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Einleitung: Zivilgesellschaft und Politik im Staatsverständnis Antonio Gramscis
... Hall 2000Hall , 2004Williams 1981): according to Gramsci, culture is "conceived as an essential site of political struggles for hegemony" (Marchart 2008, p. 76). Hegemony, in short, is the softer side of the exercise of power in society, which -in addition to classical state constraints in the form of law, politics, and economics -secures and (re)produces domination through consensus in civil society and voluntary assent (Buckel and Fischer-Lescano 2007). Hegemony means that the power of dominant social groups is both legitimized and appears natural -hegemony as something that is lived and believed in. ...
... Hegemony means that the power of dominant social groups is both legitimized and appears natural -hegemony as something that is lived and believed in. In particular, the seemingly harmless actions in the everyday life of citizens have a greater macro-political significance, precisely because they arise from certain power relations and continuously (re)produce them (Marchart 2008;Buckel and Fischer-Lescano 2007). This is of interest in terms of transport policy, since it is not a matter of large-scale federal, state, or local political decisions, but rather of smallscale politics in everyday life on the street. ...
The ability to measure mobility and to evaluate it is a basic prerequisite for its operationalization in planning practice. In this context, a multitude of specifics have to be considered, which distinguish mobility from classical transport planning measurement and evaluation variables. These mobility-specific peculiarities lead to the fact that new methods, which are not commonly used in transportation science, have to be applied. One of these methods is indexing, which makes mobility measurable and assessable on a large scale. This is a central prerequisite to be able to verify the claims and aspirations of public mobility.
... Hall 2000Hall , 2004Williams 1981): according to Gramsci, culture is "conceived as an essential site of political struggles for hegemony" (Marchart 2008, p. 76). Hegemony, in short, is the softer side of the exercise of power in society, which -in addition to classical state constraints in the form of law, politics, and economics -secures and (re)produces domination through consensus in civil society and voluntary assent (Buckel and Fischer-Lescano 2007). Hegemony means that the power of dominant social groups is both legitimized and appears natural -hegemony as something that is lived and believed in. ...
... Hegemony means that the power of dominant social groups is both legitimized and appears natural -hegemony as something that is lived and believed in. In particular, the seemingly harmless actions in the everyday life of citizens have a greater macro-political significance, precisely because they arise from certain power relations and continuously (re)produce them (Marchart 2008;Buckel and Fischer-Lescano 2007). This is of interest in terms of transport policy, since it is not a matter of large-scale federal, state, or local political decisions, but rather of smallscale politics in everyday life on the street. ...
This chapter deals with new mobility cultures and their significance for public mobility from a cultural-theoretical perspective. If the goal of transport planning and policy is to make it possible for every citizen to participate in society, but to limit the negative effects of the resulting traffic (see the introduction by Schwedes in this volume), then diverse and conflictual processes of redesign, redistribution, and negotiation will be necessary, on both a material and a symbolic level: a new mobility culture is needed.
... In der Tradition der angelsächsischen Cultural Studies muss Kultur immer als Feld verstanden werden, in dem "politische und soziale Identitäten produziert und reproduziert werden", die "zwangsweise Ausschlüsse, sowie Verhältnisse von Dominanz und Unterordnung, die ihrerseits auf Widerstände treffen", produzieren (Marchart 2008, S. 12 (Buckel und Fischer-Lescano 2007). Hegemonie bedeutet, dass die Macht der dominanten Gesellschaftsgruppen sowohl legitimiert wird als auch, dass sie natürlich erscheint -Hegemonie als etwas, das gelebt und woran geglaubt wird. ...
... Hegemonie bedeutet, dass die Macht der dominanten Gesellschaftsgruppen sowohl legitimiert wird als auch, dass sie natürlich erscheint -Hegemonie als etwas, das gelebt und woran geglaubt wird. Dabei kommt insbesondere den harmlos anmutenden Handlungen im Alltagsleben von Bürger*innen eine größere makropolitische Bedeutung zu, eben weil sie bestimmten Machtverhältnissen entspringen und diese fortlaufend (re)produzieren (Marchart 2008;Buckel und Fischer-Lescano 2007). Dies ist verkehrspolitisch von Interesse, da es hier erst einmal nicht um großangelegte bundes-, landes-, oder kommunalpolitische Entscheidungen geht, sondern die Politik im Kleinen im alltäglichen Leben auf der Straße stattfindet. ...
