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Stereotype Threat Does Not Live by Steele and Aronson (1995) Alone.
Abstract
This comment notes that P. R. Sackett et al (see record 2004-10043-001) have raised a concern: that 29 mischaracterizations of an experiment from C. M. Steele and J. Aronson (see record 1996-12938-001) spread over 8 years of media reports, journal articles, and textbooks could mislead teachers, students, researchers, policymakers, and parents into believing that the African American-White test-score gap is entirely caused by stereotype and not at all by group differences in opportunities and test-related knowledge, and that this belief could undermine efforts to improve African American students' academic skills. Sackett et al focus on the reporting of only a single experiment from the first published article on stereotype threat. It is argued that this extremely narrow focus greatly exaggerates three issues. These issues are addressed in turn.
... In this way, individual psychological processes in response to socially constructed stereotypes may contribute to persistent social inequalities (C. M. Steele & Aronson, 2004). A number of interventions have been developed to mitigate the harm produced by stereotype threat in real-world settings, including schools Good, Aronson, & Inzlicht, 2003;Walton & Cohen, 2007;Yeager & Walton, 2011). ...
... No one claims that stereotype threat accounts for the entirety of the achievement gap (Sackett, Hardison, & Cullen, 2004;C. M. Steele, 1997;C. M. Steele & Aronson, 2004) or that self-affirmation can close it completely (Yeager & Walton, 2011), but self-affirmation may help narrow the gap at little to no additional cost to districts as part of an overall strategy to achieve equity. Our findings show that self-affirmation can substantially narrow the residual achievement gap that cannot be explained by de ...
In this districtwide scale-up, we randomly assigned seventh-grade students within 11 schools to receive a series of writing exercises designed to promote values affirmation. Impacts on cumulative seventh-grade grade point average (GPA) for the district’s racial/ethnic minority students who may be subject to stereotype threat are consistent with but smaller than those from prior smaller scale studies. Also, we find some evidence of impact on minority students’ standardized mathematics test scores. These effects address a substantial portion of the achievement gap unexplained by demographics and prior achievement—the portion of the gap potentially attributable to stereotype threat. Our results suggest that persistent achievement gaps, which may be explained by subtle social and psychological phenomena, can be mitigated by brief, yet theoretically precise, social-psychological interventions.
... Cette idée plutôt séduisante a contribué au développement d'interventions pédagogiques minimales destinées à diminuer l'écart de performance entre groupes ethniques en réduisant la menace du stéréotype (voir Discussion générale). Notons à ce niveau de la discussion que Steele et Aronson (1995Aronson ( , 2004 ne présentent, Erreur de type I ni n'interprètent, leurs données de cette manière. Pour Sackett et al. (2004a), c'est l'utilisation de l'ANCOVA qui a conduit à l'interprétation erronée des résultats de leur étude princeps. ...
... C'est aussi notre façon préférée de présenter les résultats de recherche. Steele et Aronson (2004) déplorent cette mauvaise interprétation de leurs données mais aussi la revue de littérature proposée par Sackett et al. (2004) qui est trop restreinte à leur goût. Ils répondent que l'effet de menace du stéréotype a été mis en évidence pour de nombreux tests, avec ou sans covariée. ...
The aim of this thesis was to explore the effects of the reputations of lower ability on academic performances via identity threat with two distinct levels of analysis, i.e., individual and group levels. Within the framework of identity threat theories (Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002), we first presented a social identity threat: the stereotype threat (Steele & Aronson, 1995). We explored one of the mediators of this phenomenon: goals of achievement (Dweck, 1986; Nicholls, 1984a). We then explored a personal identity threat: the social comparison feedback (Monteil & Huguet, 2001). Next, we proposed to explore the effects of one moderator of the stereotype threat, i.e., domain identification, on the effects of task meaning. To conclude, our own results as well as the results from the literature led us to specify a model initially proposed by Major and O'Brien (2005) and to suggest new theoretical and empirical perspectives. Lastly, at an applied level, we presented a series of variables aiming at reducing the detrimental effects of (social) identity threat. This led us to conduct new studies exploring the effects of the source of the activation of a negative stereotype on the effect of stereotype threat.
... Cette idée plutôt séduisante a contribué au développement d'interventions pédagogiques minimales destinées à diminuer l'écart de performance entre groupes ethniques en réduisant la menace du stéréotype (voir Discussion générale). Notons à ce niveau de la discussion que Steele et Aronson (1995Aronson ( , 2004 ne présentent, Erreur de type I ni n'interprètent, leurs données de cette manière. Pour Sackett et al. (2004a), c'est l'utilisation de l'ANCOVA qui a conduit à l'interprétation erronée des résultats de leur étude princeps. ...
... C'est aussi notre façon préférée de présenter les résultats de recherche. Steele et Aronson (2004) déplorent cette mauvaise interprétation de leurs données mais aussi la revue de littérature proposée par Sackett et al. (2004) qui est trop restreinte à leur goût. Ils répondent que l'effet de menace du stéréotype a été mis en évidence pour de nombreux tests, avec ou sans covariée. ...
