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Fújì: Indigenous and Islamic Popular Music Fusions in Nigeria

September 2017

In book: Bloomsbury Encyclopedia of Popular Music of the World, Volume 12: Sub-Saharan Africa Genres (pp.145-151)
Edition: Sub-Sahara Africa Genres, volume 12
Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic

Authors:

Gavilan College

During the 1960s in post-independence Nigeria, Síkírù Àyìndé Barrister (1948-2010) pioneered and coined the term fújì, a Yorùbá genre of popular dance music. While Barrister was a soldier in the Nigerian army in the late 1960s, he transformed wéré/ajísari music, songs performed by and for Muslims during the Ramadan fast, into this new style of dance music. Fújì is characterized by its Islamic-influenced vocal style, Yorùbá praise poetry (oríkì), and driving percussion. Fújì’s popularity hit a peak in Nigeria and on the global stage in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and fújì bands continue to record their music and perform throughout Nigeria and across the globe into the twenty-first century.

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BLOOMSBURY ENCYCLOPEDIA OF

POPULAR MUSIC

OF THE WORLD

VOLUMES VIII–XIV: GENRES

EDITED BY DAVID HORN AND JOHN SHEPHERD

VOLUME XII

GENRES: SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

EDITED BY

HEIDI CAROLYN FELDMAN,

DAVID HORN, JOHN SHEPHERD

AND GABRIELLE KIELICH

BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC

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and Contributors, 2019

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xxii

List of Contributors

Abimbola Kai-Lewis is a special education

teacher in the New York City Department of

Education. She has a Ph.D. in Ethnomusicology

from the University of California Los Angeles.

Gabrielle Kielich is a Ph.D. candidate in the

Department of Art History and Communication

Studies at McGill University in Montreal, Canada.

Debra Klein is Professor and Director of the

Anthropology Program in the Department of Social

Science at Gavilan College, Gilroy, CA, USA.

Ekkehard Knopke is a research assistant to

the Chair of Media Sociology at the Bauhaus-

Universitä t, Weimar, Germany.

Daniel Kü nzler is Lecturer in Sociology, Social

Policy and Social Work at the University of Fribourg,

Switzerland.

Lizabé Lambrechts is a research fellow at Africa

Open Institute for Music, Research and Innovation

at Stellenbosch University, South Africa.

John Lloyd Chipembere Lwanda, an honorary

Senior Research Fellow in Sociology at Glasgow

University, Scotland, UK, is a social historian, music

publisher and writer specializing in Malawi music,

medicine and culture.

James Makubuya is Professor of Music at

Wabash College in Crawfordsville, IN, USA. Born

and brought up in the culture of the Baganda

in Uganda, he is an ethnomusicologist with a

disciplinary focus in organology, a choreographer

and a proficient performer on several East African

traditional instruments.

Minette Mans is a retired Associate Professor of

Music and Dance and Chair of Performing Arts at

the University of Namibia.

Didier Mauro is a social anthropologist, film

producer and professor of cinema. Since 1988 he

has dedicated himself to research in Madagascar

and has been elected a member of the Acadé mie des

Sciences d’Outre-Mer de la Ré publique Franç aise.

Heather Maxwell is Host and Producer of the

worldwide music radio program Music Time in

Africa on the Voice of America.

Jason McCoy received his Ph.D. from Florida State

University. He currently lives in Fort Worth, TX,

USA, and teaches courses in musicology at Dallas

Baptist University.

Pinkie Gomolemo Mojaki is an

ethnomusicologist and lecturer in the Department

of Music at the Teacher Training College in

Molepolole, Botswana.

Shawn Mollenhauer holds a Ph.D. and an MA in

Ethnomusicology from the University of California,

Riverside, USA.

Ché rie Rivers Ndaliko is an assistant professor of

music at the University of North Carolina at Chapel

Hill and Executive Director of the Yolé !Africa

Institute in Goma, Democratic Republic of the

Congo.

Magnus Nilsson is Professor of Comparative

Literature at Malmö University, Sweden.

John Nimis received his Ph.D. in French from New

York University, and taught African Cultural Studies

at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

Mwenda Ntarangwi is a cultural anthropologist,

researcher and administrator with an interest in the

popular music of East Africa.

Joachim Oelsner founded the musical archive

Arc Musica in Yaoundé , Cameroon, where he has

lived since 1991.