Dieser Open Access Band fasst erstmals aktuelle neue Entwicklungen im Öffentlichen Verkehr zusammen und entwirft mit dem Konzept der Öffentlichen Mobilität die konkrete Vorstellung eines zukunftsfähigen Öffentlichen Verkehrs. Neben den neuen Mobilitätsdienstleistungen sowie den politischen und rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen werden neue Instrumente vorgestellt, mit denen eine Öffentliche Mobilität zukünftig aktiv gestaltet werden kann. Das Konzept der Öffentlichen Mobilität knüpft an den Anspruch des Öffentlichen Verkehrs an und zeigt, wie unter den veränderten gesellschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen allen Bürgerinnen und Bürgern Mobilität ökonomisch effizient, ökologisch verträglich und sozial gerecht angeboten werden kann.
Der Herausgeber
Prof. Dr. Oliver Schwedes ist Leiter des Fachgebiets Integrierte Verkehrsplanung am Institut für Land- und Seeverkehr der Technischen Universität Berlin.
... In der Tradition der angelsächsischen Cultural Studies muss Kultur immer als Feld verstanden werden, in dem "politische und soziale Identitäten produziert und reproduziert werden", die "zwangsweise Ausschlüsse, sowie Verhältnisse von Dominanz und Unterordnung, die ihrerseits auf Widerstände treffen", produzieren (Marchart 2008, S. 12 (Buckel und Fischer-Lescano 2007). Hegemonie bedeutet, dass die Macht der dominanten Gesellschaftsgruppen sowohl legitimiert wird als auch, dass sie natürlich erscheint -Hegemonie als etwas, das gelebt und woran geglaubt wird. ...
... Hegemonie bedeutet, dass die Macht der dominanten Gesellschaftsgruppen sowohl legitimiert wird als auch, dass sie natürlich erscheint -Hegemonie als etwas, das gelebt und woran geglaubt wird. Dabei kommt insbesondere den harmlos anmutenden Handlungen im Alltagsleben von Bürger*innen eine größere makropolitische Bedeutung zu, eben weil sie bestimmten Machtverhältnissen entspringen und diese fortlaufend (re)produzieren (Marchart 2008;Buckel und Fischer-Lescano 2007). Dies ist verkehrspolitisch von Interesse, da es hier erst einmal nicht um großangelegte bundes-, landes-, oder kommunalpolitische Entscheidungen geht, sondern die Politik im Kleinen im alltäglichen Leben auf der Straße stattfindet. ...
Zusammenfassung
Der vorliegende Beitrag setzt sich aus einer kulturtheoretischen Perspektive mit neuen Mobilitätskulturen und ihrer Bedeutung für die Öffentliche Mobilität auseinander. Wenn es das verkehrsplanerische und -politische Ziel ist, jede*r Bürger*in die gesellschaftliche Teilhabe zu gewähren, aber den dadurch verursachten Verkehr in seinen negativen Auswirkungen zu begrenzen (siehe die Einleitung von Schwedes in diesem Band), dann werden vielfältige und mit Konflikten verbundene Umgestaltungs-, Umverteilungs- und Aushandlungsprozesse geführt werden müssen, die sowohl auf materieller wie auf symbolischer Ebene wirken: Es braucht eine neue Mobilitätskultur.
... According to Poulantzas (2000Poulantzas ( [1978), the state can be understood as a social relation, emphasizing the role of the state as a contested terrain, and highlighting power relations that shape the state. It is interwoven with the economy, where the law is not neutral but an expression of social power relations that are inscribed in the state (Buckel and Fischer-Lescano 2007). Drawing on the strategic relational approach, it can be shown which social forces have access to the development of the state and co-determine it and vice versa (Jessop 2010). ...
... Critical state theory is important for our framework since the political-institutional dimension is crucial when analyzing agrarian change. A combination of critical state theory with Gramsci's concept of hegemony further allows examining how civil society is incorporated in the state and how consensus and domination are pursued (Buckel and Fischer-Lescano 2007). Building on critical state theory, we can highlight the interdependence of CSA with the state and how they are embedded in the national food regime. ...
Current globalized agricultural and food systems operate with an unsustainable capitalist model of production and consumption. The middle and upper classes of the global North and, increasingly, of emerging economies live at the expense of the global South. This has been referred to as the “imperial mode of living”. An alternative model of production and consumption that fosters localized food systems in the corporate food regime is community supported agriculture (CSA), which aims to redefine consumer-producer relations along not just economic values. Against this background, the paper introduces an interdisciplinary conceptual framework for values-based modes of production and consumption where three categories – institutions, values and materiality – inform the empirical analysis. It examines the extent to which CSA can realize their values-based approach and how they transform the third food regime. The paper links CSA to the currently dominant third food regime and shows that, so far, CSA is just a niche in Austria. In the Austrian context, different forms of solidarity and attachment to the community are central shared ideals of CSA members and their supporters. Those values also respect nature and its materiality. However, at the same time, CSA initiatives, when implemented in daily practices, are confronted with institutional, social and material challenges. These need to be addressed if CSA is to continue long-term.