Cette thèse visait à étudier les effets des réputations d'infériorité intellectuelle sur les performances académiques via une menace de l'identité à deux niveaux d'analyse distincts, l'un individuel, l'autre groupal. Dans le cadre des théories de la menace de l'identité (Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002), nous avons présenté dans un premier temps une menace de l'identité sociale : la menace du stéréotype (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Nous avons étudié l'un des médiateurs de ce phénomène : les buts d'accomplissement (Dweck, 1986 ; Nicholls, 1984a). Nous avons ensuite abordé une menace de l'identité personnelle : le feedback de la comparaison sociale (Monteil & Huguet, 2001). Nous avons alors proposé d'étudier l'impact de l'identification au domaine, un modérateur du phénomène de la menace du stéréotype, sur les effets d'habillage de tâche. Pour conclure, nos résultats de recherche de même que les données de la littérature nous ont permis de spécifier un modèle initialement développé par Major et O'Brien (2005) et de proposer de nouvelles pistes tant au niveau théorique qu'empirique. Enfin, sur un plan appliqué, nous avons présenté un ensemble de remédiateurs des effets délétères de la menace d'une identité (sociale). Ceci nous a permis d'ouvrir un nouveau champ de recherches lié à l'étude de l'impact de la source de l'activation du stéréotype négatif dans les effets de menace du stéréotype.
... The term was coined by Steele and Aronson, whose research showed that Black college students performed worse than White peers on standardized tests when told, before taking the tests, that their racial group tends to do poorly on such exams; when race was not emphasized, however, Black students performed similarly to White peers (1995). This concept is often misinterpreted to explain racial test score gaps as solely due to stereotype threat, ignoring group differences in access and opportunities to acquire test-related knowledge(Steele and Aronson 2004). Like microaggressions, stereotype threat exists because of racism in the broader society(Bell et al. 2016, 137). ...
Creating Equitable Early Learning Environments for Young Boys of Color: Disrupting Disproportionate Outcomes is a free publication published by the California Department of Education’s (CDE) Early Education Division. It highlights the critical need to disrupt disproportionate discipline patterns and create strength-based and equity-oriented early childhood environments that help Black and Brown boys to thrive. Educators and program leaders are provided with a helpful roadmap for improving racial equity through strengthening racial awareness, addressing implicit bias, and creating culturally responsive environments that are safe, affirming, and engaging for boys of color and their families.
... It was also evident that neurodiverse individuals perceived a stereotype threat (Steele & Aronson, 2004) which inspired individuals to succeed in the workplace. Research has shown that a stereotype threat can motivate individuals to succeed in a professional setting as they wish to prove their stereotype wrong (Spencer, Logel & Davis, 2016). ...
... Ipak, na osnovu ovih podataka autori jedne studije su izračunali da bi na godišnjem nivou, u glomaznom obrazovnom sistemu SAD-a, nekoliko hiljada devojaka više uspevalo da upiše napredni kurs iz matematike na osnovnim studijama (Advanced Placement Calculus) ukoliko bi ovaj mehanizam bio eliminisan (Danacher & Crandall, 2008). Takođe, korpus studija koje pronalaze efekte pretnje rodnim akademskim stereotipom u različitim setinzima, uzorcima i testovima je znatan (Steele & Aronson, 2004;Spencer et al., 2016), a kao što smo videli, postoje i studije koje pronalaze efekta istog mehanizma na postignuće dečaka u domenu čitanja (Hartley & Sutton, 2013;Pansu et al., 2016). Stoga je sigurnije zaključiti da iako ovaj mehanizam ima svoje mesto među mogućim uzročnicima rodnih razlika u obrazovnim ishodima, to mesto je ipak manje značajno nego što su inicijalne studije pokazivale i pažnju je potrebno usmeriti na druge psihološke mehanizme, kao i kontekstualne činioce. ...
Even though academic gender stereotypes have been identified as a key psychological barrier to achieving full potential of women in traditionally masculine and men in traditionally feminine academic-career domains, supportive empirical evidence so far has been mixed, while findings on mechanisms through which stereotypes could influence achievement and academic-career choices have been scarce. This study set out to explore whether, to what extent and through which mechanisms implicit and explicit math and language gender stereotypes in primary school teachers and their students contribute to gender differences in educational outcomes. We tested three hypothesized mediating mechanisms to this relation: at the intrapersonal level, students’ mathematical and linguistic self concept; at the interpersonal level, teachers’ expectations from students and their gender differential treatment in the classroom. In a nested design, during the first phase of the study, we measured gender academic stereotypes of 115 primary school teachers, along with their academic expectations from 2295 students, and these students’ grades. In the second phase, we subsampled 16 classes comprising of 412 students, and measured their gender academic stereotypes, academic self-concept and test achievement. In addition, we observed the dyad interaction between the teachers and students in a total of 56 mathematics and Serbian language classes. We observed that educational outcomes can be predicted based on the explicit gender academic stereotypes of the students, albeit with small predictive and only in domains where the superiority of a specific gender would be expected according to gender stereotype (boys’ achievement and aspirations in the domain of mathematics and girls’ aspirations in the domain of language). These effects were mediated via academic self-concept in the corresponding domain, although a direct effect of gender stereotypes was still observed. The effects of teachers' gender academic stereotypes were also small and moderated by the students’ gender. Explicit stereotypes of teachers negatively affected the expectations and assessments, but not knowledge of girls in both academic domains, and positively affected the knowledge and aspirations of boys in the field of mathematics. Although teachers exhibited gender-biased expectations and gender-differential treatment of students in the classroom, we found no evidence of them mediating the relation between teachers’ gender stereotypes and students’ educational outcomes. We related the findings to similar research and discussed them in Balanced Identity Theory framework. Finally, we articulated guidelines for future research and educational policies.