Caleb Chrispo Okumu was the Executive

Dean, Faculty of Liberal and Professional Studies,

and Associate Professor of Music in the School of

Creative and Performing Arts at Kenya Polytechnic

University College. He died in 2012.

Emmanuelle Olivier, an ethnomusicologist, is

Research Fellow at Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique and Lecturer at the É cole des Hautes

É tudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, France.

Kathryn Olsen is a lecturer in the School of Arts,

University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa.

Olupemi Oludare, Ph.D., is a lecturer in the

Department of Creative Arts (Music), University of

Lagos, Nigeria.

Stephen Olusoji is Associate Professor in Music in

the Department of Creative Arts (Music), University

of Lagos, Nigeria.

Halifu Osumare is Professor Emerita of African

American & African Studies at the University of

California, Davis, USA. She is the author of The

Hiplife in Ghana: West African Indigenization of Hip-

Hop (2012).

145

Fújì

Research in Ethiopian Studies: Selected Papers of the

16th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies,

Trondheim July 2007, eds. Harald Aspenet et al.

Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 321–33.

Teera, Timkehet. 2013. ‘Canvassing Past Memories

rough Təzəta.’ Journal of Ethiopian Studies 46:

31–66.

Weisser, Stéphanie, and Falceto, Francis. 2013.

‘Investigating Qənət in Amhara Secular Music: An

Acoustic and Historical Study.’ Annales d’Éthiopie

28: 299–322.

Discography

Afro, Teddy. Yasteseryal. Nahom Records. 2005 :

Ethiopia.

Ahmed, Mahmoud. Éthiopiques 7: Mahmoud Ahmed

– Ère mèla mèla 1975 . Buda Musique 82980-2.

1999: France.

Astatke, Mulatu. Éthiopiques 4: Ethio Jazz & Musique

Instrumentale 1969–1974. Buda Musique 82964-2.

1998: France.

Aweke, Aster. Aster. CBS Records CT 46848. 1990:

USA.

Eshete, Alemayehu. Éthiopiques 9: Alèmayèhu Eshèté.

Buda Musique 82983-2. 2000: France.

Éthiopiques 1: Golden Years of Modern Ethiopian

Music 1969–1975 (ed. Francis Falceto). Buda

Musique 82951-2. 1997: France.

Éthiopiques 3: Golden Years of Modern Ethiopian

Music 1969–1975 (ed. Francis Falceto). Buda

Musique 82963-2. 1998: France.

Éthiopiques 10: Tezeta – Ethiopian Blues & Ballads

(ed. Francis Falceto). Buda Musique 82222-2. 2002:

France.

Éthiopiques 13: Ethiopian Groove – e Golden

Seventies (ed. Francis Falceto). Buda Musique

82255-2. 2002: France.

Gessesse, Tilahoun. Éthiopiques 17: Tlahoun Gèssèssè.

Buda Musique 82266-2. 2004: France.

Mellesse, Netsanet. Dodge. Dona Wana 198682. 1992:

France.

Roha Band. Roha Band Tour 1990. AIT Records

AIT001. 1990: Ethiopia.

Walias Band. e Best of Walias. Walias Records WRS

100. 1981: USA.

Filmography

Under African Skies: Ethiopia, prod. Richard Taylor

for BBC. 59 mins. Documentary.

MICHELE BANAL

Fújì

During the 1960s in post-independence Nigeria,

Síkírù Àyìndé Barrister (1948–2010) pioneered

and coined the term fújì, a Yorùbá genre of popular

dance music. While Barrister was a soldier in the

Nigerian army in the late 1960s, he transformed wéré/

ajísari music, songs performed by and for Muslims

during the Ramadan fast, into this new style of dance

music. Fújì is characterized by its Islamic-inuenced

vocal style, Yorùbá praise poetry (oríkì) and driving

percussion. Fújì’s popularity hit a peak in Nigeria and

on the global stage in the late 1980s and early 1990s,

and fújì bands continue to record their music and

perform throughout Nigeria and across the globe into

the twenty-rst century.

After Barrister, fújì’s most renowned and prolific

bandleader is K1, King Wasiu Àyìndé Marshal (b.

1957), credited with expanding the original fújì

ensemble of Yorùbá drums, percussion and vocals.

