as did one of the mummies located by the
authors at Chacalluta.
Considering that more than 9,000 years of funer-
ary practices are represented in the archaeology of the
region, a wide array of burial arrangements is repre-
sented in Arica. The position of interred corpses dis-
play important differences between the funeral rites of
hunter-gatherers and those practised by later, farming-
pastoralist societies. Coastal and highland hunter and
gatherers are distinguishable: they placed the dead in
a horizontal position, mostly extended on their back.
Variants include bodies with legs exed or hyper-exed.62
In the Arica region, the ‘foetal’ or exed squat-
ting position is a feature that distinguishes mortuary
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CHRISTOPHER CARTER, FLORA VILCHES, AND CALOGERO M. SANTORO
rituals among agriculturalist/pastoralist societies
that emerged from c. 4,000 years ago. Another dif-
ference with previous treatment is the use of more
than one layer of [camelid] woollen textiles. Tombs,
both collective and individual, also contained a range
of objects carefully placed as offerings inside or out-
side the wrappings. To keep the contents together,
wrapped bodies were tied by plant or camelid bre
cords to form a bundle containing the naturally
mummied body. People in the Arica region in par-
ticular, and northern Chile in general, practised three
main patterns of cranial deformation: tabular erect,
tabular oblique, and circular.63 All three types were
common in the interior among agriculturalist and
pastoralist peoples. The circular type, however, was
rst practised by the Chinchorro people, from the
late Archaic and was continued for some time, along
with tabular forms.64 A study by Manríquez shows
that cranial deformation increased through time,
both in frequency, and intensity. During the Late
Intermediate Period, more than 90 per cent of the
population displayed cranial deformation, with the
pseudo-circular shape being the most common, while
in the Archaic period a minor fraction (less than 30
per cent) received the treatment.65
Conclusion
As shown in Duniam’s correspondence with the
Australian Museum, there were already strict regu-
lations in place to protect the cultural and natural
patrimony of Peru. Specically, the law forbade the
excavation of human and archaeological remains,
as well as their removal from the country. It was
also forbidden to export Andean native animals,
including camelids (llama and alpaca).66 As Avalos
Matos pointed out, general regulations regarding
the destruction of heritage stemmed from colonial
Ordenanzas (‘. . . es para el servicio de Dios Nuestro
Señor y de S.M. conservar los campos y Guacas de
los naturales de este Reyno en la forma y manera que
está ordenado . . . se debe declarar, y que nos pertenece
lo que se hallare, y descubriere de tesoros en ellas y en
otras Guacas o templos’).67 Peruvian intellectuals like
Hipólito Unanue specically complained about pre-
Columbian tomb destruction:68 ‘The accursed hun-
ger for gold brought desolation to the graves, that
being the last refuge of mortals, even as ashes, were
not respected by the law of the people’.
Similarly, in the course of the nineteenth century
African slavery was abolished and the trafcking
of people moved to China and the Pacic Islands –
against the wishes of the international community.69
European expeditions, as well as isolated travellers and
sailors like Duniam, however, found ways to circum-
vent these regulations. Duniam stated that the exca-
vations in Arica were secret/underground operations
that needed to be carried out at night. While Duniam
was successful in smuggling the human remains from
Arica, as were several European naturalists’ expedi-
tions, he was unable to take the alpaca out ofPeru.
In Arica, according to the British vice-consul,
regulations forbidding archaeological excavation were
not always complied with, and this region gained such
a reputation among naturalist-explorers that they
increasingly stopped in Arica to search for archaeo-
logical remains. Visitors started to excavate or to pur-
chase nds as early as the seventeenth century, and
the recipient countries showed little concern with the
legality of the operations; on the contrary, as in the
case reported here, the arrival and exhibition of the
mummies was publicly and widely announced and
much appreciated.
Moreover, these operations took place prior to the
War of the Pacic, when Arica became part of the
Chilean state. From that point onwards, the Chilean
government promoted archaeological exploration of
the Tarapacá area in the service of national institutions
such as the Museo Nacional,70 while making a clear
statement of national sovereignty or ‘chilenización’.71
In this context, protective legislation concerning cul-
tural artefacts was tightened.
Regarding Duniam, as mummies were being
retrieved for amusement, to ‘provoke public sur-
prise and wonder’,72 it appears likely that neither the
authorities nor the local population had much interest
in such actions, even if they were considered unlawful.