... Wichtig sind hier der Republikanismus (Thiel & Volk, 2016), an den insbesondere die Governance-Ansätze anschließen, und die kritische Staatstheorie in der Tradition von Marx, die den Staat als "verdichtetes Kräfteverhältnis" und zentrales Terrain im Kampf um Hegemonie begreift. Über den Staat versuchen die verschiedenen Akteur_innen ihre Interessen zu verallgemeinern, doch in die staatlichen Apparate und Diskurse sind die historischen und bestehenden gesellschaftlichen Kräfteverhältnisse und -diskurse eingeschrieben: Beispielweise die Dominanz bestimmter Kapitalgruppen oder Diskurse für unbedingt notwendiges Wirtschaftswachstum (Buckel & Fischer-Lescano, 2007;Hirsch et al., 2008;Pou-lantzas, 2002;zu kritisch-feministischen Theorien Ludwig et al., 2009). ...
Zusammenfassung
Die Gesellschaft-Natur-Perspektive beschäftigt sich mit historisch entstandenen, tiefenwirksamen Treibern der Klimakrise. Ihr Fokus liegt auf klimaschädlichen Merkmalen von Natur-Mensch-Beziehungen, die für die westliche Moderne typisch und auch in Österreich wirksam sind. Dazu zählen Wachstumszwang, Kapitalakkumulation, dualistische Verständnisse von Natur und Mensch, Vorstellungen und Praktiken der Naturbeherrschung, sozial-ökologische Ungleichheit und disziplinäre Wissensproduktion.
... In this situation, institutions such as the constitution of the country are primarily instruments of "predatory" actors. On one hand, institutions forged by the hegemon ensure that power -and the privileges attached to itcan be maintained (see Buckel & Fisher-Lescano, 2007;Keohane, 1984Keohane, , 1986. Charles Tilly (1985Tilly ( , 1990) studied a hundred years of European experience and declared that state institutions formalise organised violence. ...
The (im)possibility of governance of the transformation to sustainability (T2S) is driven by how the related multiple transition processes as well as the various functional, institutional and bargaining interactions among relevant agents or stakeholders can be steered. Like other transformation processes, T2S is an immediate response to threats and risks behind structural changes. In addition, T2S is a “purposive new normal” because it seeks ways to achieve a new equilibrium whereby the system is able to effectively confront or prevent imminent threats and risks. At the same time, this paper claims that there can be more than one version of the new equilibrium for each state or society. This paper argues against the “ahistoricity” (Geschichtslosigkeit) approach of much of the literature on T2S and contends that each country has a distinct set of socio-political (e.g. quality of institutions) and economic resources (e.g. gross national income) available, depending on its current standing.
The academic debate on transformation has re-emerged with intensity due to it increasingly being linked to the discourse on sustainability. One important thread of this transformation–sustainability nexus is the role of governance. While the academic literature on governing T2S can already build on decades of work, the debate on the three-fold interfacing of governance, transformation and sustainability still has major gaps to fill. This paper articulates an integrated approach in understanding the governance of T2S by bringing together perspectives from sociology, political science and economics (and their sub-disciplines) as puzzle parts. Connecting the different puzzle parts contributed by the different disciplines, this paper conceptualises the four types of resources needed to make governance conducive to T2S: vision, performance, social cohesion and resilience. The next step for this paper is to use these puzzle parts to form a framework to introduce three sets of scenarios of pathways for sustainable futures, the “SDG-aligned futures”. The three pathways leading to these SDG-aligned futures are political-transition-driven (or strong), societal-transition-driven (or cohesive) and economic-transition-driven (or efficient).
The three scenarios for SDG-aligned futures serve on one hand as the basis for the contextualisation of transformation for a more strategic application of appropriate solutions by focussing on what governance structures, levels, processes and scales are conducive to T2S. At the same time, this approach resolves the “ahistoricity” dilemma in many concepts of T2S by highlighting that countries have different entry points when initiating T2S. The perspectives on the scenarios towards a sustainable future provide multiple entry points for each country by specifying the departing stage for a specific country that consists of a set of path dependencies resulting from the country’s (1) historical experience (e.g. colonialism) and (2) national discourse (e.g. debate on the sustainable energy transition). As countries utilise the potentials of their already existing governance structures and implement policy reforms that occur within existing institutional and politico–legal structures as well as through social upheavals and fundamental changes (hence, resilience is fundamental to T2S), these pathways are aligned by the Sustainable Development Goals, leading to coherent societal priorities and policy mixes.