... One view of the exchange between Sackett et al. (2004) and Steele and Aronson (2004) is that this is science functioning well, selfcorrecting as errors are pointed out. Unfortunately, however, subsequent characterizations of Steele and Aronson's (1995) results did not change as much as this exchange suggests they should have. ...
We consider how valid conclusions often lay hidden within research reports, masked by plausible but unjustified conclusions reached in those reports. We employ several well-known and cross-cutting examples from the psychological literature to illustrate how, independent (or in the absence) of replicability difficulties or questionable research practices leading to false positives, motivated reasoning and confirmation biases can lead to drawing unjustified conclusions. In describing these examples, we review strategies and methods by which researchers can identify such practices in their own and others' research reports. These strategies and methods can unmask hidden phenomena that may conflict with researchers' preferred narratives, in order to ultimately produce more sound and valid scientific conclusions. We conclude with general recommendations for how social psychologists can limit the influence of interpretive biases in their own and others' research, and thereby elevate the scientific status and validity of social psychology.
... Skill level has not been ignored in the stereotype threat literature and is frequently operationalized by a measure of previous performance in the domain. Instead of modeling skill level as a moderator variable, studies have typically controlled for skill level in order to test whether the effect of stereotype threat is statistically significant beyond that of skill level or to increase the power to detect the effects of stereotype threat on performance (Steele & Aronson, 2004). Many studies examining the effect of the stereotype about women's math abilities have sampled those with relatively high SAT math scores (e.g., Martens, Johns, Greenberg, & Schimel, 2006;Marx & Roman, 2002;Quinn & Spencer, 2001;Schmader, 2002;Schmader & Johns, 2003;Shih, Pittinsky, & Ambady, 1999;Spencer et al., 1999) or have controlled for SAT math scores for these reasons (e.g., Gonzales, Blanton, & Williams, 2002;Hollis-Sawyer & Sawyer, 2008;Inzlicht & Ben-Zeev, 2000Keller, TESTING HYPOTHESIZED MODERATORS OF STEREOTYPE THREAT 2002, 2007Lesko & Corpus, 2006;Marx & Roman, 2002;Schmader, 2002;Schmader & Johns, 2003;Steele & Aronson, 1995;Vick, Seery, Blascovich, & Weisbuch, 2008;Wout, Danso, Jackson, & Spencer, 2008;Wout, Shih, Jackson, & Sellers, 2009). ...
The present research tested whether the effect of stereotype threat on calculus performance was moderated by calculus GPA and math identification in advanced undergraduate women majoring in science, technology, and engineering (STEM) fields. Women (n = 102) were randomly assigned to one of three conditions—stereotype threat, gender equivalence, or no mention (of gender). Confirming stereotype threat theory, at high levels of calculus GPA and math identification, women performed the worst in the stereotype threat condition, intermediate in the gender equivalence condition, and best in the no mention condition. Strategies to counter the inimical effects of stereotype threat are discussed
... Importantly, most of these studies have been conducted with high-math-ability femalesprecisely those who are most capable of succeeding at careers in mathematics and science. We note here the heated exchange between Cullen (2004a, 2004b), who were concerned about the mischaracterization of stereotype threat by the media, and C.M. Steele and Aronson (2004), who responded to their critique. Sackett et al. also raised concerns about the use of covariates and other statistical procedures used to demonstrate stereotype threat. ...