The response to the mummies’ exhibition at the Royal
Hotel shows that these were novelty items of a type
rarely seen in Australia, supported by the museum’s
claim in 1852 that the mummies were ‘the greatest
curiosities ever seen in Australia’. The link between
the Australian Museum and the Macleay family sug-
gests that the mummy now housed in the museum is
likely to have been one of those brought to Australia
by Duniam; the fate of the other mummy remains
unknown. This case may serve to highlight the impor-
tance of collaboration in the conservation of ancient
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CAPTAIN DUNIAM’S NINETEENTH-CENTURY WORLDWIDE ENTERPRISES
cultural heritage and in the better understanding of
the circumstances in which the mummy was acquired.
In sum, since the eighteenth century Arica has been
a place where commerce, excavation and speculation
concerning ancient artefacts, including mummied
human remains, was common in both discourse and
practice. There is no question that almost any visitor
to the region could have acquired mummied human
remains. If George Duniam was able to acquire them,
so too could other visitors. The history of collecting
mummies in this region does not support Duniam’s
claim that that he took considerable risks in obtaining
the mummies. In fact, this was neither his rst visit to
Arica nor the rst mummy that he had obtained there.
Such spurious claims were made simply to justify the
price he asked for these mummies in Sydney. Given
the antecedents of collecting from this area, it is cer-
tainly possible that other mummies may have been
brought from Arica to Australia and other parts of the
world during the nineteenth century.
Unfortunately, the unlawful trafcking of cul-
tural heritage material it is still a huge global activity
that remains very lucrative despite the 1970 unesco
Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing
the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of
Cultural Property and other regulations.73 More shock-
ing is the fact that people, as slaves, from different con-
tinents – women, men, girls and boys – are still illegally
trafcked and sold, leaving the impression that there has
been little change in these matters since the introduc-
tion of nineteenth-century ‘new urban life’.74
Addresses for correspondence
Christopher Carter, Australian National University, School of
Archaeology and Anthropology, Canberra, act 0200 Australia.
christopher.carter@anu.edu.au
Flora Vilches, Universidad de Chile, Ignacio Carrera Pinto 1045,
Santiago, Chile.
oravilches@gmail.com
Calogero M.Santoro, Universidad de Tarapacá, Antofagasta 1520,
Arica, Chile.
calogero_santoro@yahoo.com
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to thank staff of the Macleay Museum, particu-
larly Jude Philp, for their assistance. Andrew Duniam, a descend-
ant of George Duniam, provided family background. Colin Groves
provided comments on cranial deformation and the x-ray of the
cranium. After her initial surprise, Maeve Sikora of the National
Museum of Ireland, located the mummy that was held in storage
and provided access to it along with correspondence relating to its
acquisition. William Roberts must be acknowledged for the original
research he conducted in 1979 for a Diploma of Museum Studies
at the University of Sydney. Thanks to Paola Salgado for produc-
ing the map, and Comisión Nacional de Investigación Cientica y
Tecnológica’s Programa de Investigación Asociativa (pia), Anillo
Código soc1405.
Notes and references
1 T. Bennett, The Birth of the Museum (London, 1995), p.18.
2 Ibid., p.2.
3 E. A.Poe, ‘Some words with a mummy’, Tales of Mystery and
Imagination (reprinted Oxford, 1975).
4 http://sydney.edu.au/museums/education/education-pro-
grams.shtml.
5 http://www.southbank.qm.qld.gov.au/
Events+and+Exhibitions/Exhibitions/2012/04/
Mummy+Secrets+of+the+Tomb#.V6lab66Tz9A.
6 N. Daly, ‘That obscure object of desire: Victorian commodity
culture and ctions of the mummy’, Novel: a Forum on Fiction
28 no.1 (1994), pp.24–51 at p.24. As early as 1485, in Rome,
the discovery and opening of a sarcophagus that contained the
well preserved body of an ‘ancient girl’ is said to have resulted
in 20,000 people visiting the site in a single day: C.W. Ceram,
A Picture History of Archaeology (London, 1959), p.17.
7 J. Cordova and J, Bernal, ‘Fascinación por las momias, refor-
zamiento de la vida’, Chungara Revista de Antropología
Chilena 33 no.1 (2001), pp.91–3; K.Sowada, G.E. Jacobsen,
F.Bertuch, T.Palmer and A.Jenkinson, ‘Who’s that lying in
my cofn? An imposter exposed by 14c dating’, Radiocarbon
53 no.2 (2011), pp.221–8; See Bennett, op. cit (note 1).