... In this situation, institutions such as the constitution are primarily instruments of "predatory" actors. On one hand, institutions forged by the hegemon ensure that power -and the privileges attached to itcan be maintained (see Buckel and Fisher-Lescano 2007;Keohane 1984Keohane , 1986. Charles Tilly (1985Tilly ( , 1990) studied a hundred years of European experience and declared that state institutions formalize organized violence. ...
This paper explores how an integrated conceptualization of governance of T2S can shed light on the necessary puzzle parts that various disciplinary perspectives can contribute, not only in helping to see the bigger picture, but also to understand possible meanings when operationalized to solve problems on the ground. Integrative approach also means that the conceptual diversity of governance is understood not as a barrier, but rather as an opportunity to evaluate governance in terms of how it could integrate multiple (and parallel) transitions (e.g., transition from planned to market economy, post-colonial) and changes (e.g., demographic trends, human capital) together into a transformation pathway to sustainability.
This paper articulates an integrated approach in understanding the governance of the T2S by bringing together the outlooks of sociology, political science and economics (and their sub-disciplines) as puzzle parts. Section 2 highlights the theoretical perspectives of these disciplines to explain the various aspects of governance. This paper focuses on these three disciplines, because most scholarly works on governance of transformation concentrate on these three disciplines (and their sub-disciplines). The next step is to use these puzzle parts to form a framework to introduce three sets of scenarios for sustainable futures, the so-called “SDG-Reformed Futures”. Section 3 introduces the three pathways leading to these “futures” that are defined by the outcomes of historical experiences rather than geospatial specificities. To that end, this paper suggests the three branching points of governance as the transformation process unfolds toward the sustainable future: political transition driven (or strong), social transition driven (or cohesive), and economic transition driven (or efficient).
... zurück. Der analytische Fokus liegt vor allem auf inter-und transnationalen Macht-und Herrschaftsverhältnissen (für eine ausführliche Darstellung und Diskussion dieser Ansätze sieheBuckel/Fischer-Lescano 2007;Merkens/Rego Diaz 2007;Opratko/Prausmüller 2011). Neogramscianische Analysen sind bisweilen voluntaristisch und/oder strukturalistisch geprägt. ...
Was kann eine poststrukturalistische und hegemonietheoretische Perspektive zur Kritik aktueller gesellschaftlicher Verhältnisse beitragen? Der Band bietet vielfältige Antworten auf diese Frage, indem er hegemonie- und diskurstheoretische Ansätze mit einer dezidiert gesellschaftskritischen Perspektive verbindet. Die Beiträge erarbeiten verschiedene Herangehensweisen zur Analyse und Kritik komplexer und sich überlagernder gesellschaftlicher Ungleichheiten. Die dabei zum Einsatz kommenden Theorien reichen von gouvernementalitätstheoretischen, queer-feministischen, postkolonialen bis hin zu politisch-ökonomischen und raumtheoretischen Ansätzen.
... A central assumption is that the state cannot be understood in its institutional materiality and discursive role, its functions and multifaceted policies, if it is not analysed as connected to socioeconomic and cultural and also socio-ecological relations, including norms of production and consumption, societal interests, hegemonic and marginal value orientations as well as power relations and the special role capital plays in modern societies and in the structuring of the dominant forms of the appropriation of nature. With Antonio Gramsci, we might say that the state functions as an 'educator', which -this is important with regard to the 'imperial mode of living' that we will investigate further below -aims to 'make certain habits and practices disappear, while seeking to spread others' (Gramsci, 1996(Gramsci, [1932: 1548; cf. the recent German-language debates in Buckel and Fischer-Lescano, 2007;Hirsch, Kannankulam and Wissel, 2008;Ludwig, Sauer and Wöhl, 2009;Demirović, Adolphs and Karakayali, 2010). An overall function of the state is to be the contested political centre-stage of the organisation of social hegemony and the establishment of a dynamic mode of development. ...