—Amid ongoing public speculation about the reasons for sex differences in careers in science and mathematics, we present a consensus statement that is based on the best available scientific evidence. Sex differ-ences in science and math achievement and ability are smaller for the mid-range of the abilities distribution than they are for those with the highest levels of achievement and ability. Males are more variable on most measures of quantitative and visuospatial ability, which necessarily results in more males at both high-and low-ability extremes; the reasons why males are often more variable remain elusive. Successful careers in math and science require many types of cognitive abilities. Females tend to excel in verbal abilities, with large differences between females and males found when assessments include writing samples. High-level achievement in science and math requires the ability to communicate effectively and comprehend abstract ideas, so the female advantage in writing should be helpful in all academic domains. Males outperform females on most measures of visuospatial abilities, which have been implicated as contributing to sex differences on standardized exams in mathematics and science. An evolutionary account of sex differences in mathematics and science supports the conclusion that, although sex differences in math and science performance have not directly evolved, they could be indirectly related to differences in interests and specific brain and cognitive systems. We review the brain basis for sex differences in science and mathematics, describe consistent effects, and identify numerous possible correlates. Experience alters brain structures and functioning, so causal statements about brain differences and success in math and science are circular. A wide range of sociocultural forces contribute to sex differences in mathematics and science achievement and ability—including the effects of family, neighborhood, peer, and school influences; training and experience; and cultural practices. We conclude that early experience, biological factors, educational policy, and cultural context affect the number of women and men who pursue advanced study in science and math and that these effects add and interact in complex ways. There are no single or simple answers to the complex questions about sex differences in science and mathematics.
... for the sample was 3.0, while the average VSAT, QSAT, C-GPA, and HS-GPA were 596, 618, 3.3, and 3.7, respectively. Given the controversy surrounding the use of QSAT scores as a covariate in ANCOVA designs (see Sackett et al., 2004;Steele & Aronson, 2004;Wicherts, 2004), I did not use this variable as a covariate in the analyses reported herein. ...
INTRODUCTION: Two studies examined whether stereotype threat impairs women's math performance and whether concurrent threat reduction strategies can be used to offset this effect. METHOD: In Study 1, collegiate men and women (N = 100) watched a video purporting that males and females performed equally well (gender-fair) or males outperformed females (gender differences) on an imminent math test. In Study 2, (N = 44) women viewed the gender differences video, followed by misattribution (cue present, absent) and self-affirmation (present, absent) manipulations, before taking the aforesaid test. RESULTS: In the initial study, women underperformed men on the test after receiving the gender differences video, whereas no gender differences emerged in the gender-fair condition. In Study 2, affirming the self led to better performance than not doing so. Planned contrasts indicated, however, that only women receiving a misattribution cue and self-affirmation opportunity outperformed their counterparts not given these reduction strategies. DISCUSSION: These findings are discussed relative to Stereotype Threat Theory and educational implications are provided.
... In summary, age-related inconsistencies and a paucity of studies in field settings warrant caution in the application of stereotype threat research to school psychological practice. Stereotype threat investigators themselves have emphasized (e.g., Steele & Aronson, 2004) that stereotype threat is not intended to provide a complete account of the test-score and achievement discrepancies currently observed between demographic groups such as Black and White students (e.g., Hyde, Fennema, & Lamon, 1990;Jencks & Phillips, 1998). To demarcate the precise empirical boundaries of stereotype threat-and to thereby elucidate its relevance to school psychological practice-future research must utilize well-validated measures in rigorously controlled studies of school-age children and adolescents in ecologically valid settings. ...
Ethical guidelines require school psychologists to ensure that their assessment practices are nondiscriminatory, but typical discussions on this topic neglect the possible discriminatory effects of cultural stereotypes on assessment results. Recent research on stereotype threat shows that students' knowledge of stereotype-based negative expectations about their test performance can depress their actual test performance. This paper discusses the range of conditions that promote stereotype threat and identifies important moderators and mediators of the phenomenon. Several practical suggestions are offered for school psychologists to consider when interviewing students, interpreting assessment results, and developing programs to increase schoolwide achievement.
... There is considerable agreement that Gf is robust against influences of education and socialization, and it is commonly seen as having a strong hereditary component (2,8,9). Gf can be compromised as seen in the effects of certain manipulations that threaten one's group membership (10). But can Gf be improved by any means? ...
Fluid intelligence (Gf) refers to the ability to reason and to solve new problems independently of previously acquired knowledge. Gf is critical for a wide variety of cognitive tasks, and it is considered one of the most important factors in learning. Moreover, Gf is closely related to professional and educational success, especially in complex and demanding environments. Although performance on tests of Gf can be improved through direct practice on the tests themselves, there is no evidence that training on any other regimen yields increased Gf in adults. Furthermore, there is a long history of research into cognitive training showing that, although performance on trained tasks can increase dramatically, transfer of this learning to other tasks remains poor. Here, we present evidence for transfer from training on a demanding working memory task to measures of Gf. This transfer results even though the trained task is entirely different from the intelligence test itself. Furthermore, we demonstrate that the extent of gain in intelligence critically depends on the amount of training: the more training, the more improvement in Gf. That is, the training effect is dosage-dependent. Thus, in contrast to many previous studies, we conclude that it is possible to improve Gf without practicing the testing tasks themselves, opening a wide range of applications.
