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Young People and Climate Change Communication

March 2017

DOI:10.1093/acrefore/9780190228620.013.408

Authors:

Maria Ojala

University of Oulu

Yuliya Lakew

Örebro University

One important group to include in efforts to combat climate change is young people. This group comprises the future leaders of society, besides being citizens of today, and they will be the ones handling the future negative consequences of this global problem. This artcle provides an overview of some research about climate change communication and young people. The main aim is to gain a better understanding of how this group relates to and communicates about climate change in different contexts, and how to best promote knowledge, a sense of efficacy, and engagement concerning this problem. The focus is on young people who are between late childhood and young adulthood. Questions in focus are: How do media messages about climate change influence young people, and how do they themselves use media, for instance social networks, to engage with this issue? Can art-based and entertainment approaches to communication overcome the distant and complex character of climate change and make young people feel more empowered and engaged? Is it possible to communicate about climate change and raise awareness by promoting contact with nature and animals? How do young people cope with the negative emotions that are often evoked by information about this problem? In what way do young people communicate in everyday life with parents, peers, and teachers about climate change? Are participatory approaches to climate change communication a good way to prepare young people for future extreme climate events? Full text at: http://climatescience.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228620.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228620-e-408

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Summary and Keywords

One important group to include in efforts to combat climate change is young people. This

group comprises the future leaders of society, besides being citizens of today, and they

will be the ones handling the future negative consequences of this global problem. This

article provides an overview of some research about climate change communication and

young people. The aim is to gain a better understanding of how this group relates to and

communicates about climate change in different contexts, and how to best promote

knowledge, a sense of efficacy, and engagement concerning this problem. The focus is on

young people who are between late childhood and young adulthood. Questions in focus

are: How do media messages about climate change influence young people, and how do

they themselves use media, for instance social networks, to engage with this issue? Can

art-based and entertainment approaches to communication overcome the distant and

complex character of climate change and make young people feel more empowered and

engaged? Is it possible to communicate about climate change and raise awareness by

promoting contact with nature and animals? How do young people cope with the negative

emotions that are often evoked by information about this problem? In what way do young

people communicate in everyday life with parents, peers, and teachers about climate

change? Are participatory approaches to climate change communication a good way to

prepare young people for future extreme climate events?

Keywords: children, adolescents, emerging adults, climate change, communication, education, media,

participatory approaches, socialization, coping

Introduction

The field of climate change communication research has boomed in recent years and the

main goal of this multidisciplinary field is to gain a better understanding of the climate

communication process in all its complexity (Moser, 2016). One important part in this effort

Young People and Climate Change Communication

Maria Ojala and Yuliya Lakew

Subject: Climate Change Communication Online Publication Date: Apr 2017

DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190228620.013.408

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Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Climate Science

Young People and Climate Change Communication

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is to understand how different subgroups of the population relate to and communicate

about the problem. In this regard, one group that is especially important to focus on, and

to include in communication efforts, comprises young people (see Corner et al., 2012).

The reason that young people are such an important group to include is manifold: (a) The

young of today are the future leaders, decision-makers, and researchers of tomorrow.

Thus, this group will have a great influence in the future, not only as laypeople, but also

in various occupational roles. (b) From an ethical perspective, it is vital to listen to and

learn from this group, as young people will most probably bear a larger burden of the

negative consequences of climate change than older people (White, 2011). (c) Young people

are, however, also consumers and citizens of today and are a part of the climate problem

through their ways of living. (d) In addition, if more participatory and deliberative

communication approaches are applied, different groups of young people could have

unique knowledge about local places, for instance, knowledge that ought to be included

in efforts to adapt to climate change (UNICEF, 2014). (e). There are researchers who argue

that climate change is not only a societal and environmental problem, but also a

psychological threat (Fritze, Blashki, Burke, & Wiseman, 2008; Searle & Gow, 2010; Swim et

al., 2011). In this regard, young people, especially children, are perhaps more vulnerable to

experiencing negative affect and low well-being in relation to climate change (Fritze et

al., 2008). (f) Finally, young people are unique in that many are involved in the formal

educational system and thus are relatively easy to reach with information about climate

change. In addition, values, worldviews, and identities are still not wholly internalized in

this age group, so young people, in general, are hopefully more open to new ways of

responding to this problem (Stevenson, Peterson, Bondell, Moore, & Carrier, 2014).

To summarize, young people are an important group to understand and to target when it

comes to communication about climate change. To reach this group one needs to

understand how this group and specific subgroups within this group relate to this global

challenge. The aim of this article is to gain a better understanding of how this group

relates to and communicates about climate change in different contexts, and how to best

promote knowledge, a sense of efficacy, and engagement concerning this problem.

Communication is seen as both a one-way process of transmission and a two-way

interaction (Ballantyne, 2016).

In this article, the term young people encompasses those people who are between about

11 years old and young adulthood, about 25 years of age. It is around late childhood and

the early teens that young people start to think in a more abstract way and therefore

become more interested in issues such as global problems (Evenshaug & Hallen, 2001;

Holden, 2007). Thus, this could be an ideal time to start communicating with children

about this issue (Chawla & Flanders Cushing, 2007). The upper limit is chosen because

young people today, especially in the western world, get married and have children at an

older age and continue their education far into their twenties. Therefore, the expression

“emerging adulthood,” a period between the late teens and mid-to-late twenties has been

coined (Arnett, 2000). This is a time for exploration, including creating an ideological part

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of one’s identity, where one’s connection to the larger society is developed. Hence, it is of

interest to include emerging adults. The more specific terms of children (11–12 years of

age), adolescents or youths (13–19 years of age), emerging adults (up to their mid- to late

twenties), and young people (when referring to this group broadly) will be used. The focus

in this chapter is mainly on young people living in the Western world. This is entirely due

to the fact that most research is conducted with this group.

Young People and Climate Change—A Brief

Overview

To communicate with young people about climate change in a constructive manner, it is

vital to understand that, despite their heterogeneity (see Stanes & Klocker, 2016), young

people as a group seem both to differ from and evince similarities with adults in their

ways of relating to climate change. This section will present some examples.

Climate Change Knowledge, Views, and Agency

Some studies show that age is inversely related to concern for climate change, that is,

young people seem to be more concerned and, also, sometimes have more knowledge

about this issue (European Commission, 2011; Flöttum, Dahl, & Rivenes, 2016; Gifford &

Comeau, 2011). Young people themselves think that new generations are more

environmentally aware than their predecessors, and a commitment to environmental

causes has become a part of the global identity of young people (Estévez, de Frutos, Ruth,

& Moya, 2014). At the same time, young people’s lifestyles are not more sustainable than

those of older groups (Gifford & Comeau, 2011; Mead, Roser-Renouf, Rimal, Flora,

Maibach, & Leiserowitz, 2012; Meneses & Palacio, 2005). Thus, the gap between values,

attitudes, and competence, on the one hand, and behavior, on the other, is perhaps

largest in this age group. However, more research that focuses specifically on this

question is needed.

Although consciousness about this problem seem to be quite high at least among some

groups of young people, there are still misunderstandings related to scientific knowledge

when it comes to, for example, the difference between climate change and the hole in the

ozone layer (Leiserowitz, Smith, & Marlon, 2011; Shepardson, Niyogi, Choi, &

Charusombat, 2011; Shepardson, Niyogi, Choi, & Charusombat, 2009; Sternäng &

Lundholm, 2012; Taber & Taylor, 2009). Thus, the knowledge young people have about this

problem seems to be somewhat superficial.