This article aims to better understand the discrepancy between a relatively high level of awareness of the ecological crisis on the one hand, and insufficient political and social change on the other. This discrepancy causes a crisis of what we call the ‘Rio model of politics’. We approach the problem from the perspective of the concept of ‘society-nature relationships’ (gesellschaftliche naturverhältnisse), which can be situated in the framework of political ecology and, in this article, is combined with insights from regulation theory and critical state theory. The empirical analysis identifies fossilist patterns of production and consumption as the heart of the problem. These patterns are deeply rooted in everyday and institutional practices as well as societal orientations in the global North and imply a disproportionate claim on global resources, sinks and labour power. They thus form the basis of what we call the ‘imperial mode of living’ of the global North. With the rapid industrialisation of countries such as India and China, fossilist patterns of production and consumption are generalised. As a consequence, the ability of developed capitalism to fix its environmental contradictions through the externalisation of its socio-ecological costs is put into question. Geopolitical and economic tensions increase and result in a crisis of international environmental governance. Strategies like ‘green economy’ have to be understood as attempts to make the ecological contradictions of capitalism processable once again.
... A central assumption is that the state cannot be understood in its institutional materiality and discursive role, its functions and multifaceted policies, if it is not analysed as connected to socioeconomic and cultural and also socio-ecological relations, including norms of production and consumption, societal interests, hegemonic and marginal value orientations as well as power relations and the special role capital plays in modern societies and in the structuring of the dominant forms of the appropriation of nature. With Antonio Gramsci, we might say that the state functions as an 'educator', which -this is important with regard to the 'imperial mode of living' that we will investigate further below -aims to 'make certain habits and practices disappear, while seeking to spread others' (Gramsci, 1996(Gramsci, [1932: 1548; cf. the recent German-language debates in Buckel and Fischer-Lescano, 2007;Hirsch, Kannankulam and Wissel, 2008;Ludwig, Sauer and Wöhl, 2009;Demirović, Adolphs and Karakayali, 2010). An overall function of the state is to be the contested political centre-stage of the organisation of social hegemony and the establishment of a dynamic mode of development. ...
The overall argument of this contribution is that we need a sophisticated state theory in order to understand global environmental politics, global-local linkages and the role of knowledge communities adequately ("global" means from the local to the international and vice versa). The internationalised state is a precondition for the complex processes and dynamics of the "post-Fordist" appropriation of nature. Engaging with Nicos Poulantzashistorical-materialist state theory it is possible to understand the state in relation to societal developments, espe- cially socio-economic ones, and to social forces and their interests, norms and identities as well as to conceptualise the state as a contradictory ensemble of apparatuses, discourses, projects and policies. Moreover, the modes and functions of the state can be analysed in a non-functionalistic manner. The concept of the internationalised state as a "material condensa- tion of societal power relations of second order" is developed. The concept of the internation- alised state is linked to the question of knowledge and hegemony. In the second part of the paper, the theoretical outline is linked with the results of a multi-year research in the field of international, national and local biodiversity politics. The field itself and main conflicts are sketched out and two modes of international politics (strategic selectivity and the hierarchy of political institutions) as well as its functions are interpreted. In a third part the question is dis- cussed in which way we can understand dominant international biodiversity politics as a hegemonic project. However, due to the restrictions of the paper, the international level is fo- cused on.
... Mit Antonio Gramsci ließe sich sagen, dass der Staat als Erzieher wirkt, der -dies ist im Hinblick auf die im dritten Abschnitt zu untersuchende imperiale Lebensweise wichtig -bestrebt ist, "bestimmte Gewohnheiten und Verhaltensweisen zum Verschwinden zu bringen und andere zu verbreiten" (Gramsci 1996(Gramsci [1932(Gramsci -1934, S. 1548; vgl. die neuere deutschsprachige staatstheoretische Debatte in Buckel und Fischer-Lescano 2007;Hirsch et al. 2008;Ludwig et al. 2009;Demirovic et al. 2010). ...
There is a growing discrepancy between the knowledge about the ecological crisis and the effectiveness to deal with this crisis politically. Just in a time of increasing environmental problems the institutions of international environmental politics are in a crisis of legitimation and functioning. This contrasts with the broadly acknowledged anthropogenic character of climate change and the respective politicisation of this crisis phenomenon. The article firstly develops a theoretical framework which aims to contribute to explaining the growing discrepancy between crisis consciousness and crisis politics. For this purpose, the concept of societal relationships with nature is linked to insights of critical geography, regulation theory and critical state theory. Thereafter, the empirical analysis identifies the fossilist production and consumption patterns as principal cause for the mentioned discrepancy. Its deeply rootedness and global outreach supersede the ecological crisis consciousness and the negotiations on the existing terrains of environmental politics. At the same time, they contribute to intensifying the contradictions in societal relationships with nature. The (possible) processing of these contradictions and their democratically motivated politicisation will be analysed in the last section of the paper.