• cognitive training
• transfer
• individual differences
• executive processes
• control processes
In a very short time, it is likely that we will identify many of the genetic variants underlying individual differences in intelligence. We should be prepared for the possibility that these variants are not distributed identically among all geographic populations, and that this explains some of the phenotypic differences in measured intelligence among groups. However, some philosophers and scientists believe that we should refrain from conducting research that might demonstrate the (partly) genetic origin of group differences in IQ. Many scholars view academic interest in this topic as inherently morally suspect or even racist. The majority of philosophers and social scientists take it for granted that all population differences in intelligence are due to environmental factors. The present paper argues that the widespread practice of ignoring or rejecting research on intelligence differences can have unintended negative consequences. Social policies predicated on environmentalist theories of group differences may fail to achieve their aims. Large swaths of academic work in both the humanities and social sciences assume the truth of environmentalism and are vulnerable to being undermined. We have failed to work through the moral implications of group differences to prepare for the possibility that they will be shown to exist.
For decades, programs targeting the recruitment and retention of underrepresented minorities (URM) have had local success in broadening participation in the geosciences. Meanwhile, national graduation rates of URM geoscience majors fall below the national graduation rates of URM STEM majors, generally. In this literature review, we summarize methods used to investigate the efficacy of geoscience recruitment and retention programs, and we propose avenues of future investigation into why programs are successful. First, we categorize a decade of recent publications in the Journal of Geoscience Education (JGE) according to Astin’s Input–Environment–Output (IEO) model. This model offers a classification scheme to evaluate how inputs (e.g., student characteristics) and environment (e.g., program attributes) may influence desired outputs (e.g., results of programs). Next, we discuss a set of social, cognitive, and psychological theories that support deeper investigation into the reasons why recruitment and retention programs are successful with particular groups. There is an observable trend in the geoscience literature after 2009 toward interventions that include all components of the IEO model and random assignment (i.e., ‘‘natural experiments’’). We argue that self-efficacy, identity, microaggressions, stereotype threat, and social cognitive career theory offer perspectives that can guide future programmatic interventions and support the geoscience community in broadening participation in the geosciences.
Discrimination impacts most youth at some point. Almost all children and adolescents belong to at least one stigmatized group, whether they are a Black or Latino boy in school; an immigrant or refugee; a gay, lesbian, or bisexual teen; or a girl in physics class. Discrimination on the basis of race/ethnicity, immigration status, gender, sexual orientation, and gender identity can have long-term academic, psychological, and social repercussions, especially when it is directed at a cognitively developing child or an emotionally vulnerable adolescent. How children and adolescents are impacted by this discrimination depends on their cognitive ability to perceive the bias, the context in which the bias occurs, and resources they have to help cope with the bias. This book details, synthesizes, and analyzes the perception and impact of discrimination in childhood and adolescence across multiple stigmatized social groups to help us better understand the complex phenomenon of discrimination and its long-term consequences. By looking at the similarities and differences in discrimination across all social groups, we can more fully understand its mechanisms of influence. Before we can fully address the persistent achievement gap between White and ethnic minority children, the high rates of suicidal thoughts among LGBT youth, and the underrepresentation of girls in STEM careers, we must first examine the ways in which discrimination influences and is understood by children, with their unique cognitive constraints and within the specific contexts in which they live.
Stereotype threat is a phenomenon by which members of a stereotyped group have their performance impaired when their group identity is made salient. Previous research has found that telling women about stereotype threat prevents impaired performance in mathematical tasks. Moreover, the effect of stereotype threat seems to be moderated by mathematical anxiety. The present work seeks (1) to test the effect of stereotype threat on women’s maths performance taking into account a previous maths score, (2) to replicate in a Spanish sample the protective effect of teaching intervention and (3) to test the moderator role of maths anxiety in the relationship between stereotype threat and impaired performance. Participants (110 undergraduate students) were randomly assigned to either stereotype threat or teaching intervention condition and the decrement in their performance was used as a dependent variable. Stereotype threat only impairs the performance of women with higher maths anxiety scores, and teaching intervention is effective to ameliorate this decrement in performance. We recommend the development of programmes that teach girls about stereotype threat and reduce mathematical anxiety.