There is also a huge gap between young people’s view of the global future, including

problems such as climate change, which is often quite bleak and pessimistic, and their

view of their personal future, which is often quite optimistic (Eckersley, 1999; Holden, 2006;

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Threadgold, 2012). Thus, climate change is perceived as distant and separate from their

own lives (Ballantyne, Wibeck, & Neset, 2016). This makes it important to explore how

young people can engage with this problem in a personally relevant way.

Young people have less power to influence this issue than adults; the majority of

teenagers cannot vote and still live at home, where they are dependent upon their

parents when it comes to lifestyle choices. In accordance, studies point out a rather low

sense of environmental efficacy among teenagers (Ballantyne et al. 2016; Hibberd &

Nguyen, 2013; Özdem, Dal, Öztürk, Sönmez, & Alper, 2014; Pruneau, Liboiron, Vrain,

Gravel, Bourque, & Langis, 2001). In a study by Pruneau et al. (2001), adolescents showed

less confidence than adults in the possibility of mobilizing people to decrease their impact

on the climate. A Swedish study revealed a limited sense of agency among adolescents, as

they externalize responsibility for action to parents, politicians, and the international

community and perceive climate change as something that does not directly relate to

them (Ballantyne, Wibeck, & Neset, 2016). British youths expressed the view that the

climate change issue did not play a major role in their day-to-day life (Hibberd & Nguyen,

2013). They did recognize the possibility of people fixing the problem but lacked a sense of

empowerment to engage with it. Thus, the gap between interest in and the possibility,

real as well as perceived, of influencing the situation is perhaps largest in this group.

Emotions and Coping in Relation to Climate Change

It could be argued that putting too much responsibility for handling climate change on

young people’s shoulders could lead to distress among this group, due to the gap

between what one would like to do and what one has the means to do (see Fritze et al.,

2008) For instance, both children and adolescents who use problem-focused strategies to

cope with this threat, that is, focusing on what they themselves can do at an individual

level, on the one hand, feel a stronger sense of self-efficacy, but, on the other hand, are

also more inclined to experience general negative affect than those young people who do

not cope in this way to the same extent (Ojala, 2012A, 2013). Thus, feeling that you can

influence the situation and experiencing a high degree of well-being is not always the

same thing, perhaps because the young are aware that these kinds of problem cannot be

solved solely at an individual level.

When it comes to age differences in the group young people, there is some Swedish

research emphasizing that, since education about environmental problems is quite

common in the pre-school and early years of education, high-school students are already

bored when it comes to climate change (Österlind, 2012; SNASI, 2005). There are also

studies showing that “climate change denial” is present not only in groups of adults but

also among young people (Corner et al., 2015; Klöckner, Beisenkamp, & Hallmann, 2010;

Leiserowitz et al., 2011; Ojala, 2015A; Stevenson et al., 2014). A suggested solution to this

predicament is to not shy away from value dimensions in educational efforts, but to focus

instead on complexity and value conflicts (Öhman & Öhman, 2013; see also Österlind, 2012).

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However, research about democratic education at the college level in the United States

rather indicates that such an approach can overestimate emerging adults’ ability to deal

with uncertainty and complexity and thereby risk creating increased feelings of

helplessness and hopelessness (Colby, Beaumont, Ehrlich, & Corngold, 2007). This is

backed up by studies showing that adolescents and emerging adults feel more

hopelessness and pessimism concerning climate change than children (Eckersley, 1999;

Ojala, 2012B; Holden, 2006). At least one study has found that children are actually higher in

self-efficacy concerning this issue than adults (Devine-Wright, Devine-Wright, & Fleming,

2004).

At the same time, as young people are seen as more vulnerable than adults when it comes

to climate change, it is important to realize that studies show that young people actively

cope in different ways by de-emphasizing the problem, distancing themselves from

negative emotions felt, putting trust in various societal actors, and getting involved in

different organizations (Ojala, 2012B; Pettersson, 2014). These are strategies that are more

or less constructive when it comes to engagement and well-being (Ojala, 2012A, 2013, 2015B).

Hence, taking account of emotions is not enough when communicating about climate

change; one must also take into account different ways of regulating emotions/coping.

Young People, the Media, and Climate Change

Due to the remote reality of climate change, the media are one of the main sources of

information both for adults (Olausson, 2009) and a younger audience (Özdem, Dal, Öztürk,

Sönmez, & Alper, 2014). Therefore, this section looks at how messages about climate

change communicated through the traditional mass media influence young people, but

also how young people use one-line media to communicate about this issue.

What Is in the Message?

Not only do the media provide factual scientific information about climate change, they

also influence young people’s understanding of the crisis as well as their sense of self-

efficacy and willingness to engage. In a Swedish study, Ballantyne et al. (2016), analyzed

high-school students’ associations with climate change. The most common understanding

of the crisis was expressed through such words as greenhouse effect and carbon dioxide.

Interestingly, those associations somewhat mirror the Swedish mainstream media

portrayal of climate change (Olausson, 2009).

A number of media-content studies have pointed out that media representation of climate

change assumes a few predictable shapes, focusing merely on debaters and their claims,

which leads to an exaggerated sense of uncertainty (Brulle, 2010), and scaremongering

(Hulme, 2007). Such negative information by the media evokes emotional responses and

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could lead to disengagement from the crisis among young people across the world, which

studies with emerging adults in South Africa (El Zoghbi & El Ansari, 2014) and the United

Kingdom (Hibberd & Nguyen, 2013) indicate. El Zoghbi and El Ansari (2014) suggest that

fear-inducing coverage evokes emotional response strategies to handle the crisis

psychologically. Climate images in media can perhaps force young people to distance

themselves from the climate situation through denial of its reality or externalization of

responsibility.

However, there are some empirical studies indicating that visual information may have an

impact on a young audience that is slightly different than the research reviewed above

suggests. In an experiment Beattie, Sale, and McGuire (2011) analyzed how clips from the

2006 film An Inconvenient Truth affected university students’ emotions and attitudes

towards the issue. Watching several clips from the film produced a strong emotional

response. Participants felt more empowered and motivated to do something to help

mitigate the consequences right after watching the clips. The researchers could not say

how enduring this effect would be, however. Ballantyne et al. (2016) analyzed how climate

visualization affects young audiences’ understanding of the phenomenon. Visual

representations helped students to understand complex aspects and had an overall

positive influence on their reception of the message.

The tone of the media coverage is only one of many factors that influence young people’s

attitudes towards the issue. Other features of climate change reporting that could impede

young people’s engagement include the complexity and jargon of the information

provided (El Zoghbi & El Ansari, 2014), lack of media coverage in general and relevant and

engaging messages in particular, abundance of conflicting messages (Hibberd & Nguyen,

2013), and celebratization of climate change (Hibberd & Nguyen, 2013). While reception

studies point out that media are partly to blame for young people’s disengagement, no

evidence was found that news consumption had a direct effect on the level of climate

change skepticism expressed by adolescents (Ojala, 2015A).

Very few studies have empirically explored media influence on young people’s everyday

environmental behavior or environmental activism. Skogen and Strandbu (2000) found that

intellectual TV viewing (unlike commercial TV viewing) strongly predicted environmental

concern and the likelihood of organization membership among Norwegian youth. Östman

(2014) proposed a more detailed account of how the media influence young people’s

environmental behavior. In his study, Swedish adolescents were more likely to engage in

pro-environmental behavior when they discussed what they heard on the news from both

online and offline sources with their parents and friends.

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How Do They Process Information?

