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Imperial Image-Making: Zissos/A Companion to the Flavian Age of Imperial Rome

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The Flavian dynasty faced formidable challenges at its inception, stemming in no small part from its relative ignobilitas. This chapter explores a number of important themes of Flavian image-making: victory and triumph; peace, restoration and renewal; dynasty; and public benefaction, framed as a reversal of Neronian self-indulgence. The most fully preserved and understood imagery of Flavian victory in the Judean war is found on the relief decoration on the Arch of Titus, dedicated in 81. The chapter also considers the three Flavian emperors as individuals, briefly examining some of the distinctive ways that each fashioned his own public persona within these broader thematic tendencies. From the outset Vespasian was presented as an outstanding general who was not aiming for power but was chosen by fate and by Rome's soldiers. Vespasian's portraiture, which marks a clear rejection of Julio-Claudian classicism, participates in the generation of this public persona.

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... 3 SeeLeithoff (2014) 134-147 on Nero as a negative exemplum under the Flavians. Cf.Penwill (2003) 358-359;Gallia (2016);Tuck (2016).Nauta (2010), focusing on Domitian and Nero, points out that at least Domitianic literature was unmistakably negative about Nero, and that other media show no clear intention of recalling Nero. However, Nero's portrait was reused throughout the Flavian period; seeWood (2016) 132-133; cf. ...
... 3 SeeLeithoff (2014) 134-147 on Nero as a negative exemplum under the Flavians. Cf.Penwill (2003) 358-359;Gallia (2016);Tuck (2016).Nauta (2010), focusing on Domitian and Nero, points out that at least Domitianic literature was unmistakably negative about Nero, and that other media show no clear intention of recalling Nero. However, Nero's portrait was reused throughout the Flavian period; seeWood (2016) 132-133; cf. ...
... On Flavian soberness in relation to Neronian luxuria, see also Kragelund (2000), who discusses Neronian luxuria in Tacitus, as well as Moormann's contribution to this volume. 11 Tuck (2016). 12 See Kramer and Reitz (2010) and Bönisch-Meyer et al. (2014) as well as Cordes (2017), who discusses the literary and visual strategies used in the 'recoding' of imperial representations of Nero and Domitian. ...
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The Arch of Titus in the Roman Forum has long been held as the definitive illustration of Rome’s conquest of Judaea and the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE. The relief decoration of the plundering of the Temple, Titus’s triumphal journey into Rome and his eventual apotheosis have become synonymous with our knowledge of events and the devastation wrought upon the city. However, the inscription from the lost Arch of Titus in the Circus Maximus arguably contributes more to our understanding of how the Flavian dynasty themselves perceived their victory, and how they used it to advertise their military might and establish their rule as the rightful heirs to the Augustan legacy of conquest and dominion. This article considers the lost Arch of Titus and its inscription, and its role in the establishment of the Flavian legacy in Rome. It argues that the text must be read in conjunction with the other triumphal monuments of Vespasian and Titus – the Colosseum, Arch of Titus in the Roman Forum and the Temple of Peace – whose reality, visibility and prominence collectively gave strength to the claim that the lost Arch commemorated: the exceptional nature of the Roman victory in Jerusalem.
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For over fifteen years before the production of Tacitus's Germania, the title Germanicus had been prominent in Rome, claimed not only by Domitian but also by both Nerva and Trajan. Tacitus famously refutes military success in his account. As this article shows, however, its memory is consistently invoked in its basic structure. Especially through allusions to Caesar, Tacitus introduces a model of historiographical narrative concerning Roman conquest, only to reject it. The result is a tension between the ongoing public presence of Rome's immediate past and its official erasure, forming a commentary on the very process of imperial memory sanction.
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Elite Romans periodically chose to limit or destroy the memory of a leading citizen who was deemed an unworthy member of the community. Sanctions against memory could lead to the removal or mutilation of portraits and public inscriptions. The author of this book provides the first chronological overview of the development of this Roman practice—an instruction to forget—from archaic times into the second century a.d. She explores Roman memory sanctions against the background of Greek and Hellenistic cultural influence and in the context of the wider Mediterranean world. Combining literary texts, inscriptions, coins, and material evidence, this richly illustrated study contributes to a deeper understanding of Roman political culture.