Das Geschlechtsrollenselbstkonzept, das sich im Laufe der Sozialisation in Auseinandersetzung mit den vorherrschenden Vorstellungen der umgebenden Kultur entwickelt, steht in Beziehung zu Affekten, Kognitionen und Verhaltensweisen in einer Vielzahl von Bereichen. Bisherige GSK-Instrumente messen jedoch nahezu ausschließlich den positiven Aspekt von Maskulinität und Femininität. Die Definition des allgemeinen Selbstkonzepts gibt diese Limitierung auf positive Valenz nicht vor, und aus gesundheitspsychologischer Sicht sowie der Gruppenforschung ist die Bedeutung negativer Eigenschaften zur Selbstbeschreibung bekannt. Vor diesem Hintergrund wurden sieben aufeinander aufbauende Studien durchgeführt mit dem Ziel ein neues Instrument zu entwickeln, deren Items zum einen kulturell aktuellen Eigenschaften zur Selbstbeschreibung entsprechen und zum anderen die Valenzunterschiede dieser Merkmalsbeschreibungen berücksichtigen. Nach einer kritischen empirischen Überprüfung des deutschen BSRI, um Schwächen der Items ausschließlich positiver Valenz aufzudecken, wurde eine neue Skala entwickelt, die von Beginn an auch negative Selbstbeschreibungen berücksichtigte um der Komplexität des geschlechtlichen Selbst gerecht zu werden. Aufgrund der Einschätzungen zur Typizität und sozialen Erwünschtheit sowie mit ersten Resultaten aus der Selbstbeschreibung wurde die Auswahl der Items für die Teilskalen vorgenommen. In zwei weiteren Studien wurden schließlich die vier neu entwickelten Teilskalen des neuen GSK-Inventars einer Validierung unterzogen. Jeder der Teilskalen wurden theoriegeleitet spezifische Konstrukte zugeordnet und es konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass alle Teilskalen ihren eigenen Beitrag zur Vorhersage psychologischer Konzepte leisten können. So standen beispielsweise die negativen maskulinen Eigenschaften in engerer Beziehung zu Aggressivität und machtbezogenen Werten als die positiven Aspekte der Maskulinität. Als Ergebnis dieser Entwicklung stehen am Ende vier kurze, unabhängige, reliable Teilskalen, die positive als auch negative Aspekte von Maskulinität und Femininität abbilden und mittels sehr unterschiedlicher psychologischer Erlebens- und Verhaltenskonstrukte validiert wurden, die die Unabhängigkeit der Skalen belegen und diese für einen Einsatz in der Forschung empfehlen. Die Einführung einer individuellen Wertkomponente im Zuge der Selbstbeschreibung, angelehnt an das bekannte Erwartungs-mal-Wert Modell der Motivations- und Einstellungsforschung, und die daraus mögliche multiplikative Verknüpfung von Selbsteinschätzung und persönlicher Wichtigkeit der Eigenschaften konnten den Aufklärungswert in Bezug auf unterschiedliche Validierungskonstrukte dagegen nicht verbessern und wurden daher nicht ins das Instrument integriert.
As globalization increases and labor markets become substantially more diverse, increasing diversity during personnel selection has become a dominant theme in personnel selection in human resource management. However, while trying to pursue this goal, researchers and practitioners find themselves confronted with the diversity-validity dilemma, as some of the most valid selection instruments display considerable ethnic subgroup differences in test performance. The goal of the current paper is twofold. First, we update and review the literature on the diversity-validity dilemma and discuss several strategies that aim to increase diversity without jeopardizing criterion-related validity. Second, we provide researchers and practitioners with evidence-based guidelines for dealing with the dilemma. Additionally, we identify several new avenues for future research.
El dilema validez-diversidad ha sido un tema dominante en la investigación y la práctica de la selección de personal. Dado que algunos de los instrumentos de selección más válidos presentan grandes diferencias étnicas en sus puntuaciones, los científicos intentan desarrollar estrategias que reduzcan las diferencias de los subgrupos en la selección mientras mantienen simultáneamente la validez de criterio. Este artículo proporciona una revisión basada en la evidencia de la efectividad de seis estrategias utilizadas para manejar el dilema validez-diversidad: (1) usar medidas de capacidad cognitiva “alternativas”, (2) emplear simulaciones, (3) utilizar procedimientos estadísticos para combinar las medidas predictoras y del criterio, (4) reducir la varianza de los predictores irrelevante para el criterio, (5) fomentar reacciones positivas en los candidatos y (6) facilitarles preparación y posibilidades de practicar. Tres estrategias (emplear evaluaciones basadas en simulaciones, desarrollar medidas alternativas de capacidad cognitiva y usar procedimientos estadísticos) son las más prometedoras para aminorar el problema. Se discuten áreas potenciales que requieren investigación en un futuro.
To our knowledge, no published research has developed an individual difference measure of health-related stereotype threat (HRST). We adapted existing measures of academic stereotype threat to the health domain on a sample of black college students (N = 280). The resulting health-related stereotype threat scale-24 (HRST-24) was assessed for internal consistency, construct and incremental validity, and whether it explains variance in self-reported delays among four preventive health behaviors—blood pressure and cholesterol assays, physical exams, and routine checkups. After adjusting for several control variables, the HRST-24’s (full scale α = 0.96) perceived black health inferiority (18 items; α = 0.96) and perceived physician racial bias (6 items; α = 0.85) subscales explained unique variance in delays among two of the four behaviors including a blood cholesterol check (p < .01) and routine checkup—albeit at marginal levels (p = .063) in the case of the latter. Overall, these data provide preliminary evidence of construct and incremental validity for the HRST-24 among blacks. Recommendations for administering the scale are provided and future directions for HRST research are discussed.
It is important to address quality of life issues, such as education participation, with a growing aging population. The focus for the present research was on possible reactions among a broad age range of nontraditional learners. The present study found significant aging-related issues in perceived willingness to be involved in math-related learning and associated assessment contexts. Although nontraditional male and female learners differed in their characterization of personal past social role models' messages toward gender-related math ability, there was no significant differences in math test performance. This finding supports a possible decrement stereotype threat belief among relatively older learners.