Although the information youths receive from the media is quite similar in tone and

content, not everyone responds to the information in the same way. Sadler, Chambers,

and Zeidler (2004) analyzed how adolescents process and evaluate information with

conflicting evidence about global warming. The results showed that prior beliefs play a

major role in evaluating which position was the most convincing to them. Later studies

confirm the idea that existing beliefs and prior attitudes predefine how young people

process conflicting information (Corner, Whitmarsh, & Xenias, 2012). Corner et al. (2012)

found that individuals with skeptical attitudes about climate change assimilate new

information in line with their existing attitudes. However, skeptics did not perceive the

skeptical science-based editorials as more convincing than pro-climate change editorials.

This suggests that this biasing influence of prior attitudes may be less powerful “when

the information under consideration is based on (relatively objective) facts and figures

rather than political opinion and conjecture” (Corner et al., 2012, p. 475).

The personal relevance of information is another important factor. When presented with

different opinions, adolescents are drawn more to a position that explains consequences

to which they can relate. Moreover, personal relevance plays a greater role in their

evaluation of information than the actual scientific knowledge that supports it (Sadler,

Chambers, & Zeidler, 2004). Yang, Kahlor, and Griffin’s (2014) study on American and

Chinese youth also highlighted that respondents who viewed climate change as

personally relevant were willing not only to pay attention to information about the issue

but also to engage in conversations and exchange information about this topic. Those who

considered it as a distant and incomprehensible risk, however, did not see a reason to

share information on this issue. The lack of agency among Turkish adolescents was also

connected with their perception of climate change as a global issue rather than a local

and relatable one (Özdem et al., 2014).

Online Media

The idea that young people often choose digital media as an alternative way to engage

politically has firmly established itself in the political communication field. Despite the

growing evidence of young people’s alternative engagement choices, research on the role

of digital media in climate change communication is rather sparse. To explore how young

people make sense of climate change in the global flow of information, Rye (2013) studied

Norwegian secondary-school students and their engagement with Internet for

schoolwork. Climate change is often seen by youth as a distant reality that does not

overlap with their everyday lives. Although the digital media have the potential to shrink

time and space, Rye’s (2013) study showed that adolescents’ new digital spaces are largely

local or national, as they have a limited capacity to evaluate the trustworthiness of distant

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information sources. Thus, students mainly use national sources to access information

from distant places, and most of the global flows are out of their reach.

Sense of place indeed plays an important role concerning how online information is

interpreted. Adams and Gynnild (2013) explored how university students in the United

States and Norway respond to environmental messages using short online videos and an

interactive Internet tool, an “ecological footprint calculator.” The scholars emphasized

the importance of place-based identity for the interpretations of the content—the better

information was tailored to the social and geographical context to which the students

could relate and identify, the more responsive they were to it. Adams and Gynnild (2013)

concluded that a key to successful online communications is to permit users to

interactively self-locate in ways that let it reflect their sense of “home” and minimally

evoke national identity, so that the outcome is felt to be meaningful in their interpretative

community.

Nevertheless, digital media not only provide access to more information about climate

change, but also facilitate different forms of engagement. In their study on American

teenagers, Allen, Wicks, and Schulte (2013) focused on online peer persuasion to be more

environmental. The results showed that political interest, political consumerism, the use

of purchasing power to support causes and organization, and environmental news

consumption had the greatest influence on adolescents’ behavior online rather than

environment-related beliefs and attitudes. Andersson and Öhman (2016) also found that

communicating about climate change in social media, in this case an online community,

seemed to enable young people to develop a sophisticated and complex conversation

around this issues.

A study by Robelia, Greenhow, and Burton (2011) highlighted that social networks may also

provide the motivation for young people to behave in more environmentally friendly ways.

This study focused on the Facebook application “Hot Dish,” which was launched to enable

students to post climate change news stories from other websites and comment on them.

The users of the application were a self-selected group of environmentally oriented

people who already behaved responsibly in everyday life. Nevertheless, a post-survey

showed participation in online discussions resulted in increased pro-environmental

habits. Although the study design only allowed participants to talk about short-term

effects, the findings demonstrated that peer role modeling through interaction motivated

the young to learn more about climate change and to do more to limit its impact.

Sunstein (2007), however, warns that new media can lead to enhanced fractionalization,

where users block themselves off from issues that are experienced as boring or

emotionally upsetting, potentially leading to lower levels of engagement around climate

change among young people who are not interested.

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Communication Through Art-Based

Approaches and Entertainment

Climate change is seen as a distant and abstract phenomenon by many people living in

the Western world, both young and old. Therefore, researchers and practitioners have

explored how to engage young people with this distant and complex issue through art-

based and entertainment approaches.

Art-Based Approaches

One way to communicate climate change, to make young people more interested in and

knowledgeable about this issue, is through art-based approaches, such as drama,

literature, music, and pictures. Researchers in drama education have argued that using

theatre projects is a good way to make climate change more salient and more relevant

and interesting, thereby increasing motivation among young people (Buirski, 2013;

Lehtonen, 2012; Österlind, 2012). In addition, it is also possible to envision and create

alternative futures in these projects, which is especially important if the goal is

transformative learning with a focus on preparing for change of an unsustainable present

(Lehtonen, 2012). In process drama, where young people collaborate with, for instance,

teachers and different experts in all parts of the theatre project—from taking decisions

together, to writing the script, to playing the different characters on stage—they also

develop skills and attitudes that are pivotal for engaging with complex problems such as

climate change, both at a life-style level and as citizens (McNaughton, 2006). In addition,

Österlind (2012) argued that drama pedagogy is an especially potent way to deal with the

emotional dimension of climate change educationally. This approach overcomes the

dilemma between, on the one hand, students who are bored by this issue, and, on the

other hand, students who can become frightened because of the more apocalyptic

dimensions of this problem. Emotions are an integral part of drama education and should

be dealt with specifically through the whole learning process.

However, there are hardly any empirical studies that are designed in a way that allows

the researchers to say something about the effects of these projects, on the learning

process or on the outcome of the projects. In a literature review, Österlind (2012)

compared three case studies about climate change education—one about whole-class

teaching, one about interdisciplinary group work, and one about process drama—and she

contended that the last approach dealt with emotions in a better way and the children got

more involved and enjoyed the learning process more. The study was merely an

illustration, however, and the design precludes drawing any real conclusions. There are

also some qualitative in-depth case studies evaluating drama education about sustainable

development, including problems such as climate change, indicating that these

approaches help the children involved gain knowledge and positive attitudes, give them

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opportunities to practice and develop skills essential to behave pro-environmentally

(McNaughton, 2006), and help young people become more hopeful about the future

(Lehtonen, 2012). Still, studies are needed that focus specifically on climate change and

that are designed to capture the effects of these teaching approaches in a more

systematic empirical way.

When it comes to art and literature as ways to communicate with young people about

climate change, there are hardly any studies. However, art is used in different research

studies to evaluate educational programs and to capture young people’s views about

global futures and problems (Baker, Loxton, & Sherren, 2013; Chadborn, Gavin, Springett,

& Robinson, 2013). This seems to be an especially effective way to reach younger children

and give them an opportunity to communicate their views. Literature is claimed by

educational philosophers, such as Martha Nussbaum (2002) for one, to be a way to

motivate young people to take the perspectives of other people living far away or even in

the future. However, research in this field is mostly critical research about how

sustainability and climate change are framed in texts aimed at young people (Ideland &

Malmberg, 2015; Larsson, 2012). One exception is a study with children from Zimbabwe that

used poetry as a way for children to communicate their concerns about climate change

(Makwanya & Dick, 2014). The researcher emphasized that children become more

empowered by this participatory poetry approach, but no structured evaluation was done.

A doctoral dissertation investigated learning for sustainable development, including

climate change, among English children, through music education. This approach

included listening to, composing, and performing music. The researcher argued that

some groups of the young people involved benefitted from the approach since they

became more active and enthusiastic in the learning process (Cheng, 2015). However, just

as in the study about poetry, no investigation of outcomes of the approach was performed.