8 S. Gänger, Relics of the Past. The collecting and study of pre-
Columbian antiquities in Peru and Chile, 1837–1911 (Oxford,
2014).
9 Ibid.; S. Gänger, ‘Conquering the past: post-war archae-
ology and nationalism on the borderlands of Chile and
Peru c. 1880–1920’, Comparative Studies in Society and
History 51 no. 4 (2009), pp.691–714; H. B. Lindskoug and
A. Gustavsson, ‘Stories from below. Human remains at the
Gothenburg Museum of Natural History and the Museum of
World Culture’, Journal of the History of Collections 27 (2015),
pp.97–109; R.Rebecca, The Return of the Native. Indians and
myth-making in Spanish America, 1810–1930 (Durham, nc,
and London, 2007).
10 H. E.Maude, Slavers in Paradise: the Peruvian Slave Trade in
Polynesia, 1862–1864 (Canberra, 1981).
11 V. G.Standen, C. M. Santoro and B.T. Arriaza, ‘Síntesis y
propuesta para el período Arcaico en la costa del extremo norte
de Chile’, Chungara Revista de Antropología Chilena, volumen
especial (2004), pp.201–12.
12 D. J. Ortner, E. H. Kimmerle and M. Diez, ‘Probable evi-
dence of scurvy in subadults from archeological sites in Peru’,
American Journal of Physical Anthropology 108 no. 3 (1999),
pp.321–31.
13 S. C. Anton, ‘Intentional cranial vault deformation and
induced changes of the cranial base and face’, American
Journal of Physical Anthropology 79 no.2 (1989), pp.253–67.
14 Sydney Morning Herald 20 October 1851.
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CHRISTOPHER CARTER, FLORA VILCHES, AND CALOGERO M. SANTORO
15 Sydney Morning Herald 3 November 1851.
16 https://www.measuringworth.com/ukcompare/rela-
tivevalue.php.
17 W. D. Roberts, ‘The investigation of a South American
mummy in the Macleay Museum’, Unpublished disseration
submitted for Diploma of Museum Studies, University of
Sydney, 1979.
18 Sydney Morning Herald 24 November 1851.
19 Ibid.
20 Sydney Morning Herald 28 November 1851.
21 Letter dated 8 November 1851 and signed by George
B.Duniam. Archives of the Australian Museum, Sydney.
22 The Empire: Sydney journal of news, politics and commerce 1
(1852); 3 (1852); 8 (1852); 14 (1852); 23 (1852); 27 (1852).
23 Letter from Duniam to Australian Museum, 16 January 1852.
24 Minutes of the Committee of Management, 27 November,
1851.
25 http://wc.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/igm.cgi?op=Searc
h&includedb=&lang=en&ti=&surname=duniam&stype=Exa
ct&given=george&bplace=&byear=&brange=0&dplace=&dy
ear=&drange=0&mplace=&myear=&mrange=0&father=&m
other=&spouse=&skipdb=&period=All&submit.x=Search.
26 Port Phillip Gazette 15 December 1842.
27 Freeman’s Journal and Daily Commercial Advertiser 3 December
1845.
28 Sydney Shipping Gazette 6 January 1849.
29 Caledonian Mercury, 10 March 1842.
30 The Liverpool Mercury 22 March 1839.
31 W. Wilde, ‘Peruvian mummy, recently opened in Dublin’,
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 17 (1839), pp. 305–9,
312–15.
32 Royal College of Surgeons Ireland, Minute Book, 1 February
(1841).
33 M. Sikora, personal communication to rst author.
34 Letter to Australian Museum, 16 January 1852. Archives of the
Australian Museum, Sydney.
35 Sydney Morning Herald 20 September 1851.
36 Sydney Morning Herald 6 January 1851.
37 B. Andrews, ‘Charles Ledger (1818–1905)’, Australian
Dictionary of Biography 5 (1974).
38 G. Gramiccia, The Life of Charles Ledger (1818–1905).
Alpacas and Quinine (London, 1988); A.Coote, ‘Science, fash-
ion, knowledge and imagination: shopfront natural history in
19th-century Sydney’, Sydney Journal 4 no.1 (2013), pp.1–18;
J.Mitchell, ‘Alpacas in colonial Australia: acclimatisation, evo-
lution and empire’, Journal of Australian Colonial Histor y 12
(2010), pp.55–76.