This longitudinal study examined the PRAXIS I experiences of African American and Latino undergraduates seeking admission into teacher education at a Big Ten university. Participants were 44 students selected from a larger sample enrolled in a recruitment and support program aimed at members of underrepresented minority groups. The theoretical framework included ethnic identity development, stereotype threat, cultural continuity/discontinuity, and bias in standardized testing. Findings showed differences between Latino and African American students who took PRAXIS I and gender and socioeconomic differences within each ethnic group. Three “composite portraits” revealed similarities and differences across race, class, and gender and evidence that PRAXIS I is an inequitable admissions tool.
Men and women score similarly in most areas of mathematics, but a gap favoring men is consistently found at the high end of performance. One explanation for this gap, stereotype threat, was first proposed by Spencer, Steele, and Quinn (1999) and has received much attention. We discuss merits and shortcomings of this study and review replication attempts. Only 55% of the articles with experimental designs that could have replicated the original results did so. But half of these were confounded by statistical adjustment of preexisting mathematics exam scores. Of the unconfounded experiments, only 30% replicated the original. A meta-analysis of these effects confirmed that only the group of studies with adjusted mathematics scores displayed the stereotype threat effect. We conclude that although stereotype threat may affect some women, the existing state of knowledge does not support the current level of enthusiasm for this as a mechanism underlying the gender gap in mathematics. We argue there are many reasons to close this gap, and that too much weight on the stereotype explanation may hamper research and implementation of effective interventions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Replies to comments by C. M. Steele and J. Aronson (see record
2004-10043-009) on the mischaracterizations alleged by P. R. Sackett et al (see record
2004-10043-001) in the 1995 experiment by Steele and Aronson (see record
1996-12938-001) on the intellectual test performance of African Americans. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Children’s academic self-efficacy is one of the strongest predictors of achievement (Wigfield and Eccles, Contemporary Educational
Psychology 25(1): 68–81, 2000). The present research examined mathematics self-efficacy and the relationship of racial context
from the perspective of two competing bodies of research. Stereotype threat theory would predict that, under conditions where
negative stereotypes are salient, self-efficacy would decrease. So, Black/African American students in primarily White classrooms
would be predicted to report lower self-efficacy. However, other research suggests that Black/African American students demonstrate
fortitude even under disadvantage (e.g., Graham, Review of Educational Research, 64(1): 55–117, 1994). We examined the mathematics
self-efficacy of 170 fifth-grade students. In contrast to stereotype threat theory, results suggested that Black/African American
students’ self-efficacy remained stable regardless of the racial breakdown of the class. However, White students demonstrated
elevated self-efficacy when in predominantly Black/African American classrooms. These results could not be explained by differences
in classroom environments. Results are discussed in terms of resilience, ethnic identity and White identity.
This project was designed to examine whether and how achievement goals contribute to the effect of gender stereotypes on women's
low expectancies for success on math tasks. Study 1 confirmed predictions from the Stereotyped Task Engagement Process (STEP)
model (Smith, 2004) by demonstrating that, compared to a counter-stereotype situation, women reminded of the gender-stereotype
endorsed performance-avoidance goals. Study 2 tested whether performance-goal adoption differed between men and women. Results
showed that, compared to men, women in a stereotype salient math situation were more likely to endorse performance-avoidance
achievement goals. This performance-avoidance goal adoption in turn, accounted for the negative relationship between participants'
gender and performance expectations for a standardized math test.
We conducted qualitative interviews with breast cancer survivors to identify themes related to institutional, personally mediated, and internalized discrimination in the medical setting.
We conducted 7 focus groups and 23 one-on-one interviews with a multiethnic sample of breast cancer survivors randomly selected from a population-based registry covering the Greater San Francisco Bay Area, California.
Participants reported experiencing different forms of medical discrimination related to class, race, and language. Among African Americans, participants reported experiencing internalized discrimination and personal or group discrimination discrepancy-perceiving discrimination against them as a racial/ethnic group, yet not perceiving or discussing personal experiences of discrimination. Among Asian immigrants, participants reported experiencing institutional and personally mediated overt types of discrimination, including lack of access to quality and readily available translation services. Our results also indicated well-established coping mechanisms in response to discrimination experiences in both groups.
Participants reported experiencing medical discrimination at all 3 levels, which may have deleterious health effects through the biopsychosocial stress pathway and through active coping mechanisms that could lead to delayed- or underutilization of the health care system to avoid discrimination.