Hence, both qualitative and quantitative studies are needed that evaluate the learning

processes involved and the outcomes of art-based approaches on young people’s

perception and engagement around climate change.

Entertainment and Visualization as Ways to Communicate

In the United States, Flora, Saphir, Lappé, Roser-Renouf, Maibach, and Leiserowitz (2013)

evaluated an entertainment-educational program/gathering based on multi-sensory

learning and aimed at all high-school grade levels. The program was led by young adult

educators who provided information about climate change—causes, potential effects,

what one can do—in a “fast-paced performance.” This performance included music,

compelling graphics that tell a story, and background music. The extent to which the

program influenced climate knowledge, attitudes, and behavioral intentions among the

young was investigated through pre- and post-surveys. Especially knowledge of climate

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science, but also self-efficacy, pro-environmental intention and behaviors (short term),

and positive engagement increased significantly after attending the program/gathering.

There are also some studies that investigate if one can motivate young people to take part

in climate change mitigation through new technology that include entertainment aspects

or/and that use capturing visualization (Ballantyne et al., 2016; Feldpausch-Parker,

O’Byrne, Endres, & Peterson, 2012; Schrot, Angel, Sheppard, & Dulic, 2014; Walsh, Jenkins,

& Cordero, 2016). Walsh et al. (2016) studied what impact a “Green Ninja Energy” tracker

had on youth’s engagement with climate change and energy-saving behaviors. The Green

Ninja is a humorous superhero that in different ways shows youths how to live in a more

sustainable and climate-friendly manner. The youths entered their home’s energy data

into online software, allowing them to keep track of their energy use. Through focus

group interviews, they found out that the most highly motivating aspect was the ability to

concretely connect energy use with economic costs. Agency connected to energy-saving

behaviors increased due to more knowledge about what to do, but the feeling of being

able to influence climate change did not intensify.

Feldpausch-Parker et al. (2012) developed a video game that used a melodramatic frame,

CO as the villain, and humans as heroes, to teach children and young adolescents about

climate change and how to participate in mitigation. Pre- and post-game surveys showed

that basic knowledge about climate change increased significantly. The young also

indicated that they enjoyed playing the game and would like to do it again. In a similar

manner, Schrot et al. (2014) investigated the effect of a visualization and simulation game

on communication and action concerning climate change among a group of emerging

adults. The participants filled in pre-/post-questionnaires, and the analyses revealed that

the only statistically significant results were that concern about local impacts of climate

change increased and that the young adults put more responsibility on local authorities

than before the game. Attitudes, self-reported knowledge, and support for general climate

change actions, however, did not increase, which could perhaps be explained by the small

sample size. Thus, both these studies showed that games that use visualization

techniques to a certain extent have an effect on young people’s relation to climate

change, albeit in different domains.

Because climate change can be difficult to make sense of, Ballantyne et al. (2016) used

information and communications technology (ICT)-based climate visualization, in a 2012

movie called A Warmer World, to address this challenge among a group of adolescents.

The movie, with the help of different kinds of visualizations, provided information about

causes and impacts of climate change as well as mitigation options, emphasizing the need

to adapt. Through focus groups, the researchers explored how the young made meaning

of the messages. These results were compared with mind-maps about climate change

done before the movie was broadcasted. The study showed that, when asked directly, the

young people perceived that they had a better understanding after they viewed the film,

and they also perceived personal responsibility as an important aspect. However, a

deeper analysis revealed that the young people clung to previous preconceptions such as

doomsday scenarios and felt low agency, aspects that go against the intention of the film.

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The conclusion was that ICT visualization can make climate change aspects more

concrete, but this is not enough; one also needs to include young people in more

participatory practices to increase feelings of agency.

Nature and Animal Contact as a Way of

Communicating Climate Change

At the same time as many young people perceive climate change as an ethical issue

(Flöttum et al., 2016; Markowitz, 2012; Mäkiniemi & Vainio, 2013), studies among adults show

that to emphasize the moral dimension, that is, effects on other creatures, can increase

pro-environmental engagement (Schultz, 2000; Swim & Bloodhart, 2014). Therefore, this

section focuses on whether nature and animal contact (natural and mediated) can

function as a way to communicate the urgency of climate change to young people.

Botanical Gardens and Nature Contact

Some studies indicate that environmental education in botanical and school gardens can

increase young people’s environmental awareness (Conlon Morgan, Hamilton, Bentley, &

Myrie, 2009; Waliczek & Zajicek, 1999). For instance, young people who took part in the

“Brooklyn Botanic Garden’s Project Green Reach,” a garden-based youth-education

program, described in qualitative interviews that they became more environmentally

aware and appreciated nature more after the program (Conlon Morgan et al., 2009). In

accordance, a quantitative study in the United States showed that some positive attitudes

toward environmental issues grew significantly stronger after a school-garden program

among the youths involved (Waliczek & Zajicek, 1999).

The studies reviewed above did not focus on climate change, however. One exception is a

quantitative German study on adolescents (Sellman & Bogner, 2013A, 2013B). Sellman and

Bogner investigated whether a one-day educational program about climate change taking

place in a botanical garden would influence young people’s knowledge about this issue as

well as their environmental attitudes and connectedness with nature, in both a short- and

long-term perspective. Botanical gardens provide a unique opportunity to educate about

the complexity of climate change and its consequences for ecosystems and plants in a

concrete manner. The study had a pre-post design with a control group, and the

intervention included moments where the young people were able to interact with each

other. The results showed that knowledge about climate change increased and

environmentally unfriendly attitudes become less prominent after the intervention in both

a short- and long-term perspective (Sellman & Bogner, 2013A, 2013B). Connectedness with

nature increased only directly after the intervention, but not in a long-term perspective

(Sellman & Bogner, 2013B). Thus, these results show that a short educational program

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including nature contact can have an effect on both attitudes and knowledge in relation

to climate change.

Zoos and Animal Contact

Coming in contact with animals through visits to zoos, for instance, could perhaps also be

a way for young people to become engaged in the environment and the climate. Fraser

(2009) asked parents why they were taking their children to the zoo, and he found out that

promoting environmental values among their children was one important theme.

However, yet again research focusing on youths and learning about climate change

through visits to zoos is very rare. One report about a project where adolescents worked

as facilitators of learning about climate change at two zoos in the United States showed

that working as a facilitator strengthened the young people’s conviction that climate

change is happening and also increased their pro-environmental behaviors (Matiasek et

al., 2013). In addition, Otieno, Spada, Liebler, Ludemann, Deil, and Renkl (2014) found that,

when emerging adults read brochures about one local effect of climate change—invasive

species—which was framed in a sensational style, they experienced more negative

emotions but also learned more than a group who got information framed in a more

neutral style. However, their knowledge was also more one-sidedly negative, which could

be due to their higher level of negative emotions. These studies indicate, in different

ways, that animals can be used to increase climate change concern and knowledge

among young people.

Communication About Climate Change With

Parents, Friends, and Teachers

Besides media and more staged communication efforts, young people also communicate

about climate change together with, for example, friends, parents, and teachers, which

could influence their own engagement. In addition to direct communication with others

about this issue, important socialization agents can communicate their views about

environmental issues in a non-verbal way through how they act. Through interacting with

these agents, young people develop descriptive norms about how to relate to these issues

(Cialdini, 2007). Thus, both direct verbal communication with young people and modeling

(communication through action) can perhaps explain how socialization agents transmit

their views on climate change to others. In addition, this section focuses on studies

exploring reverse, reciprocal, and complex influences in young people’s communication

with parents, friends, and teachers.