In the early 1980s Àyìndé introduced synthesizer,

saxophone, electric and pedal steel guitar, and drum

set into his band. Fújì’s rise to popularity in the

1980s coincided with the proliferation, marketing

and pirating of audio and video recordings. From

the 1980s through the early 2000s fújì recordings

provided the soundscape for public markets, bus

depots, restaurants and parties. In Nigeria, fújì’s

performers and fan base are predominantly Yorùbá

Muslims, due to the cultural specificity of fújì’s

Yorùbá-language lyrics, praise song interludes and

associations with Islam. Overseas fújì audiences

are dominated by Yorùbá expatriates. However, the

addition of synthesizer, saxophone and electric and

pedal steel guitar to the fújì sound has made fújì more

accessible to fans of highlife, jùjú and Afrobeat, the

most popular genres of Nigerian dance music prior to

fújì’s emergence on the competitive Nigerian music

scene.

Origins

During the yearly Ramadan fast, aspiring male

vocalists created wéré music – vocals accompanied

by harmonica, bells or drums – to wake up Muslims

in their towns to prepare the morning meal, called

sari in Arabic, before sunrise. Wéré means ‘quick,’

referring to the music’s wake-up call function. Ajísari,

an interchangeable name for wéré, means ‘waking up

for sari.’ Toward the end of the colonial period, in the

1950s, Yorùbá kings began to invite town performers

146

Genres: Sub-Saharan Africa

to their palaces for wéré competitions to celebrate

the end of the annual month-long fast. Whole towns

attended to enjoy the show, judges were appointed

and kings awarded the best groups with trophies.

These annual competitions gave talented performers

status and recognition, inspiring them to rehearse

throughout the year. Wéré competitions became

much-anticipated and competitive events, ultimately

producing the first generation of fújì vocalists.

The origin of fújì is traced to what is believed to

have been Barrister’s divine inspiration to transform

wéré into a popular dance music that would exist

alongside other forms of Yorùbá popular music.

When Barrister was making the decision to leave the

army for a career in music, his friends, mentors in

the music industry (notably Ebenezer Obey and King

Sunny Ade) and royal advisers (including the kings

of Ìbàdàn and Ìlọrin) gave him their blessings and

encouragement. They believed that Barrister’s talent

was God-given and that he was destined to succeed as

a professional musician and founder of fújì. Barrister

was particularly inspired by the sákárà (round, single-

skinned frame-drum) music of Yusuf Ọlátúnji and the

highlife-jùjú fusion music of Ebenezer Obey. Barrister

created the fújì sound by combining the sákárà drum,

drums from the Yorùbá dùndún ensemble and wéré-

style vocals.

After seeing a poster of Mount Fuji in an airport,

Barrister is reputed to have named his new music

after Japan’s mountain of love and peace. Nigerian

newspapers often described fújì, upon its arrival

on the music scene, as ‘high-energy trance dance

music.’ In 1973 Kollington Àyìnlá, one of Barrister’s

best friends in the Nigerian army, started his own

fújì band and became a prolific performer and

Barrister’s musical rival. The competition between

Barrister and Kollington became fújì’s original ‘big

man’ rivalry and helped to propel it into national

popularity.

The Fújì Sound

Fújì’s signature sound is dominated by vocals and

percussion. In order to produce a full-bodied sound,

bands include many members: several vocalists,

often 15 to 20 percussionists and since the 1980s a

keyboardist, saxophonist/s and/or electric and pedal

steel guitarist/s. Barrister’s first band, Alhaji Sikiru

Ayinde Barrister and His Fuji Group, was a 25-piece

band. Many fújì bands employ percussionists who

have trained within Àyàn (the spirit of the drum)

lineages, extended families whose boys and young

men apprentice to the profession of drumming and

perform in local ensembles. While most popular music

in southwestern Nigeria incorporates drumming, fújì

relies on its extensive and diverse drum section for its

sound and ‘vibe.’

Àyà n lineages train professionals in two distinct

drumming, singing and dancing traditions: bàtá

and dùndún, each ensemble comprising at least

three different drums in the same drum family. Each

of these ensembles performs a repertoire whose

rhythms interlock and create a rich sound for dancing

and/or summoning the spirits. The supporting drums

of each ensemble are responsible for the underlying

rhythms that sustain and drive each song, while

the master (lead) drums improvise within rigorous

rhythmic structures and text frameworks. Both

ensembles employ surrogate speech technologies to

intone praise poetry and proverbs to communicate

with the spirits and entertain. Rhythms and songs use

binary (2/4 and 4/4) or ternary (12/8 and 6/8) meters,

foundational patterns in West African musical styles.

