BookPDF Available

Abstract

The extent of violence against women is currently hidden. How should violence be measured? How should research and new ways of thinking about violence improve its measurement? Could improved measurement change policy? The book is a guide to how the measurement of violence can be best achieved. It shows how to make femicide, rape, domestic violence, and FGM visible in official statistics. It offers practical guidance on definitions, indicators and coordination mechanisms. It reflects on theoretical debates on 'what is gender', 'what is violence', and 'the concept of coercive control', and introduces the concept of 'gender saturated context'. Analysing the socially constructed nature of statistics and the links between knowledge and power, it sets new standards and guidelines to influence the measurement of violence in the coming decades.
A preview of the PDF is not available
... Measuring violence and its gender dimensions is essential for monitoring and reducing femicide, the gender-related killing of women and girls [1,2], recognized by the United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) indicators 5.2.1 and 5.2.2 [3]. Mortality data systems are crucial for informing public health policies, shaping resource allocation, and advancing health equity [4]. ...
... Challenges include inconsistent data documentation, misclassified or missing information, and a lack of agreement on gender indicators [2,17]. The UN's SDGs 5.2.1 and 5.2.2 provide guidance on indicators including victim rates and violence types [3] but omit issues such as selective feticide, infanticide, and violence against LGBTQ + women. ...
... The UN's SDGs 5.2.1 and 5.2.2 provide guidance on indicators including victim rates and violence types [3] but omit issues such as selective feticide, infanticide, and violence against LGBTQ + women. The Council of Europe recommends five key indicators: victim and perpetrator sex, the sexual nature of assault, relationships, and gender motivation [2]. Multiregional studies between 2021-2022, across seven European States (Germany, Spain, France, Italy, Lithuania, Finland and Sweden) substantiated these indicators. ...
... The assessment and measurement of IPV is controversial (12)(13)(14)(15)(16). Issues include the definition of violence, the boundary between violence and non-violent coercion (17). ...
... Walby et al. (15) suggest an IPV measurement framework that incorporates graded distinctions in the severity and frequency of violence and coercion and considers the consequences for victims. They acknowledge the temporal misalignment between perpetrator and victim in existing frameworks, where temporality is viewed as both episodic and continuous. ...
... Their proposal recognizes the duration of the action as repeated discrete incidents of violence, while the harm may manifest as a continuous state of fear. This challenges the assumption of alignment between one perpetrator, one victim, and one event, highlighting the accumulation of harm in high-frequency victims, particularly women (15,16,25). ...
Article
Full-text available
Introduction The aims of this synthesis were to investigate the relationship between IPV severity and mental health outcomes and shed light to gaps and limitations in existing methodologies used to assess IPV severity and its association with mental health outcomes. Methods We conducted a two-stage narrative synthesis of 76 studies. First, we identified IPV measures used in at least five studies, focusing on their variations and severity score calculation. Then, we analyzed findings of studies correlating IPV severity with mental health outcomes, identifying features of measures and statistical methods influencing result consistency. Results Measures of intimate partner violence were often modified from their original, potentially impact on the reliability and validity of these measures. The operationalization of violence severity varied across studies, leading to inconsistencies in scoring whereby compromising the consistency of severity levels across studies. We found lack of consistency in applying validated methods for scoring instruments to determine abuse severity. In this review, we consistently found that the severity of IPV and its various subtypes were linked to different mental health outcomes across multiple studies. We discovered evidence suggesting that experiencing more types of IPV was associated with worse mental health outcomes. Generally, higher levels of overall IPV severity and its specific subtypes were correlated with poorer mental health outcomes. However, our analyses did not reveal consistent patterns that would allow for a definitive determination of how individual IPV subtypes differently affect mental health outcomes. Nevertheless, we observed that increasing severity of physical IPV tended to have a notable impact on post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Conversely, increasing severity of psychological IPV was consistently associated with depression. While sexual IPV severity was explored in fewer studies, the evidence regarding its impact on various mental health outcomes was less conclusive. Discussion To achieve a comprehensive understanding of the mechanism by which IPV severity is related to mental health it may be time to take an alternative approach to measuring IPV severity. No IPV measures assessed the acceptability of the content to people who have experienced IPV. This is an important omission with significant consequences for the validity of the evidence base.