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Unidirectional Influence

Traditionally socialization research adhered to a unidirectional transmission paradigm,

where parents and other authority figures influence their children’s attitudes and

behavior. A number of studies performed in different countries such as the United States,

Denmark, Belgium, Austria, and Germany, have confirmed that the immediate family,

foremost parents, matters when it comes to young people’s general environmental

attitudes and concerns as well as pro-environmental behavior (Allen et al., 2013; Grønhøj,

2007; Grønhøj & Thøgersen, 2009). In some cases the investigated pro-environmental

behaviors, such as energy use, are of direct relevance for climate change (Boudet, Ardoin,

Flora, Armel, Desai, & Robinson, 2014; Grønhøj & Thøgersen, 2009, 2012; Kleinschafer &

Morrison, 2014). In addition, some of these studies focused directly on communication with

parents about environmental issues, not only social norms or parents’ views about these

matters (Boudet et al., 2014; Meeusen, 2014). For instance, Meeusen (2014) found that both

fathers and mothers were important socialization agents when it comes to their children’s

environmental concern, and that communication about the environment mediated the

influence of parents’ own concern on their children’s concern.

When it comes to research that is specifically about socialization and climate change,

there are fewer studies. Stevenson and colleagues found in a study performed in the

United States that climate change concern among adolescents was predicted both by

frequency of discussion with, and perceived level of acceptance of global climate change

among, parents (Stevenson et al., 2016). Likewise, Ojala, in studies with adolescents in

Sweden, found that the more the young discussed climate change with their parents, the

less inclined they were to de-emphasize the seriousness of this problem (Ojala, 2013), and

that the more the young perceived their parents as being skeptical concerning the

seriousness of climate change, the more they were skeptical themselves (Ojala, 2015A). The

adolescents who were most inclined to discuss climate change a lot with their parents

(and peers) also used more constructive coping strategies concerning climate change,

such as problem-focused coping (for instance, searching for information) and meaning-

focused coping; strategies that in turn related positively to self-efficacy concerning this

problem (Ojala, 2013). In line with this, Mead et al. (2012) found that the more a group of

American youths discussed climate change in the family, the higher their risk perception

was, the more they searched for information about climate change, and the more

response efficacy they experienced. To summarize, both direct communication and social

norms related to the family seem to matter when it comes to how young people engage

with climate change.

In addition to family influence, youth researchers point out that during adolescence peer

influence becomes more and more important (Amnå, Ekström, Kerr, & Stattin, 2009;

Dostie-Goulet, 2009). In support of this, studies have found that communicating and

interacting with peers seem to influence young people’s relation to both climate change

(Öhman & Öhman, 2013; Ojala, 2013, 2015A; Senbel, Ngo, & Blair, 2014; Stevenson et al., 2016)

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and broader environmental issues (Boudet et al., 2014; Gotschi, Vogel, Lindenthal, &

Larcher, 2009). However, studies performed in Sweden and the United States indicate that

parents still seem to be the more important socialization agents for adolescents when it

comes to climate change (Ojala, 2013, 2015A; Stevenson et al., 2016). It should be noted that

most of the studies on communication with family and friends are cross-sectional in

design, the exception being Ojala’s study (2015A), which is longitudinal although in a quite

short time perspective (one year).

Besides being a way of communicating, often non-verbally, interest and values in relation

to climate change, social norms of what is “cool,” and what the proper ways of expressing

emotions are could also influence whether and how one communicates about this issue

(Geiger & Swim, 2016; Norgaard, 2011). Norgaard (2011) found in a Norwegian study that

adolescents in particular felt the pressure to always remain “cool” and not communicate

about this issue. In this regard, Ojala (2012B) found that Swedish children, adolescents,

and emerging adults who were worried about climate change did not seek social support

to any major extent, that is, they did not talk about their worries with their parents, for

instance. In addition, Yang et al. (2014) explored why undergraduate students in the

United States and China choose, or not, to share information about climate change with

others. Concerns about one’s reputation or social standing among peers seemed to drive

information sharing. When getting information about climate change is a socially popular

and responsible thing to do, young people are more willing to engage in such a behavior.

Finally, communication with teachers about climate change could perhaps also have an

effect on young people. In a Swedish quantitative study on adolescents, those who

perceived their teachers as communicating in a more solution-oriented and positive way

were more inclined to feel constructive hope, based on trust and positive reappraisal,

about climate change; a hope that was positively related to perceived efficacy and pro-

environmental behavior (Ojala, 2015B). If the adolescents perceived that their teachers

talked about societal problems in a gloom-and-doom way, they were more inclined to feel

hope based on denial; a kind of hope that was negatively related to efficacy and

engagement. In addition, Busch (2016) found that U.S. teachers framed climate change in

two main ways: they used a science discourse or a social discourse. The science framing

was more common, and the author argues that this could have a negative effect on young

people’s engagement concerning this issue. However, no effect study was conducted.

Reverse, Reciprocal, and Complex Influences

Recently, research on youth socialization has taken a new turn, highlighting the centrality

of communication at home, at school, among peers, and through the media in its totality

rather than as a sequence (McDevitt, 2006; McDevitt & Chaffee, 2002). This turn also

emphasizes mutual parent-child influences in socialization (Kuczynski & Parkin, 2007).

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However, very few studies have addressed reverse or reciprocal family influences when it

comes to environmental issues. One study showed that children can influence household

practices through discussions with parents about the environmental issues learnt in

school (Ballantyne, Fien, & Packer, 2001). Another study carried out by Easterling, Miller,

and Weinberger (1995) suggested that children’s environmental concerns can be a catalyst

for parents’ environmental learning and re-socialization. Grønhøj (2007) also found some

instances of reciprocal and reverse influence in everyday household practices like

electricity consumption, a behavior that is directly related to climate change.

Swedish research indicates that, to understand how young people communicate about

climate change with friends in all its complexity, on the one hand, researchers need to use

qualitative approaches where they observe these conversations in vivo and, on the other

hand, these studies need to be conducted in different contexts (Andersson & Öhman, 2016;

Öhman & Öhman, 2013). In a school context, these discussions were more consensus

oriented, which is not solely positive, although most arguments were climate friendly,

since in order to deal with a complex issue such as climate change it is valuable for

youths to learn how to deal with different, sometimes clashing, opinions (Öhman &

Öhman, 2013). However, in an online community context, the young people involved in the

conversation about climate change seemed to be freer to voice a broader dimension of

values and attitudes (Andersson & Öhman, 2016). According to the authors, the

conversation was complex and sophisticated, and they argue that the results therefore

have implications for formal climate change education. Educators need to ponder how to

promote pluralistic learning without ending up in unconstructive conflicts (see also Wals,

2010). However, the different results could, to a certain extent, be due to the fact that the

study in a school context included only youths going to a school with a focus on

sustainability and that most probably are quite similar in value-orientation.

In recent years, researchers have started to focus more on the intricate interaction

between different spheres of communication among young people. Östman (2014) showed

that the media influence young people’s behaviors foremost through communication with

parents and friends. Satchwell (2013) revealed a complex interaction between family and

school in influencing young people’s knowledge about climate change. Yanascavage (2012)

demonstrated that education about climate change in school had an impact on how young

people communicate about this issue in other settings. Communication in the classroom

offers a “seedbed,” but it is in interaction with friends and parents that values and norms

evolve about “the good citizen” (Hayward, Selboe, & Plew, 2015). In this regard, Collins

(2015) demonstrated a complex interaction between youths and their parents—including

contestations, negotiations, and compromises—when it comes to household sustainability.

What all these studies indicate is that, for communication efforts around climate change

to work, there is a need to understand the complex social contexts, interactions, and

practices that young people are part of.