Zusammenfassung
Kapitel 2 systematisiert entlang von vier Perspektiven in den Sozialwissenschaften weit verbreitete Theorien zur Analyse und Gestaltung von Strukturen klimafreundlichen Lebens. Das Kapitel möchte Leser_innen des Berichts bewusst machen, mit wie grundlegend unterschiedlichen Zugängen Forscher_innen Strukturen klimafreundlichen Lebens analysieren. Dies ist wichtig, um zu verstehen, dass es nie nur eine, sondern immer mehrere Perspektiven auf Strukturen klimafreundlichen Lebens gibt. Dieses Bewusstsein hilft, die Komplexität der Sozialwissenschaften und damit die Komplexität der Aufgabe – Strukturen für ein klimafreundliches Leben zu gestalten – zu erfassen. Unterschiedliche Zugänge zu sehen, bedeutet auch, ein besseres Verständnis von konfligierenden Problemdiagnosen, Zielhorizonten und Gestaltungsoptionen zu entwickeln und – idealerweise – damit umgehen zu können.
Without doubt, anti-gender struggles in Lithuania are an essential part of a broader transnational tendency to promote tradition and religion over equality, to discredit the European Union as a place of moral decline, to criticize gender studies as an academic discipline etc. However, some aspects of anti-gender mobilization in this state are locally embedded and historically determined. The aim of this article is to analyze patterns of argumentation and implicit assumptions on the term gender as a conceptual analogy of Communism. Hence, the the focus of this paper is on the following questions: how is the analogy between genderism and Communism constructed in the public discourse in Lithuania? Why is this comparison a successful strategy of anti-gender mobilization? The analysis is based on an intensive reading and an interpretation of selected texts that explicitly tackle the analogy between gender equality policies and Communism.
Keywords: gender, anti-genderism, communism, discourse
Der Umgang mit dem Phänomen Terrorismus erfolgt in Deutschland vorrangig über eine Erweiterung des Strafrechts und eine Ausweitung von Befugnissen der Sicherheitsbehörden. Dieser Beitrag will den Hintergründen der Bedeutung des Strafrechts beim Umgang mit Terrorismus nachgehen. Dabei wird die Terrorismusbekämpfung durch das Strafrecht als ein kriminalpolitisches Projekt verstanden, in dessen Zug Freiheitsansprüche zurücktreten müssen. Die aktuellen Strafrechtserweiterungen (Einführung der §§ 89a, b, c und 91 StGB) dienen als Beispiele für zwei Diskurse: Strafrecht ist seit geraumer Zeit eine tiefe Hegemonie. Sicherheit hat sich in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten in einem Kampf um Hegemonie etabliert, ihre Vormachtstellung wird zudem weiter bekräftigt. Hierfür spielt das Terrorismusstrafrecht eine bedeutende Rolle. Dabei werden Staat, Gesellschaft und Justiz als Felder des Kampfes um Hegemonie ausgemacht. In Wissenschaft und Rechtsprechung zeigen sich Widersprüche, die aber keine grundsätzliche Infragestellung der aktuellen Entwicklung zulassen.
DOI: 10.12957/dep.2017.27762 Joachim Hirsch Goethe-Universitat, Frankfurt am Main, Hessen, Alemanha. John Kannankulam Philipps-Universitat Marburg, Marburgo, Hessen, Alemanha. Jens Wissel Universitat Kassel, Kassel, Hessen, Alemanha. Versao original: Die Staatstheorie des “westlichen Marxismus”. Gramsci, Althusser, Poulantzas und die so genannte Staatsableitung. In: Hirsch, Kannankulam, Wissel (orgs.). “Der Staat der Burgerlichen Gesellschaft – Zum Staatsverstandnis von Karl Marx”, Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2015, pp. 93-119. Traducao Andre Vaz Porto Silva Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro. Revisao Tecnica Luiz Felipe Brandao Osorio Professor Adjunto de Direito e Relacoes Internacionais da UFRRJ.