Dùndún drums are the most numerous in any

fújì ensemble, particularly the gángan, the smallest

of the double-headed, hourglass-shaped drums.

Players hold the drum, often with a strap over the

left shoulder, under the left arm while striking the

forward-facing goatskin head with a curved wooden

stick called ò.pá. Dùndún drums are commonly

known as ‘talking’ drums; drummers mimic the tones

of the Yorùbá language by squeezing and releasing

the tension straps to change the pitch of the skin to

imitate speech. In the context of a fújì band, however,

dùndún drums do not normally intone speech; their

role is to provide a fast-paced and constant groove.

Bàtá drums are double-headed and conical,

said to have been commissioned by King Ṣàngó

during his fifteenth-century reign of the town of

Ò.yó. Since Ṣàngó’s death, bàtá drums have been

played to invoke the Yorùbá spirits as well as for

entertainment. Kollington introduced the bàtá

rhythmic accompanying drum into the fújì ensemble

during the 1980s. Since then several fújì bands

include the bàtá omele akọ (two small drums joined

together), played with two cowhide beaters called

bílálà striking the upward-facing goatskin heads

147

Fújì

called ṣáṣá. In the 1970s bàtá drummers added

another drum to the omele cluster, called omele

mé.ta (three), so they could mimic the tones of the

Yo r ù b á la n g u a g e . Fújì drummers have added even

more drums to the cluster, increasing the melodic

range. Like the dùndún drums, however, the role of

the omele akọ (double) bàtá drum is not to talk but

to fulfill a rhythmic function. The inclusion of bàtá

in fújì bands can be controversial, particularly for

devout Muslims who reject anything associated with

the Yorùbá spirits. When Kollington added bàtá

drums to his band, he was celebrating his cultural

heritage while experimenting with a new sound, for

which he coined the term ‘Bàtá Fújì.’

The sákárà drummer, typically male, plays a key

role in fújì bands; he constantly communicates with

the lead singer/band leader, percussion section and

dancers. He sits on a chair very close to the lead singer

as they collaboratively determine the breaks and

transitions throughout the performance. The sákárà

is made of goatskin tightly stretched over a round

frame. The sákárà drummer can produce different

pitches by pressing his left thumb into the back of the

membrane while striking the other side with a stick in

his right hand. By varying the pitch in this way, skilled

sákárà drummers ‘talk’ by mimicking the melodic

contour of Yorùbá, a true-tone language with three

relative pitches (Villepastour 2010, 51). Like the lead

drummer in a bàtá or dùndún ensemble, the sákárà

player often improvises and/or talks against the steady

rhythmic accompaniment provided by the percussion

section. The sákárà drummer also frequently decides

when to break into a faster dance rhythm and when

to pull back again into a slower-paced section that

features vocals.

Fújì percussion often includes a drum set in

addition to bells and rattles used in various styles

of Yorùbá music. Most fújì bands include ṣè.kè.rè

(gourd rattles), and many bands include agogo (metal

gongs) and aro (a pair of circular iron idiophones

clapped together). Syncopated chords played on the

synthesizer often provide hooks, which help to make

fújì songs and albums recognizable and memorable.

Synthesized sound effects, such as strategically placed,

high-pitched glides, were perceived as modern and

edgy additions in the 1980s. Fújì saxophone and

guitar styles borrow from jùjú pedal steel guitar

(appropriated from country and western) and horn

arrangements recalling highlife, creating a more laid-

back vibe.

Fújì’s vocal style is typically melismatic (whereas

most Yorùbá song is syllabic) and has a nasal

timbre, characteristic of Arabic singing and Quranic

recitation. Vocalists frequently employ glissandi,

which are often imitated by synthesizers. While most

fújì vocalists have informal or no vocal training, they

have learned to sing in wéré competitions, Quranic

schools, prayer groups and/or social events. Teachers

or group leaders often encourage talented vocalists to

join competitions, after which aspiring singers may

find sponsors to help launch their careers.