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Participatory Approaches to Climate Change

Communication

This section emphasizes the importance of involving young people in active forms of

learning to enhance their knowledge about climate change and the value of including

them in mitigation efforts. The studies reviewed are focused on adaptation to future

climate change and the importance of including young people in participatory approaches

to communication.

Adapting to a Changing Climate

When it comes to adaption to future changes and potential catastrophes related to

climate change, young people have traditionally been seen as an especially vulnerable

group that needs to be protected. However, in recent years, this discourse has been

complemented with a view of young people as active agents who are important to include

in participatory approaches to prevent, prepare, and adjust to future extreme events

(Hart, Fisher, & Kimiagar, 2014; Haynes & Tanner, 2015; Tanner, 2010). It is argued that this

will better prepare them for the future. Their right to participate is also emphasized, and

not least, young people have unique knowledge and competences that could be invaluable

in attempts to adapt to future climate change. Sites for involving young people could be

schools, various organizations, and other community settings (Hart et al., 2014).

Some examples of how this participatory approach to communication can benefit

adjustment to climate change are enumerated here. Walker, Whittle, Medd, Burningham,

Moran-Ellis, and Tapsell, (2012) found that children’s narratives about floods can be

valuable to include in efforts to deal with potential future flooding. Haynes and Tanner

(2015) evaluated, in an action-research program, whether a “participatory video” where

different actors interacted in the process of filming, editing, and finally broadcasting the

film could be a method to include youths in the Philippines in climate change adaptation

and disaster reduction. In this way, messages can be sent without using writing and

reading. The program led to the youths involved receiving more knowledge, feeling more

empowered, and also giving voice to slightly different aspects than adults, such as the

social causes of disasters. The researchers also emphasized that the inclusion of the

young benefitted the whole community in a number of ways. In this regard, Tanner (2010),

based in studies in El Salvador and the Philippines, argued that it is important to

understand that young people are risk communicators in themselves, influencing others,

and that there is a need for more studies to understand the complex communication

processes taking place in and among households, communities, and families.

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Conclusion

This section presents some conclusions. First, studies of young people are still relatively

rare in the field of climate change communication in a narrow sense. Thus, there is a

need for more studies with this age group. To take one concrete example: Many argue

that art-based approaches are an especially fruitful way to communicate climate change

to young people; however, there are hardly any studies that rigorously evaluate the

learning processes involved in these approaches, and there is even less research that

quantitatively measures the outcome of these approaches. Perhaps this has to do with the

fact that those who conduct these art-based interventions are mainly researchers from

the humanities who are not used to dealing with quantitative studies. Thus,

multidisciplinary collaboration is needed in this field.

Second, when designing communication programs to reach young people, it seems easier

to increase their knowledge about climate change than to reach this group at a deeper

level and to make them more engaged around this issue and more confident about their

ability to contribute. This is a challenge that can perhaps be solved by involving young

people more in participatory approaches when it comes to mitigation efforts, not only

regarding adaptation (Ballantyne et al., 2016; see also Devine-Wright et al., 2004).

Third, the role that the mass media play in young people’s climate change awareness and

engagement differs across media channels and across different audiences. For example,

studies provide empirical evidence that media messages are processed differently by

skeptical and non-skeptical youth (Corner et al., 2012). However, more research is needed

to identify other relevant individual differences that can help explain which groups of

young people are more susceptible to media influence and which individuals remain out

of the reach of the media. In addition, although studies show the positive influence of

online spaces on young people’s motivation and engagement (e.g., Andersson & Öhman,

2016), it is also important to gain a greater understanding of potential negative

consequences (Sunstein, 2007).

Fourth, young people seem not to talk and communicate much about climate change,

even though they in fact care and are worried (Leombruni, 2015; Norgaard, 2011; Ojala,

2012B). However, when they do talk with friends and family, it can be something positive

for engagement (Mead et al., 2012; Ojala, 2013; Stevenson et al., 2016). Thus, there is a need

to promote communication across different groups in everyday life around this issue.

Here, the new media and communication online could play constructive roles, especially

if they are integrated into a school context, as Andersson and Öhman (2016) have

suggested.

Another theme involves thoughts about how to communicate about this issue without

scaring young people. Studies reveal a rather mixed pattern when it comes to the

constructive or unconstructive role of negative emotions evoked by communicating about

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this issue. Another way to approach this issue is to acknowledge that young people are

not passive victims of negative emotions; they instead actively cope with these emotions

in different ways, and these coping strategies ought to be taken into account in

communication efforts (see Ojala, 2012B).

An additional aspect that is vital to consider is that young people do not make meaning

regarding this issue only as individuals but also as parts of different groups, such as peer

groups and family. Although friends become more important in adolescence, parents still

seem to be very important socialization agents. Grønhøj and Thøgersen (2012) argue that

parents should be made more aware of their role in promoting environmental awareness

in their children. Perhaps the individual should not be the main focus in communication

efforts but rather the whole household (see Collins, 2015) and other social networks that

young people belong to.

Finally, the review indicates that young people have a rather bleak and distant vision of

the global future. A “hot” field in social science in general is anticipation as a driving

force for societies and individuals (Poli, 2010; Seligman, Railton, Baumeister, & Sripada,

2013). Researchers have also started to perceive future dimensions as important when it

comes to climate change engagement (Milfont & Demarque, 2015). Concerning to

communicate about future dimensions and climate change, it could be valuable to learn

from an educational researcher such as David Hicks (2014), who has long argued for the

need to discuss probable, preferable, and possible global futures in a critical, realistic,

but also hopeful way with young people (see also Climate Outreach & Information

Network, 2014).

Acknowledgement

The writing of the article has been partly supported by The Swedish Research Council

Formas, under Grant 2010-1152 to the first author.

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Notes:

(1.) Yet, there also exist studies about young people and parents showing that parents

have a higher degree of broad environmental concern (Grønhøj & Thøgersen, 2009;

Leppanen, Haahle, Lensu, & Kuitunen, 2012)

Maria Ojala

Uppsala Universitet

Yuliya Lakew

Örebro University

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Climate change and sustainability literacy: a mixed-methods study of attitudes to climate education in secondary schools

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Nov 2024
CLIMATIC CHANGE

Alison Anderson

Climate change and sustainability are inherently socio-political issues and education plays a key role in mobilising action on climate change and environment. This study builds on interdisciplinary work on youth and climate change education including science communication, environmental education, environmental psychology and sociology. It reports on novel mixed-methods research on attitudes to climate change and sustainability education in secondary schools in the UK. The study was undertaken in conjunction with the British Science Association (BSA) Future Forums. Drawing on the findings of a national cross-sectional survey of young people aged 14-18 (n= 1000) and two follow up in-depth workshops (n= 41), the research explored attitudes to, and experiences of, climate education. It also draws on data from a representative cross-sectional national survey of teachers (n = 8275) concerning their views about embedding climate change and sustainability education across the curriculum. Secondary level climate education was found to be generally taught in subject silos, excluding many students. A majority of young people and teachers believe that climate change and sustainability should be embedded across the curriculum. Teaching is currently restricted by exam specifications and the topic tends to be taught as a distant problem divorced from economic, political and social contexts. It mainly focuses on impacts and very infrequently addresses solutions. However, young people want the skills and knowledge to equip them to deal with future challenges and feel disempowered and lacking agency. They access much of their information about current issues from social media, but media literacy and critical thinking are not part of the national curriculum. This study adds new insight into young people’s views about climate education through exploring attitudes towards their educational experiences and media literacy. It argues that the education system could enhance climate change literacy by integrating it across all subject areas, with a focus on critical thinking and media literacy skills. The resourcing of experiential immersive learning, utilising arts-based approaches to study prominent local issues and their solutions, could facilitate a step change in the quality of climate education.