... Research shows that IPV perpetration is statistically associated with general offending patterns (e.g., Verbruggen et al., 2022). Additionally, some jurisdictions lack a relevant criminal code to allow the reliable differentiation between general and IPV-specific reoffending from criminal justice data (Walby et al., 2017). Therefore, general reoffending may be easier to identify in criminal records, whereas focusing on violence may miss charges that have not been recorded or bargained down to non-violent offenses. ...
... A further limitation of IPV research in general is that it is focused primarily on male-perpetrated IPV as it occurs in heterosexual relationships, to the exclusion of groups such as the LGBT+ community. In order to better estimate figures of violence across genders, it is suggested that official statistics should be disaggregated according to gender of the victim and of the perpetrator (Walby et al., 2017). The articles in the current review mostly do not report on sexual orientation, apart from one study (Henning & Holdford, 2006), which stated that it was conducted on heterosexual men. ...
Article
Theoretical accounts of recidivistic intimate partner violence (IPV) continue to differ considerably in relation to the relative weight given to psychological risk factors. A systematic overview of studies that have established psychological predictors of reoffending is currently lacking. This study aimed to identify and provide an overview of studies examining various psychological factors associated with IPV perpetration patterns. A systematic search of research conducted from 1945 to 2024 was carried out on PsycINFO, PubMed, and PILOTS. The inclusion criteria were that studies must not use self-reported reoffending data only, must use a criminal justice sample, must be longitudinal, participants must be over 17 years of age, and that studies must be published in the English language and peer reviewed. A total of 25 longitudinal studies examining individual psychological factors, proposed as potential predictors of IPV reoffending, were eligible. The identified factors were grouped into five categories: personality, anger and hostility, beliefs, attitudes and motivation, neurocognitive deficits and trauma (i.e., family of origin abuse/post-traumatic stress disorder). The current systematic scoping review found that the most-researched psychological predictor of IPV recidivism was personality. While studies vary in relation to the personality traits or disorders that contribute most to the likelihood of reoffending, in general, personality assessment appears to be a promising tool in predicting reoffending. Anger, childhood maltreatment, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), implicit attitudes, and neurocognitive deficits were also identified as predictors of IPV recidivism. Methodological issues were found to be present across studies.
... The shared goal is to move beyond the situation in which sex or gender is largely invisible in data collection instruments, which has been achieved to some degree. According to Walby et al. (2017), there are two remaining approaches to increasing the visibility of sex or gender in data and, subsequently, in state laws and policies. One approach is to focus on women, with the goal of ending the violations of women's human rights and sex/gender-based violence against women. ...
... The other remaining approach is referred to as gender mainstreaming which makes 'gender specificities visible by disaggregating gender and revising categories to allow gender dimensions to be fully included'. The five key dimensions identified by Walby et al. (2017) are sex of the victim, sex of the perpetrator, whether they shared an intimate partner or family relationship, whether there was a sexual element, and a gender motivation. ...
Article
According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 55% of women and girls killed in 2022 died at the hands of intimate partners or family members, contexts indicative of femicide. The proportion of the remaining 45% of women and girls killed which involved sex or gender-related elements remains largely unknown. This is due to the lack of high-quality, gender-sensitive data collection tools and the few systematic efforts to more consistently and accurately document femicide. Information about femicide in marginalized and racialized communities is further affected because many of these deaths remain invisible in official data for women and girls who live – and die – at the intersections of race, poverty, ability, sexuality, and other social identities. Drawing from a recently released international statistical framework for measuring gender-related killings of women and girls, this article examines the presence of sex/gender-related motives and indicators in a Canadian sample, drawing data from publicly available information. Findings about the feasibility of documenting sex/gender-related motives and indicators generally and for specific groups of women and girls are discussed.