Understanding the connection between state-building (equated with nation-building) and violence promises to identify existing paradigms that need to be altered if a resolution of the “longest rebellion in Asia” (Damazo 2003) is intended. Several authors such as Hannah Arendt (Arendt 2009b; Arendt 2009a) and Charles Tilly (Tilly 1985) link nation-building with the legitimization of violence either to subdue threats from the outside or to ensure internal group coherence by eliminating potential competitors. Under the banner of nationhood, violence is used as an instrument of ensuring cohesion in a context where the universality of the nation applies. Universality however means that existing norms and actual practices should fit into the worldview of the national group. Cohesion is perceived to be important because it ensures a system’s stability. Understanding violence as an instrument for cohesion, however, requires the analysis of what is meant by ‘violence’. Is violence simply the application of force, e.g. weapons to achieve something? Violence requires an analysis of the notion of legitimacy.
Zusammenfassung
Der Beifrag stellt einen Zusammenhang wischen vier Beobachtungen aus unterschiedlichen Kontexten her, nämlich, dass ein autonomes Richterrecht auch transnational neue Prominenz entwickelt, dass sich ein Naturrecht der besonderen Art gerade heute wieder gegenüber dem Positivismus behauptet, dass Protestbewegungen ihre Adressaten auswechseln und dass sich gesellschaftliche Teilsysteme nicht nach einem einheitlichen Muster, sondern mit deutlichen Intensitätsunterschieden konstitutionalisieren. Der Zusammenhang besteht darin, so die zentrale These des Beitrags, dass sozialer Problemdruck das Recht dazu nötig, seine Legitimationsparadoxien in andere gesellschaftliche Teilsysteme externalisieren und dass in der Gegenrichtung Ähnliches, jedoch in unterschiedlicher Intensität passiert. Beides führt auf die abschließende Frage, welche Folgeprobleme unterschiedliche Externalisierungen erzeugen. Die vier Ausgangsfragen lassen sich durch die Unterschiede zwischen verschiedenen Modi der Entparadoxierung klären.
Ending identity conflicts through negotiated agreements is an intractable process that is embedded complexly in the nation-building process. Ariel Hernandez looks on the complexity of the nation-building process in the Philippines and how its social and political context constrains the achievement of a peace agreement that would withhold new challenges as the process unfolds. Mediation as one of the possible modes of intervention to resolve identity conflicts is taken as the self-evident instrument to end the 40 year old conflict between the Filipino society at large and the Bangsamoro. The analysis confirms that mediation and other types of intervention are contributing to the intractability of identity conflicts by bringing in further complexities in the negotiation process. The conceptualization of "stumbling blocks" may provide knowledge based resources to develop strategies to "facilitate" the mediation process that allows negotiating parties to cope with the complexity of the bargaining table.
How a constitution deals with its foundational paradox – this issue is not restricted to the state constitution alone, but is also and pertinently applicable to the constitutions of other social systems. The starting point is Niklas Luhmann’s argument, that the law, with the aid of the state constitution, externalises its original paradox towards politics, while politics externalises its own towards the law. Over and above this, the question will be raised about whether – and if so, how – the law also purses a comparable deparadoxisation vis-à-vis other social subsystems. Meanwhile, the same question is asked, but now in the opposite direction, about whether other social systems also behave like politics, externalising their paradoxes towards the law with the aid of a constitution, or whether they employ alternative deparadoxisations. Both of these lead to the concluding question, regarding which subsequent problems are generated by those externalisations. The differences between various approaches to deparadoxisation may possibly clarify four questions, so: why is judge-made law developing new prominence transnationally? Under what conditions will a particular kind of natural law make headway again against positivism even today? How is it that protest movements are shifting the sights of their protests? And for what reasons do social subsystems constitutionalise not in accordance with a standard pattern, but with clear differences of intensity?
The proclaimed aim of EcoDensity, an initiative of the former mayor of Vancouver, Canada, was the achievement of a more sustainable city development through densification of existing neighbourhoods. Since the invention of EcoDensity in summer 2006 it has become a highly debated topic. This paper aims at a critical analysis of how a planning strategy of densification tried to tie itself onto a discourse of sustainability, and also how it had to re-invent and reform itself through contestation and public debate in order to gain acceptance. Thus, the development of the strategy and its contestation are the focus of this paper. Theoretically informed by the theory on hegemony by Laclau and Mouffe, the paper shows why EcoDensity has been—although eventually approved by Council—a failing hegemonic strategy. By referring to a theory on hegemony, the paper theoretically captures practices and struggles around a particular ‘urban sustainability fix’.