French agricultural education students: “intermediaries” in the fight against climate change?

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May 2024

Purpose The purpose of this study is to better understand how students of French agricultural education position themselves in the face of climate change and get involved in its fight. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on a survey carried with 300 French students enrolled in the Brevet des Techniciens Supérieurs Agricoles class. A statistical analysis highlights the sensitivity of students to climate change and a simple econometric modelling examines the determinants of this sensibility. Finally, a qualitative study based on semi-directive interviews characterise the role of students as intermediaries of knowledge and innovative practices. Findings This study reveals that if the students ensure a function of intermediation inside rural where they act as true operators of institutional change, their role is less significant inside school and social networks. Research limitations/implications The analyses should be further developed by examining more precisely the place and roles of students in the creation and coordination of local collective structures acting for the defence of the climate. Practical implications The results show that the territories and the projects developed there can be relevant points of reference for introducing innovative teaching approaches to introduce climate change in the classroom. Social implications Young people’s commitment to the fight against climate change is strengthened by their concrete involvement in territorial development projects. Indeed, those territories specifically in rural areas appears as a space for innovation in environmental practices. Originality/value The originality of the study lies in its focus on the role of schools, living territories social networks as cultural spaces for shaping and transforming young people’s beliefs about climate change.

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This study investigates a new type of voluntourism that focuses on younger generations' environmental contribution in the context of a global climate crisis. The study describes the adoption process of new voluntourism by applying the Diffusion of Innovation (DOI) framework and examining the influence of its three innovation factors (compatibility, simplicity, and relative advantage along with the perceived risk of climate change on new voluntourism adoption attitude and behavioral intention). An online survey of 432 members of two demographic cohorts, Millennials and Generation Z, was conducted in South Korea. The results of structural equation modeling indicate that the perceived risk of climate change and DOI's innovation factors significantly affected new voluntourism adoption attitude and behavioral intention. The results confirmed that the perceived risk of climate change led to the diffusion and adoption of new voluntourism by younger generations. The theoretical and practical implications of the study's results are discussed.

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Understanding how food systems could change and evolve in the future is essential for scientists and decision-makers across sectors to make informed policy decisions. For effective and salient policy, engaging citizens, especially young generations, who will experience those policies firsthand is crucial. This work aims to define and test new food systems sustainability indicators through youth engagement for policy insights to provide policymakers with literature incorporating citizens' needs. Our approach is based on Community Dissonance Theory and the application of a literature review, focus groups and survey. Four future food systems scenarios were obtained through the literature, serving as a baseline for discussion for Generation Z focus groups, whose results were analyzed through NVivo. In this work 31 food system indicators were identified, 20 on social aspects , 9 economic and one environmental. Social indicators proposed were related to capacity development, education, vulnerable groups, income inequality, social awareness, and increased stakeholders' engagement measures. Economic ones are on stakeholders' bargaining power and purchasing power, while environmental ones are on climate change. The combination of these scenarios contributed to identifying top priorities in terms of social, economic, and environmental indicators, which in terms of policy suggestions, could: balance economic , social, and environmental objectives within food systems; address potential impacts of policies beyond specific scenarios since they are inferred from a multitude of scenarios; reconcile short-and long-term priorities as areas of interventions within food supply chains; and engage young stakeholders to inform coherent policymaking.

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In this chapter, we present an overview of the main messages of the OECD Learning Compass 2030 and their implications for the mathematics curricula. We introduce the key concepts of this learning framework, which describes the kind of competencies today’s students will need for the future, and then look at how it and the OECD Future of Education and Skills project can influence mathematics learning and teaching. We present common challenges that OECD countries face when redesigning their mathematics curriculum and how these challenges can be addressed. Finally, we discuss implications for the design of mathematics curricula, including how learning progressions and design principles can support more effective and equitable mathematics learning.

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The topic of climate change raises awareness, especially among young people. A proposition based on “empathic journalism” for this sensitive issue could address the need for more alterity and empathy: less based on data from the climate crisis and more focused on empathy and the Other, in this case, those who suffer under its effects. Based on data from a study carried out in two countries (Brazil and Portugal), entitled “Youth Engagement with Sustainable Development Goals: The Choice of Moral Arguments in the News for Use in the Debate—Engage for SDG”, that addresses the engagement of young people in the environmental debate through Twitter, we realized that it is necessary to change the way journalism is produced, if the purpose is to attract such an audience to consume news about climate change. In addition, we noticed that the most interesting news to young people in these countries refer more to participation and climate action than to the destruction of biomes. Such results suggest a more empathetic way of communicating climate change, more focused on caring for the affected populations, reciprocity between nations that suffer from environmental events and climate justice, rising interest similar to that seen in the new eco-activism, promoted by young people around the planet. We might otherwise fall into the same journalistic patterns that contribute to eco-anxiety or climate anxiety. This proposal will present a reflection from the data collected by our investigation, which imagines the foundations for more empathetic journalism, that engages young people in the environmental debate through their care for Other. The theoretical framework will come from Social Psychology, like Goleman (Inteligência social: a nova ciência do relacionamento humano. Círculo de Leitores, 2006; Inteligência emocional. Temas e Debates, Lisboa, 2010), Sociology, like Gabriel Tarde (As Leis da Imitação. Rés Editora, Porto, 1978), and Communication Sciences, like Rocha (O Jornalismo Sensível: Leituras Plurais da Realidade Apresentada pelos Afetos. Appris Editora, Curitiba, 2022), reflecting on the challenges of rigorous journalism, but simultaneously with a greater emotional, social, empathic, and ecosystem intelligence.

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Full-text available

Apr 2024

Introduction Although older adults are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change, they seem to be overall less concerned about it, and less inclined to support climate policies. The study aims to identify the communication strategies that have been evaluated in promoting awareness and/or climate friendly behaviors in older adults. Methods We searched multiple electronic databases for studies that evaluated the effects of any interventions aimed at communicating climate change to older persons (over 65 years) and assessed the results as awareness and /or behavioral changes. We selected quantitative, qualitative and mixed methods studies, and we also included systematic reviews for cross-referencing. Risk of bias of included studies was evaluated using different tools according to the study design. Results From a total of 5,486 articles, only 3 studies were included. One mixed-method study engaged older adults to assess the community vulnerability to climate change and to develop adaptation recommendations based on their perspectives; one qualitative study conducted focus groups to identify the more effective language, values and themes based on participants’ responses to narratives; one quantitative study utilized a 360-degree audio-visual platform allowing users to engage with immersive visualizations of sea-level rise scenarios. Discussion Despite the paucity of literature, this review demonstrates the potential for different strategies to increase the awareness of older persons about climate change. The involvement of older adults in the communication process, the identification of their priorities, and the integration of technology in their daily lives are promising approaches but more research, including both quantitative and qualitative studies is recommended on this topic. Systematic review registeration For further details about the protocol, this systematic review has been registered on PROSPERO on July 1, 2023 (https://www.crd.york.ac.uk/prospero/display_record.php?ID=CRD42023438256).