This comment notes that P. R. Sackett et al (see record 2004-10043-001) have raised a concern: that 29 mischaracterizations of an experiment from C. M. Steele and J. Aronson (see record 1996-12938-001) spread over 8 years of media reports, journal articles, and textbooks could mislead teachers, students, researchers, policymakers, and parents into believing that the African American-White test-score gap is entirely caused by stereotype and not at all by group differences in opportunities and test-related knowledge, and that this belief could undermine efforts to improve African American students' academic skills. Sackett et al focus on the reporting of only a single experiment from the first published article on stereotype threat. It is argued that this extremely narrow focus greatly exaggerates three issues. These issues are addressed in turn.
Comments on an article by Paul Sackett, Chaitra Hardison and Michael Cullen entitled On Interpreting Stereotype Threat as Accounting for African American-White Differences on Cognitive Tests (see record 2004-10043-001). In their correction of the ostensibly widespread misinterpretation of Steele and Aronson's (see record 2000-16592-021) seminal study of the effects of stereotype threat on intellectual test scores, Sackett, Hardison, and Cullen expressed dismay and puzzlement that so many erudite people consistently have gone so far astray in their understanding of this matter. The gist of Sackett et al.'s correction was that interpreters of Steele and Aronson's results have ignored the researchers' statistical adjustment of their dependent measure for SAT scores and, consequently, have wrongly concluded that racial-group (i.e., Black-White) differences in test scores disappear when stereotype threat is removed. In their justification for this much needed clarification, Sackett et al. (2004) implied that the interpretation that stereotype threat explains the Black-White test score disparity is not plausible. Yet whether or not the construct of stereotype threat generally can account for the Black-White test-score disparity was not the question that was directly addressed by either Steele and Aronson's (1995) original study or Sackett et al.'s (2004) critique of it. It appears that Sackett et al. (2004), as well as the many people responsible for the allegedly faulty interpretation, essentially want an answer to the question, What causes or explains racial-group difference(s) in Black-White test scores? This question logically flows from (a) reviews demonstrating the chronic resistance of these differences to psychoeducational interventions, (b) general recognition that racial-group membership cannot cause behavior (e.g., differences in test scores), as well as (c) acknowledgment that use of test scores for high-stakes decision making under prevailing circumstances amounts to "racial profiling" condoned by society and the law. Therefore, if stereotype threat or analogous race or culture-related psychological constructs could be shown to account for the Black-White testscore disparity, then society would be relieved of the burden of unfair testing practices, and Sackett et al. would be relieved of the burden of "heading off future interpretive errors" (p. 11) regarding Steele and Aronson's results.
Stereotype threat is being at risk of confirming, as self-characteristic, a negative stereotype about one's group. Studies 1 and 2 varied the stereotype vulnerability of Black participants taking a difficult verbal test by varying whether or not their performance was ostensibly diagnostic of ability, and thus, whether or not they were at risk of fulfilling the racial stereotype about their intellectual ability. Reflecting the pressure of this vulnerability, Blacks underperformed in relation to Whites in the ability-diagnostic condition but not in the nondiagnostic condition (with Scholastic Aptitude Tests controlled). Study 3 validated that ability-diagnosticity cognitively activated the racial stereotype in these participants and motivated them not to conform to it, or to be judged by it. Study 4 showed that mere salience of the stereotype could impair Blacks' performance even when the test was not ability diagnostic. The role of stereotype vulnerability in the standardized test performance of ability-stigmatized groups is discussed.
Research on “stereotype threat” (Aronson, Quinn, & Spencer, 1998; Steele, 1997; Steele & Aronson, 1995) suggests that the social stigma of intellectual inferiority borne by certain cultural minorities can undermine the standardized test performance and school outcomes of members of these groups. This research tested two assumptions about the necessary conditions for stereotype threat to impair intellectual test performance. First, we tested the hypothesis that to interfere with performance, stereotype threat requires neither a history of stigmatization nor internalized feelings of intellectual inferiority, but can arise and become disruptive as a result of situational pressures alone. Two experiments tested this notion with participants for whom no stereotype of low ability exists in the domain we tested and who, in fact, were selected for high ability in that domain (math-proficient white males). In Study 1 we induced stereotype threat by invoking a comparison with a minority group stereotyped to excel at math (Asians). As predicted, these stereotype-threatened white males performed worse on a difficult math test than a nonstereotype-threatened control group. Study 2 replicated this effect and further tested the assumption that stereotype threat is in part mediated by domain identification and, therefore, most likely to undermine the performances of individuals who are highly identified with the domain being tested. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for the development of stereotype threat theory as well as for standardized testing.
C. M. Steele and J. Aronson (1995) showed that making race salient when taking a difficult test affected the performance of high-ability African American students, a phenomenon they termed stereotype threat. The authors document that this research is widely misinterpreted in both popular and scholarly publications as showing that eliminating stereotype threat eliminates the African American-White difference in test performance. In fact, scores were statistically adjusted for differences in students' prior SAT performance, and thus, Steele and Aronson's findings actually showed that absent stereotype threat, the two groups differ to the degree that would be expected based on differences in prior SAT scores. The authors caution against interpreting the Steele and Aronson experiment as evidence that stereotype threat is the primary cause of African American-White differences in test performance.