... I dagens samfunnsklima rundt seksuell vold vil dette vaere saerlig interessant, dersom vi legger til grunn at unge i dag oftere rapporterer om slike erfaringer sammenlignet med tidligere. Konklusjonen i foreliggende forskning så langt er likevel at vold og overgrep heller under-enn over rapporteres (Walby et al., 2017). Måling av fenomener som vold og seksualitet kan også invitere til useriøse svar fra en del unge, selv om tidligere erfaringer viser at dette er mer vanlig blant yngre enn eldre ungdommer (NOVA, 2013). ...
Article
Full-text available
This paper reports an investigation of the determinants of femicide using the context of Ecuador as case of study. To do so, we use official data spanning 2018 to 2022 from the National Survey on Family Relations and Gender Violence against Women in Ecuador with a dataset revealing 1,325 femicides and violent deaths of cisgender women and girls. Using a probit regression model, we find that several variables related to perpetrators’ such as level of education, employment status, and variables related to the crime itself such as location emerge as pivotal factors in understanding femicide incidents. This study contributes to a more profound comprehension of femicide’s multifaceted determinants, emphasizing the dynamic nature of these factors. The research aids in the development of evidence-based policies to address this societal issue effectively.
Article
Full-text available
For many disabled people, violence can become an unwanted, yet ordinary part of everyday life. Often, these crimes are attributed to understandings of disabled people as vulnerable and largely, passive victims. Attending to the aims of this special issue, this paper aims to dismantle these stereotypes and attend to the unique ways that disabled people can resist and respond to hate crime through creative and collaborative research practices. Building upon this, I argue that there is a pressing need for hate studies researchers to work “with” and not “on” those who have experienced targeted violence. Working in this way builds upon long-standing efforts of disabled activists and disabilities studies researchers to challenge reductive research practices by working in more collective and inclusive ways. To demonstrate this, I reflect upon a project working in partnership with disabled people to create a disability hate crime toolkit. The toolkit, now published, shares accessible and informative resources that can be used to raise awareness about disability hate crime. While the focus of this paper is disability, I consider methods of collaboration, co-production and participation that can be drawn upon by researchers to respond to hate crime and interpersonal violence more broadly.
Article
Drawing from a nationally representative survey ( n = 6,611), this article analyses the prevalence of men's economic abuse toward women in Sweden. Economic abuse is still a relatively marginalized area of research but is increasingly recognized as a distinct type of intimate partner violence. A few Swedish studies have specifically focused on economic abuse, yet none of which with a quantitative approach. A main finding is that motherhood significantly increases the risk of exposure. Furthermore, women report economic abuse from expartners (25%) to a much greater extent than from current partners (8%).
Article
Full-text available
While studies of femicide perpetrators have focused on background factors, such as criminal history and mental health conditions, little attention has been paid to their individual experiences. Perpetrators emotions and sense-making have often been overlooked and even dismissed. With a micro-sociological approach to violence, we identify the narrated emotions involved in the perpetration of intimate femicide. The data gathered are based on 33 open-ended interviews with convicted male perpetrators from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Honduras, Mexico, and Venezuela. We identify four main emotions reflecting participants' experiences of femicide: Fear, expressed through stories of women as threats to self, family, and community; helplessness, expressed through stories of men being trapped, judged, and persecuted; and pain, connected to stories of jealousy and belittlement. These lead to anger, expressed through stories of bodily reactions and losing control. The findings indicate that intimate femicide perpetrators resort to lethal violence to regulate self-worth and remediate actions they feel were disruptive. Our research demonstrates the importance of embodied and narrated emotions to understand femicides. We argue that viewing femicide as a product of a shared pervasive emotional economy highlights the role of emotions in maintaining a gendered social order.