Impending Challenges of Climate Change Edification for Sustainability in Pakistan

Article

Full-text available

Jan 2024

It can be difficult to spread knowledge and communicate about climate change; concepts relating to climate change are frequently misunderstood, according to researchers. Some people don't think that they will be affected by climate change in their own lives. Other issues could be people's inability to recognize subtle or the fact that there have been slow environmental changes and excessive consumption empowers and honors people, their weak connection to nature, and their propensity to act impulsively also solve environmental issues right away. The purpose of this study was to offer some research-based strategies for educating the public about climate change while providing concrete examples of the impacts of climate change on a local level and illustrative information, people can be persuaded that they still have an impact by environmental communication that are effectively designed on the phenomenon's scope and can connect mitigation efforts to people's positive desires or aspirations. Upcoming awareness, approaches of socio-constructivism, experiential learning, and community of change are some strategies that, when used in conjunction with one another in mitigation education, can correct learners' misconceptions and motivate them to take action. With the help of citizens and scientists, adaptation education could focus on a particular issue that could become more severe due to climate change. After analyzing the issue, suggestions for solutions could then be made and put into action and plan for the future sustainably.

Green Girls and Bored Boys? Adolescents' Environmental Consumer Socialization

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May 2019

Alice Grønhøj

Beyond projects: Involving children in community governance as a fundamental strategy for facing climate change

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Jan 2014

Climate of silence: Pluralistic ignorance as a barrier to climate change discussion

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May 2016

Teaching the global dimension: Key principles and effective practice

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Full-text available

Mar 2007

Teaching the Global Dimension specifically responds to concerns such as inequality, justice, environment and conflict in chapters written by leading educationalists in the field. It explores both the theory and practice of 'global education' today and provides: A framework for understanding global issues. A model identifying the key elements of good practice. Insight into young people's concerns for the world and the future tried and tested strategies for handling controversial global issues more confidently in the classroom key concepts for planning appropriate learning experiences a range of case studies which demonstrate the different ways in which a global dimension can be developed. Inspiring, thought-provoking and highly practical, this book shows how teachers at any stage in their career can effectively and successfully bring a global dimension to the taught curriculum. © 2007 Selection and editorial matter, David Hicks and Cathie Holden. All rights reserved.

Young People in the Global North: Environmental Heroes or Pleasure-Seeking Consumers

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Aug 2016

Young people in the Global North have disparate identities in relation to environmental sustainability; they are purportedly more knowledgeable and concerned about the environment and climate change than older generations, but are also typecast as leaders of a hedonistic consumer culture. This chapter undertakes a critical review of the key research trajectories across geography, youth studies, and the social sciences that pertain to young people, consumption, and environmentalism. It draws on recent research that has sought to complicate the positioning of contemporary young people as either “hedonistic consumers” or “environmental heroes.” The reality, for many young people, lies in between these two visions. This chapter foregrounds recent research that eschews a one-size-fits-all approach to young people, consumption, and environmentalism, by highlighting their unique everyday sustainabilities.

The influence of personal beliefs, friends, and family in building climate change concern among adolescents

Article

Apr 2016

Understanding adolescent climate change concern (CCC) may be a key strategy for building a citizenry that supports climate change action, as adolescents are likely less influenced by ideological polarization than adults. Prior research shows that climate education may build concern among adolescents, but other factors such as peer pressure may also be important. We investigated the relationships between CCC, acceptance of anthropogenic global warming (AGW), perceived level of acceptance among friends and family, and frequency of discussion of the issue among 426 middle school students in North Carolina, USA, and developed a novel instrument to measure each of these constructs. Acceptance of AGW had the strongest association with CCC. Frequency of discussion with friends and family was the second strongest predictor. Perceived level of acceptance among family and friends was the third strongest predictor. Model selection results suggest family had more influence than friends in this study. Girls perceived climate change as a higher risk than boys. In addition to building acceptance of AGW, leveraging discussions with peers and especially family may help build concern for climate change among future generations.

Reflections on Climate Change Communication Research and Practice in the Second Decade of the 21 st Century: What More Is There to Say?

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Mar 2016

Susanne Moser

Appreciable advances have been made in recent years in raising climate change awareness and enhancing support for climate and energy policies. There also has been considerable progress in understanding of how to effectively communicate climate change. This progress raises questions about the future directions of communication research and practice. What more is there to say? Through a selective literature review, focused on contributions since a similar stock‐taking exercise in 2010, ¹ the article delineates significant advances, emerging trends and topics, and tries to chart critical needs and opportunities going forward. It describes the climate communication landscape midway through the second decade of the 21st century to contextualize the challenges faced by climate change communication as a scientific field. Despite the important progress made on key scientific challenges laid out in 2010, persistent challenges remain (superficial public understanding of climate change, transitioning from awareness and concern to action, communicating in deeply politicized and polarized environments, and dealing with the growing sense of overwhelm and hopelessness). In addition, new challenges and topics have emerged that communication researchers and practitioners now face. The study reflects on the crucial need to improve the interaction between climate communication research and practice, and calls for dedicated science‐practice boundary work focused on climate change communication. A set of new charges to climate communicators and researchers are offered in hopes to move climate change communication to a new place—at once more humble yet also more ambitious than ever before, befitting to the crucial role it could play in the cultural work humanity faces with climate change. WIREs Clim Change 2016, 7:345–369. doi: 10.1002/wcc.403 This article is categorized under: Perceptions, Behavior, and Communication of Climate Change > Communication

Young Norwegians and their views on climate change and the future: findings from a climate concerned and oil-rich nation

Article

Mar 2016

Young people represent the future, but little is known about their attitudes towards climate change, one of the most serious issues facing the world today. The purpose of the present study is to contribute with improved and new knowledge of young Norwegians’ understanding of and attitudes towards this issue, with a special focus on perspectives of the future. Of particular interest is the influence of divergent framings of the climate question in Norway, due to conflicting interests between the petroleum industry and climate concern. The young people's voices are elicited through two different surveys undertaken during the fall of 2013, one national (Norwegian Citizen Panel) and one local (School survey conducted among high-school students). The study generated both quantitative and qualitative findings, stemming from closed-ended as well as open-ended questions. The data were handled through a mixed methods approach, combining quantitative and qualitative analyses. The results show that the voices tend to be oriented towards the opinion that Norway has a responsibility to help poor countries as well as a duty to prevent climate change and that the country should reduce its oil production. We further observe that young Norwegians have an optimistic view of the future, based on a pronounced belief in technology and science.

Climate change, uncertain futures and the sociology of youth

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Sep 2011

R. White

The future of humanity is inextricably linked to climate change and global warming. In this paper, Rob White explores the implications of climate change for youth sociology and for young people generally around the world. He adopts what can be termed an eco-global outlook in examining the horizon issues most likely to be of immediate relevance in the near future.

Living in Denial: Climate Change, Emotions, and Everyday Life

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Mar 2011

Kari Marie Norgaard

An analysis of why people with knowledge about climate change often fail to translate that knowledge into action. Global warming is the most significant environmental issue of our time, yet public response in Western nations has been meager. Why have so few taken any action? In Living in Denial, sociologist Kari Norgaard searches for answers to this question, drawing on interviews and ethnographic data from her study of "Bygdaby," the fictional name of an actual rural community in western Norway, during the unusually warm winter of 2000-2001. In 2000-2001 the first snowfall came to Bygdaby two months later than usual; ice fishing was impossible; and the ski industry had to invest substantially in artificial snow-making. Stories in local and national newspapers linked the warm winter explicitly to global warming. Yet residents did not write letters to the editor, pressure politicians, or cut down on use of fossil fuels. Norgaard attributes this lack of response to the phenomenon of socially organized denial, by which information about climate science is known in the abstract but disconnected from political, social, and private life, and sees this as emblematic of how citizens of industrialized countries are responding to global warming. Norgaard finds that for the highly educated and politically savvy residents of Bygdaby, global warming was both common knowledge and unimaginable. Norgaard traces this denial through multiple levels, from emotions to cultural norms to political economy. Her report from Bygdaby, supplemented by comparisons throughout the book to the United States, tells a larger story behind our paralysis in the face of today's alarming predictions from climate scientists.