Many successful fújì vocalists are also skilled praise

singers who have learned to sing oríkì, a Yorùbá

performance genre that most Yorùbá speakers know

and appreciate as part of the fabric of Yorùbá culture

(Barber and Waterman 1995, 249). Since the spread

of Islam into Yorùbá cities and towns from the late

sixteenth century onward, Islamic singing and

chanting have influenced and shaped preexisting

vocal styles in the region. Thus fújì vocal styles are

a synthesis of indigenous Yorùbá praise singing,

Arabic singing and Quranic recitation. While many

fújì songs, recordings and performances open with

a prayer-like song in Arabic, often recited from the

Quran, fújì’s popularity transcends boundaries of

religion and culture.

Fújì lyrics include a wide range of themes

concerning social and political issues, morality and

audience members’ histories. Such themes emerge

from artists’ everyday lives and are stylistically rooted

in ewì, a neo-traditional style of moral and topical

Yorùbá poetry. Ewì songs often begin with invocations

of Allah, the ancestors and/or the òrìṣà (Yorùbá gods

and goddesses) and include praise songs, prayers,

proverbs and stories. Some common ewì and fújì

themes are wealth and poverty, success and failure,

politicians and their legacies, good versus evil,

people’s sources of power, infidelity, secrecy, magic,

greed, pregnancy, money, loyalty, war and love. True

to its wéré and ewì roots, fújì artfully weaves its moral

and spiritual foundation into its popular dance music

themes about having fun on and off the dance floor.

Fújì as Performance and Profession

In Nigeria, in Yorùbá diasporic communities and in

venues across the globe, fújì bands play for weddings,

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Genres: Sub-Saharan Africa

funerals, baby-naming celebrations, birthday parties

and other social events, and the more famous bands

play concerts for ticket holders. In Nigeria, typical fújì

performances start in the evening and end early in the

morning, lasting from six to eight hours. In addition

to charging their hosts a flat rate, fújì bands count on

the cash they earn throughout their performances

as audience members ‘spray’ (place bills on the band

members’ foreheads or on the stage) the performers

in exchange for being praised and entertained.

Throughout Nigeria, fújì performers are unionized

by the state under the umbrella of The Fújì Musicians

Association of Nigeria (FUMAN). FUMAN is

one branch of the larger union, The Performing

Musicians Association of Nigeria (PMAN). FUMAN

chapters are responsible for helping performers

organize, negotiate fair pay and working conditions,

launch new CDs and DVDs and discuss all aspects

of their profession. Fújì bands revolve around

their bandleaders who are responsible for hiring,

managing and firing band members. Successful

bandleaders work with managers and promoters

to secure recording contracts, performance venues

and marketing deals. Some managers collaborate

creatively with bandleaders, helping them with album

concepts and song content.

As in other Yorùbá musical genres, fújì ‘songs’

typically last for periods of 45 minutes to an hour;

thus most fújì CDs contain only one, two or three

tracks. Typical of Muslim forms, fújì vocal choruses

are predominantly sung in unison and employ

minimal harmony. Thus, fújì differs from other

popular Yorùbá music styles, such as jùjú, where

vocal choruses are performed in three- to four-part

harmony, derived from Christian hymnal forms.

Songs generally consist of an opening prayer, lyrics

sung by the lead vocalist, sections of improvised text

sung by the lead vocalist and a chorus sung by lead and

backup vocalists in unison. The leader (usually male)

and chorus sing in call-and-response style, typical of

Yorùbá vocal music. Live performances and albums

consist of expansive sections, which are almost always

improvised praise songs for audience members. An

exemplary fújì front man, Barrister released over 150

recordings (1966–2010) and is revered for the tone of

his voice and his gift for poetic text improvisation.

Male musicians dominate fújì, reflecting fújì’s

origins in wéré and drumming styles. However,

female Muslim artists have developed fújì-related

styles called Islamic, azikir and wákà. Islamic and

azikir are interchangeable names for this genre of

women’s fújì-related music (particularly in and

around the city of Ìlọrin), while wákà is a more

general pan-Yorùbá term for this Muslim women’s

genre. While numerous labels reflect slight regional

variations, these styles emerged in the late 1950s and

were originally performed by women vocalists for

Islamic events such as weddings and celebrations

for pilgrims returning from Mecca. Since the 1980s

professional Muslim women vocalists have fronted

their own bands and these are identical to fújì bands

in their instrumentation. This genre differs from

fújì in text content, aesthetics and in the gender

of its performers. While its themes and aesthetics

are more closely tied to Muslim morality than fújì,

there is a significant overlap between this women’s

genre and fújì. The majority of azikir and wákà

bandleaders and backup vocalists are women, while

the rest of their bands are typically men. Unlike

fújì, women performers of azikir and wákà have a

dominant presence on stage and in videos.

