Article

Publicness

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  • Virginia Tech
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Abstract

The Publicness discussed here exists when the society as a whole is working hard on behalf of its hungry and unsafe. Such work is not the responsibility of government alone but its private institutions as well. When studied closely, one finds in the United States a remarkably diverse and interpenetrated array of antipoverty activity across the public and private arenas. Its totality is regarded as an aggregate and identifiable yet scarcely recognized realm of pan-society activity named Publicness. Whether its present extent is sufficient is most doubtful.

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... The concept of publicness within organizations has undergone a significant transformation. It has moved from a seemingly straightforward notion of "public" being distinct from "private" based on ownership, funding, and control (e.g., Andrews et al., 2011;Bozeman, 1987;Goodsell, 2017), to a multifaceted construct including values and societal impact (e.g., Andrews et al., 2011;Boyne, 2002;Bozeman, 2007;Fukumoto and Bozeman, 2019;Min and Yang, 2023;Moulton, 2009). This transition, incorporating complex notions of publicness, has left significant theoretical, methodological, and empirical gaps in studies on publicness at the individual and organizational levels. ...
... By examining this perceptual dimension of publicness, our study has two major goals. First, to illuminate the multifaceted nature of publicness based on wide literature accumulated over the years (e.g., Bozeman and Moulton, 2011;Feeney and Welch, 2012;Goodsell, 2017;Meynhardt and Jasinenko, 2021;Min and Yang, 2023;Oberfield and Incantalupo, 2021;Ritz et al., 2023, to name only few). In addition, we will try to suggest a new scale for the measurement of this multifaceted concept and validate it in several ways. ...
... The concept of organizational publicness (i.e., whether organizations are attentive to the public, Goodsell, 2017) has been extensively explored across diverse disciplines, often employing a tripartite typology categorizing organizations as public, private, or non-profit (Bozeman, 1987): (1) public organizations which are owned and funded by the government; (2) private organizations which are business firms owned by private individuals and funded through sales; and (3) hybrid/not-for-profit organizations which include serviceoriented professional organizations that deliver quasi-public goods and exist under both public and/or private ownership. Yet the conventional writing on publicness is usually in relation to the first category of public organizations and much less in relation to the other categories (e.g., Lan and Rainey, 1992). ...
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This study theoretically and empirically tests a Publicness Perceptions Scale (PPS). Our goal is to understand the dimensions of publicness as interpreted by individuals working within different types of organizations, and the extent to which these perceptions vary across sectors. A two-study design with independent samples is used. Based on a literature review supported by an expert's survey and original empirical data, the PPS is constructed and validated. In Study 1, exploratory factor analysis (EFA) indicated the PPS is composed of five reliable factors: (1) perceived ownership, funding, and political control; (2) perceived market control; (3) perceived legality and equity; (4) perceived accountability, and (5) perceived transparency. In Study 2, confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) suggests a second-order single PPS factor. Study 2 also demonstrates the scale's convergent, discriminant, and incremental validities. The paper concludes with theoretical, empirical, and practical advantages of the new PPS scale.
... To date, studies offer a varied mixture of concepts aimed at capturing the meaning of publicness within and between the private and public sectors (e.g., [4]) and for individuals as employees, clients or as citizens (e.g., [5]). Most studies use a dimensional approach to publicness, theorizing that ownership (public, private, or nonprofit), funding (government grants versus consumer payments), and control (by political versus market forces) are at the heart of the distinction between public and private organizations [5,6]. Recently this approach is challenged by alternative perspectives and empirical examinations arguing for a broader meaning of publicness (e.g., [4,[6][7][8][9]). ...
... Most studies use a dimensional approach to publicness, theorizing that ownership (public, private, or nonprofit), funding (government grants versus consumer payments), and control (by political versus market forces) are at the heart of the distinction between public and private organizations [5,6]. Recently this approach is challenged by alternative perspectives and empirical examinations arguing for a broader meaning of publicness (e.g., [4,[6][7][8][9]). Critical questions emerge in light of this dispute. ...
... Our study maintains that one way to enhance our understanding of what publicness means is by examining the perceptions of publicness employees have in regards to their organization. Essentially, we suggest that publicness is the individual's perception of "the extent of attentiveness [of all organizations] to the [interests of the] public" [6]. Several factors may affect this perception, including the organization's ownership, source of funding, and control through political authority or the market [5] as well as the organization's values [7]. ...
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The meaning of Publicness for organizations and for individuals has received growing attention in the public administration literature in recent years. We adopt a perceived publicness perspective to expand our understanding of the publicness concept and operationalize this perception as a means to predict employees’ formal and prosocial behaviors across sectors. Using a recently developed Publicness Perceptions Scale (PPS), we present and empirically examine a model regarding the direct and indirect relationships among perceived publicness, employees’ engagement, and their performance in public and hybrid organizations. Findings based on a field study of 340 employees from governmental (i.e. public) and non-governmental (i.e. hybrid) organizations reveal that perceived publicness has a positive relationship with Organizational Citizenship Behaviors (OCB) and that this relationship is largely mediated by employees’ engagement. In addition, in non-government organizations perceived publicness is negatively related to employees’ in-role performance. We thus contribute to the theoretical knowledge on publicness at the perceptual level and point to its role in formal and informal performance across sectors. Other theoretical, methodological, and practical implications are discussed, and directions for future studies are suggested.
... Traditionally, organizations have avoided adopting social and political positions that could differ from those supported by their consumers, without there being agreement in literature on whether companies should take positions on this type of controversial issues reserved for governments (Dodd & Supa, 2014;Krebel-Chang, 2017). However, the limited capacity of political and legal systems to cope with turbulent social environments and sustainability problems has led to greater participation of companies, leading to a new focus on objectives with a more social character (Valentinov, Roth, & Pies, 2020) and stimulating greater convergence between the functions of government and private organizations (Goodsell, 2017). ...
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Defending social and political positions other than those that a company's clients might support has always been an avoidable risk. However, this practice, called ‘corporate activism,’ has gradually been integrated into the strategies of organizations. The object of this work is thus to understand the antecedents of corporate activism from the consumer's point of view. To understand this, we carry out structural equation modeling (SEM) based on a sample of 1,521 consumers. The results demonstrate that: (i) institutional credibility, corporate credibility, and authenticity act as antecedents of corporate activism; (ii) corporate credibility has a positive influence on corporate activism, while institutional credibility has a negative impact. These findings represent an interesting and novel contribution that helps to understand how these types of high-risk strategies should be adopted. The application of these results could enable companies to determine the conditions that favor a positive evaluation of corporative activism by consumers and avoid the use of such strategies in less favorable situations.
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The Covid-19 pandemic heightened already intense and increased scrutiny of public education in recent years. The administrative impulse to stage community engagement efforts to deliberate upon these questions, however well-intentioned, rarely realises full community engagement and reflection. Based on an examination of public engagement events held at Florida schools related to the Covid-19 health crisis, the proposed essay identifies a more concerning transformation of “public comment” into a weaponisable prop for lawmakers seeking the public legitimacy necessary for their agenda, marrying the worlds of critical studies with those of public administration and its orientations. More than merely failing to genuinely engage the public, we argue that such events forestall a more productive arrangement of the democratic form that does not rely on publicness and the leader that secures that space. Ultimately, we suggest a path that affords the possibility of public engagement, but that does not seal off the possibility of that more radical democratic future to come.
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