39 Gramiccia, op. cit. (note 33).
40 Maude op. cit. (note 10).
41 Ibid., p.35.
42 A. Frézier, Voyage to the South-Sea, and along the Coasts of
Chili and Peru, in the years 1712, 1713, and 1714: Particularly
Describing the . . . Inhabitants, as well Indians as Spaniards
(London, 1713).
43 A. Malaspina, La Expedición Malaspina, 1789–1794
(Barcelona, 1996).
44 A. D’Orbigny, Viaje a la América Meridional, Realizado de
1826 a 1833 (1835–1847, reprinted Buenos Aires, 1945).
45 J. H.Blake, Notes on a Collection from the Ancient Cemetery at
the Bay of Chacota, Peru, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology (Cambridge, 1878).
46 J. J. von Tschudi, ‘On the ancient Peruvians’, Journal of the
Ethnological Society of London 1 (1848), pp.79–85, at p.79.
47 Ibid.
48 T. Ewbank, ‘A description of Indian antiquities brought from
Chile and Peru, by the U.S.naval astronomical expedition’,
in U.S. Naval Astronomical Expedition to the Southern
Hemisphere during the years 1849, 50, 51, 52, ed. J. Gillis
(Washington, dc, 1855).
49 W. Bollaert, ‘Observations on the geography of southern Perú,
including survey of the province of Tarapacá, and route to
Chile by the coast of the desert of Atacama’, Journal of the
Royal Geographical Society of London 21 (1851), pp.99–130.
50 R. N.Rising, ‘On the articial eyes of certain peruvian mum-
mies’, Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London 4
(1865), pp.59–60.
51 T. J. Hutchinson, ‘Explorations amongst ancient burial
grounds (chiey on the sea-coast valleys) of Peru. Part i’,
Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and
Ireland 3 (1874), pp.311–26.
52 Ibid., p.313.
53 E. W.Sturdy, ‘The earthquake at Arica’, Scribner’s Monthly 5
no.1 (1872), pp.22–31.
54 C. Mead, ‘Archaeology of northern Chile’, unpublished report
held by American Museum of Natural History, New York
(1946).
55 A. F.Bandelier, The Island of Titicaca and Koati (New York,
1910).
56 Letter from Bandelier to the aMnh, 1894. Archives of the
American Museum of Natural History, New York.
57 C. Skottsberg, ‘Notes on the old Indian necropolis of Arica’,
Meddelanden från Geograska Föreningen i Göteborg 3 (1924),
pp.27–78, at p.27.
58 M. Gustafsson, ‘How is it that Chinchorro has become part of
the Western Swedish cultural heritage?’, Chungara, Revista de
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59 O. H.Evans, ‘Notes on the stone age in northern Chile, with
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60 Gänger, op. cit. (note 9), pp.691–714; L. Alegría, ‘Las colec-
ciones del Museo Histórico Nacional de Chile: ¿”Invención”
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61 See Gänger, op. cit. (note 9), p.693.
62 B. T.Arriaza, Beyond Death. The Chinchorro Mummies of Ancient
Chile (Washington, dc, 1995); See Standen et al., op. cit (note
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CAPTAIN DUNIAM’S NINETEENTH-CENTURY WORLDWIDE ENTERPRISES
63 Following Dembo and Imbelloni, J.Munizaga, ‘Esquema de
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64 Ibid.; P. Soto-Heim, ‘Evolución de deformaciones intencion-
ales, tocados y prácticas funerarias en la prehistoria de Arica,
Chile’, Chungara 19 (1987), pp.129–214.
65 G. Manríquez, F. E. González-Bergás, J. C. Salinas and
O. Espoueys, ‘Deformación intencional del cráneo en
poblaciónes arqueológicas de Arica, Chile: Análisis premilinar
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ciales’, Chungara Revista de Antropología Chilena 38 no.1 (2006),
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66 Mitchell, op. cit. (note 33).
67 Ordenanzas de Mims, Título quinze, libro 111, 1752, quoted
by R. Avalos de Matos, ‘La defensa del patrimonio cultural y la
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68 H. Unanue, ‘Idea general de los monumentos del antiguo
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69 M. J.Gonzales, ‘Chinese plantation workers and social conict
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70 See Lindskoug and Gustavsson op. cit (note 9).
71 S. González, ‘Chilenizando a Tunupa: la Escuela Pública en el
Tarapacá Andino 1880–1990 (Santiago, 2002).
72 See Bennett, op. cit (note1)
73 P. Gerstenblith, ‘The meaning of 1970 for the acquisition of
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74 See Coote op. cit (note 33); Bennett op. cit (note 1).
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