Fújì appeals to young and old dancers alike.

Signature dance steps and moves are rooted in

Yorùbá dance styles that feature small and precise

movements of the buttocks, hips and shoulders, while

the torso is pitched slightly forward. Skilled dancers

who recognize the drum breaks might choose to

accentuate the drum parts with sharp movements

of their buttocks, shoulders or feet. Guests often

spray the hosts of the event on the dance floor with

individual bills, thanking them for throwing a great

party. Guests also spray other guests to compliment

one another’s dancing. Fújì videos are either mini-

films, interpreting the theme of a song, or a series

of dance scenes. Women dancers are often featured

for their skillful and provocative dance moves.

Videos are popular for their portrayals of luxury and

excess through a proliferation of imagery featuring

expensive clothing, cars, jewelry, clubs, nightlife and

Nigerian and overseas cityscapes.

Conclusion

Fújì continues to be a favorite dance music

genre for many Nigerians. Distinct from highlife,

jùjú and Afrobeat, fújì grew out of Yorùbá Muslim

communities. Diverse audiences appreciate fújì’s

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Fújì

philosophical and moral themes as well as its

infectious and danceable rhythms. New generations

of fújì artists draw from hip-hop, rap and other

popular genres to produce fusions for Nigerian and

global markets, inspiring debate about the future

of fújì’s status, style and aesthetics. While its sound

has changed since its birth in the 1960s – with the

inclusion of synthesizer, electric and steel pedal

guitar, horn sections and drum set in the 1980s – fújì

is still rooted in Yorùbá percussion and vocal styles

that emerged from nineteenth-century drumming

and centuries-old vocal genres.

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University Press.

Villepastour, Amanda. 2010. Ancient Text Messages

of the Yorùbá Bàtá Drum: Cracking the Code.

Farnham, UK: Ashgate Publishing Limited.

Discography

Wasiu Àyìndé

Àyìndé, Alhaji Wasiu Barrister, and His Fuji

Commanders. Mecca Special. Omo Aje OLPS 0268.

1981: Nigeria.

Àyìndé, Alhaji Wasiu Barrister, and His Tarazo Fuji

Commanders. Ise Logun Ise. Omo Aje OLPS 1315.

1984: Nigeria.

Àyìndé, Alhaji Wasiu Barrister, and His Tarazo Fuji

Commanders. Talazo System. Omo Aje OLPS 0311.

1984: Nigeria.

Àyìndé, Alhaji Wasiu Barrister, and e Royal Inter-

Fuji Messiah. Adieu Awolowo. Talazo TRLP 001.

1987: Nigeria.

Àyìndé, Alhaji Wasiu Barrister, and e Royal Inter-

Fuji Messiah. Talazo in London. Omo Aje OLPS

1351. 1987: Nigeria.

Àyìndé, Dr. Wasiu Barrister, and e Tarazo

International Fuji Messiahs. Consolidation. e

Ultimate Music TUMMC 001. 1994: Nigeria.

Àyìndé, King Wasiu Marshal 1, and e Ultimate

Band with Blakky & Bunmi Sanya Legacy. Legacy.

e Ultimate Music TUMLP 003. 1996: Nigeria.

Àyìndé, King Wasiu Marshal 1. Talazo Fuji Music

Party. Womad WSCD 101. 1997: Nigeria.

K1 De Ultimate. K1 at 50. Sarola J. Music & Films.

2006: Nigeria.

K1 De Ultimate. Tribute to My Mentor Barry Wonder.

Omega Music. 2011: Nigeria.

Kollington Àyìnlá

Àyìnlá, President Kollington, and His New Fuji

System. Omo Mariwo. Emi Nemi 075. 1975:

Nigeria.

150

Genres: Sub-Saharan Africa

Àyìnlá, Kollington. Africa Apartheid. Emi Nemi 298.

1978: Nigeria.

Àyìnlá, Alhaji Kollington, and His African Fuji 78

Organization. American Yankee. Kollington KRLPS

021. 1987: Nigeria.