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The Roman emperor served a number of functions within the Roman state. The emperor's public image reflected this diversity. Triumphal processions and imposing state monuments such as Trajan's Column or the Arch of Septimius Severus celebrated the military exploits and martial glory of the emperor. Distributions of grain and coin, public buildings, and spectacle entertainments in the city of Rome all advertised the emperor's patronage of the urban plebs, while imperial rescripts posted in every corner of the Empire stood as so many witnesses to the emperor's conscientious administration of law and justice. Imperial mediation between man and god was commemorated by a proliferation of sacrificial images that emphasized the emperor's central role in the act of sacrifice. Portrait groups of the imperial family were blunt assertions of dynasty and figured the emperor as the primary guarantor of Roma aeterna. Public sacrifices to deified emperors and the imagery of imperial apotheosis surrounded the emperor with an aura of divinity. An extraordinary array of rituals, images, and texts, then, gave visual and symbolic expression to the emperor's numerous functions and publicized the manifold benefits of imperial rule.
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Elite Romans periodically chose to limit or destroy the memory of a leading citizen who was deemed an unworthy member of the community. Sanctions against memory could lead to the removal or mutilation of portraits and public inscriptions. Harriet Flower provides the first chronological overview of the development of this Roman practice--an instruction to forget--from archaic times into the second century A.D. Flower explores Roman memory sanctions against the background of Greek and Hellenistic cultural influence and in the context of the wider Mediterranean world. Combining literary texts, inscriptions, coins, and material evidence, this richly illustrated study contributes to a deeper understanding of Roman political culture. © 2006 The University of North Carolina Press. All rights reserved.
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This chapter explores in detail the role of the Flavian victory in Judaea in the physical transformation of the city of Rome. The triumph of Vespasian and Titus ex Iudaeis in June 71 CE was an event made more memorable by Josephus' lavish description of it. The defeat of the Jews and the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple were enshrined in the very fabric of the urban centre and hence in Roman public memory, reminding the inhabitants of the city of the decisive role played by Vespasian and Titus in that victory. The triumphal arches to Titus (erected in 81 and after his death), the Flavian Amphitheatre (inaugurated in 80), and the Temple of Peace (dedicated in 75) were all related to the Flavian victory in Judaea and helped give the dynasty a lasting legitimacy.
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We call a monument Ara Pacis without any support from ancient tradition. It was Friedrich von Duhn who first so called it in 1879 and he justified it in the briefest fashion. He considered three sacrificial slabs and three processional slabs. He did not produce any analysis but based his case on the fact that some of those reliefs were discovered in the grounds of the Palazzo Fiano, that is on the Campus Martius, and that the Ara Pacis was built on the Campus Martius. That was all. Nevertheless, his conjecture was enthusiastically received: it was the golden age of classical archaeology, when numberless monuments were assigned to great Greek artists and great historical events and thus the foundations were laid for a more critical and sceptical study of Greek art. This scepticism destroyed many identifications but it never reached the Ara Pacis, and that I believe for special reasons. There was great excitement in the years after 1873 when Carl Humann discovered the great altar of Pergamum ; excavations began in 1878 with sensational results. Friedrich von Duhn made his ‘discovery’ in the following year and it concerned another great altar, but this time in Rome. He was clearly spellbound and so were his contemporaries. They did not ask for proof. In that atmosphere such credulity was natural. Yet however much the altar has been studied during the last eighty years the question has never been asked why it should be the Ara Pacis. My answer is that it is not. My first task, however, is to reconsider the evidence about Pax and I shall do this as if our altar did not exist. I shall return to it in the second part of my paper and end with the interpretation of a specimen relief, the sacrifice of Aeneas which seems to me the most revealing of the reliefs.
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The gardens in the first-century c.e. Flavian Templum Pacis are best understood as formal colonial botanical gardens populated with exotic flora of the type catalogued by Pliny in his Natural History. These gardens, along with the spice market (Horrea Piperataria) located next to the Templum Pacis on the Sacred Way in the center of Rome, were monumental statements of imperial power over the world as the Romans knew it. Both the transplantation to and the sacred offering within the Templum Pacis of botanicals that Romans acquired through conquest in the east and long-distance trade with India were ways to assert ideological and economic power within the Indo-Mediterranean network of exchange.
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