Article
Full-text available
Problem/condition: Sexual violence, stalking, and intimate partner violence are public health problems known to have a negative impact on millions of persons in the United States each year, not only by way of immediate harm but also through negative long-term health impacts. Before implementation of the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS) in 2010, the most recent detailed national data on the public health burden from these forms of violence were obtained from the National Violence against Women Survey conducted during 1995-1996. This report examines sexual violence, stalking, and intimate partner violence victimization using data from 2011. The report describes the overall prevalence of sexual violence, stalking, and intimate partner violence victimization; racial/ethnic variation in prevalence; how types of perpetrators vary by violence type; and the age at which victimization typically begins. For intimate partner violence, the report also examines a range of negative impacts experienced as a result of victimization, including the need for services. Reporting period: January-December, 2011. Description of system: NISVS is a national random-digit-dial telephone survey of the noninstitutionalized English- and Spanish-speaking U.S. population aged ≥18 years. NISVS gathers data on experiences of sexual violence, stalking, and intimate partner violence among adult women and men in the United States by using a dual-frame sampling strategy that includes both landline and cellular telephones. The survey was conducted in 50 states and the District of Columbia; in 2011, the second year of NISVS data collection, 12,727 interviews were completed, and 1,428 interviews were partially completed. Results: In the United States, an estimated 19.3% of women and 1.7% of men have been raped during their lifetimes; an estimated 1.6% of women reported that they were raped in the 12 months preceding the survey. The case count for men reporting rape in the preceding 12 months was too small to produce a statistically reliable prevalence estimate. An estimated 43.9% of women and 23.4% of men experienced other forms of sexual violence during their lifetimes, including being made to penetrate, sexual coercion, unwanted sexual contact, and noncontact unwanted sexual experiences. The percentages of women and men who experienced these other forms of sexual violence victimization in the 12 months preceding the survey were an estimated 5.5% and 5.1%, respectively. An estimated 15.2% of women and 5.7% of men have been a victim of stalking during their lifetimes. An estimated 4.2% of women and 2.1% of men were stalked in the 12 months preceding the survey. With respect to sexual violence and stalking, female victims reported predominantly male perpetrators, whereas for male victims, the sex of the perpetrator varied by the specific form of violence examined. Male rape victims predominantly had male perpetrators, but other forms of sexual violence experienced by men were either perpetrated predominantly by women (i.e., being made to penetrate and sexual coercion) or split more evenly among male and female perpetrators (i.e., unwanted sexual contact and noncontact unwanted sexual experiences). In addition, male stalking victims also reported a more even mix of males and females who had perpetrated stalking against them. The lifetime and 12-month prevalences of rape by an intimate partner for women were an estimated 8.8% and 0.8%, respectively; an estimated 0.5% of men experienced rape by an intimate partner during their lifetimes, although the case count for men reporting rape by an intimate partner in the preceding 12 months was too small to produce a statistically reliable prevalence estimate. An estimated 15.8% of women and 9.5% of men experienced other forms of sexual violence by an intimate partner during their lifetimes, whereas an estimated 2.1% of both men and women experienced these forms of sexual violence by a partner in the 12 months before taking the survey. Severe physical violence by an intimate partner (including acts such as being hit with something hard, being kicked or beaten, or being burned on purpose) was experienced by an estimated 22.3% of women and 14.0% of men during their lifetimes and by an estimated 2.3% of women and 2.1% of men in the 12 months before taking the survey. Finally, the lifetime and 12-month prevalence of stalking by an intimate partner for women was an estimated 9.2% and 2.4%, respectively, while the lifetime and 12-month prevalence for men was an estimated 2.5% and 0.8%, respectively. Many victims of sexual violence, stalking, and intimate partner violence were first victimized at a young age. Among female victims of completed rape, an estimated 78.7% were first raped before age 25 years (40.4% before age 18 years). Among male victims who were made to penetrate a perpetrator, an estimated 71.0% were victimized before age 25 years (21.3% before age 18 years). In addition, an estimated 53.8% of female stalking victims and 47.7% of male stalking victims were first stalked before age 25 years (16.3% of female victims and 20.5% of male victims before age 18 years). Finally, among victims of contact sexual violence, physical violence, or stalking by an intimate partner, an estimated 71.1% of women and 58.2% of men first experienced these or other forms of intimate partner violence before age 25 years (23.2% of female victims and 14.1% of male victims before age 18 years). Interpretation: A substantial