This article focuses on Antonio Gramsci's hegemony theory. Hegemony, for Gramsci, is a particular way of living and thinking, a Weltanschauung (world-view), on which the preferences, taste, morality, ethics, and philosophical principles of the majority are based. Social struggles are transformed into legal ones in the course of processes in which juridical intellectuals are organizing hegemony under the special conditions of the legal system. We try to use this concept to contrast it with the prevailing readings of hegemony in international relations and in international law. ‘Hegemonic law’, we argue, is not the law of any superpower, but an asymmetric consensus which relies on a climate of world-society-wide recognition. The concrete form of hegemonic law under particular social conditions depends on the ‘historical bloc’, in which it is coupled with other social praxes. In the post-Westphalian system the historical bloc is fragmented into transnational and colliding legal regimes and law-generating processes in civil society.
"Entre direitos iguais, a força decide", proferiu karl marx ao descrever a antinomia do direito em situações antagônicas das relações de produção capitalistas, em que "o direito [oferece resistência] ao direito".1 nesse ponto, marx aborda uma questão que se situa no centro de todas as teorias jurídicas críticas: que tipo de violência é velada por meio do mecanismo de ocultação denominado "direito"? Para responder a esta questão, tentar-se-á, a seguir, tornar a teoria da hegemonia de antonio gramsci e seu modelo de direito hegemônico produtivos para o campo da teoria do direito. Tal tarefa tem de lidar com a dupla dificuldade de que, por um lado, gramsci não foi um teórico do direito no sentido mais estrito, razão pela qual o potencial de sua teoria para uma análise do direito raramente foi utilizada.2 Por outro lado, sua abordagem só pode ser empregada por meio de uma crítica às restrições relacionadas a seu tempo. isso se aplica especialmente à sua concepção de economia como a base e a núcleo essencialista oculto (laclau; mouffe, 2001:69), assim como à sua ideia de 'classismo' sob a forma de um enfoque unilateral das classes, em que há preferencialmente mais de um "pluralismo de poder" e inúmeras lutas (litowitz, 2000: 536). Recuperar-se-á, consequentemente, argumentos-chave, ampliando-os pela utilização das recentes descobertas feitas pelas abordagens feminista e neomaterialista da teoria jurídica, bem como as análises de foucault acerca das tecnologias de poder. por fim, uma interpretação da teoria sistêmica das autonomizações comunicativas.
While calling for the re-visitation of the academic discourse on the conflict in Southern Philippines, this paper explores why peace agreements resulting from mediated negotiation are not capable in ending violence in the country. In various cases, peace negotiations may actually promote an environment prone to violence. Violence remains a legitimate instrument to protect the nation’s hegemonic bureaucracy. Because violence acquires legitimacy only when it serves its purpose, the analysis of the functionality of violence becomes necessary. What happens when it ceases to fulfill its appropriated function? Charles Tilly (1985) and Hannah Arendt (2009a; 2009b) argue that the functionality of violence lies in its role in ensuring social cohesion. Tilly’s analogy of war-making and state-making implies that organized means of violence is indeed necessary in establishing national states. This paper argues that the primordial reference of framing inter-group relations promotes an environment prone to violence.The Bangsamoro question in the Philippines involves 13 Muslim ethno-linguistic groups striving for self-determination through armed insurgency in the last 40 years. It represents an interesting analytical case study to understand how violence is legitimized in the process of state (de)construction. This paper argues that the legitimization of violence moves within nation-building defined by primordial social relations. Nation-building equates the centralization of consensus-building process. Centralization as the principle that drives nation-building seeks to establish hierarchical bureaucratic structures to effectively ensure social stability. However, the same notion of system stability means subordination policies for those groups that do not meet the membership criteria formulated by the center. Groups at the periphery are exposed to the consequences of centralized decision-making: minoritization, land-grabbing, and ethnic-cleansing. The introduction of taxonomy of violence: direct, structural, and symbolical allows the understanding of the processes through which violence fulfills a purpose.Furthermore, this paper analyzes an interesting practice of the center to contain potential contenders in the periphery: divide and control. This rather new phenomenon involves the distribution of the legitimate use of violence by the Philippine State to local “political warlords” through an informal mechanism of franchising. The Philippine State has no real intention to monopolize violence, because this resignation is an outcome of a pragmatic political deliberation. Franchising violence to local political warlords and private security firms is perceived to be more appropriate. The Philippine state-building therefore involves the invalidation of the Westphalian state through the outsourcing of violence. This development, however, is an impediment to resolve the Bangsamoro question, because of the new dynamics that this practice has brought particularly to Mindanao.The resolution of the Bangsamoro question requires the re-visitation of the discourse on what the Philippine nation is. Violence does not arise through the idea of nation-building, but rather through the hierarchical relationships resulting from nation-building.
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