proportion of U.S. female and male adults have experienced some form of sexual violence, stalking, or intimate partner violence at least once during their lifetimes, and the sex of perpetrators varied by the specific form of violence examined. In addition, a substantial number of U.S. adults experienced sexual violence, stalking, or intimate partner violence during the 12 months preceding the 2011 survey. Consistent with previous studies, the overall pattern of results suggest that women, in particular, are heavily impacted over their lifetime. However, the results also indicate that many men experience sexual violence, stalking, and, in particular, physical violence by an intimate partner. Because of the broad range of short- and long-term consequences known to be associated with these forms of violence, the public health burden of sexual violence, stalking, and intimate partner violence is substantial. RESULTS suggest that these forms of violence frequently are experienced at an early age because a majority of victims experienced their first victimization before age 25 years, with a substantial proportion experiencing victimization in childhood or adolescence. Public health action: Because a substantial proportion of sexual violence, stalking, and intimate partner violence is experienced at a young age, primary prevention of these forms of violence must begin early. Prevention efforts should take into consideration that female sexual violence and stalking victimization is perpetrated predominately by men and that a substantial proportion of male sexual violence and stalking victimization (including rape, unwanted sexual contact, noncontact unwanted sexual experiences, and stalking) also is perpetrated by men. CDC seeks to prevent these forms of violence with strategies that address known risk factors for perpetration and by changing social norms and behaviors by using bystander and other prevention strategies. In addition, primary prevention of intimate partner violence is focused on the promotion of healthy relationship behaviors and other protective factors, with the goal of helping adolescents develop these positive behaviors before their first relationships. The early promotion of healthy relationships while behaviors are still relatively modifiable makes it more likely that young persons can avoid violence in their relationships.
Article
Full-text available
As British sociology seeks to overcome a historical distaste for quantitative research methods, one of the discipline’s most dynamic sub-fields may prove troublesome. Feminist research thrives both within and outside sociology. As such it provides new insights and enriches the discipline, something recognized by the 2010 Benchmarking Review of Sociology. Yet feminist research has long been associated with an antipathy towards quantitative methods. This article explores the extent to which this persists. Methodological patterns in articles from 19 journals in the interdisciplinary field of ‘women’s studies’ are analysed. Perhaps surprisingly, a large proportion of articles employed quantitative methods. Those engaged with feminist literature or epistemologies were, however, unlikely to be quantitative. This article also highlights the importance of national contexts, suggesting perhaps we should not ask why UK research is so qualitative, but why US research is so quantitative.
Book
Full-text available
The WHO Multi-country Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence against Women is a landmark research project, both in its scope and in how it was carried out. For the results presented in this report, specially trained teams collected data from over 24 000 women from 15 sites in 10 countries representing diverse cultural settings: Bangladesh, Brazil, Ethiopia, Japan, Namibia, Peru, Samoa, Serbia and Montenegro, Thailand, and the United Republic of Tanzania.
Article
Doing gender equality policy work increasingly involves measurement, whether through the gathering and analysis of data on gender inequality, or the reporting and accounting for gender programming outcomes and outputs. This introduction to a special issue on gender and the measurement imperative outlines some of the main strands in the emerging critical literature on measurement, highlighting two main themes: measurement and social construction—the ways in which regimes of measure both constitute social reality and are themselves sites of social contestation—and the governing effects of measurement regimes. I explore below some of the gendered dynamics of the social dimensions of measurement, which are the subject of feminist inquiry and/or are topics on which more research is needed.
Article
This paper examines the character of the debate about `quantitative' and `qualitative' methods in feminist social science. The `paradigm argument' has been central to feminist social science methodology; the feminist case against `malestream' methods and in favour of qualitative methods has paralleled other methodological arguments within social science against the unthinking adoption by social science of a natural science model of inquiry. The paper argues in favour of rehabilitating quantitative methods and integrating a range of methods in the task of creating an emancipatory social science. It draws on the history of social and natural science, suggesting that a social and historical understanding of ways of knowing gives us the problem not of gender and methodology, but of the gendering of methodology as itself a social construction.