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Digging for Survival: Female Participation in Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining in The Tarkwa Mining District of Ghana

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Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) occurs in many countries around the world, and provides a source of livelihood to many impoverished local people in areas where it occurs. This paper reports the role of female participants and reasons why they engage in ASM. Field visits were made to 12 ASM sites located in the Tarkwa Mining District of Ghana to conduct interviews with male diggers and female participants. It was observed that over 100 women between the ages of 18 and 50 participate in ASM for survival. They engage in ASM largely because they have no alternative employable skills and income sources. These female participants depend on ASM to sustain the lives of their dependents.
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Preprint 17-042
DIGGING FOR SURVIVAL: FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN ARTISANAL AND SMALL-SCALE MINING IN THE TARKWA MINING
DISTRICT OF GHANA
K. J. Bansah, Missouri Univ. of Science and Tech., Rolla-Missouri, Rolla, MO
N. K. Dumakor-Dupey, Univ. of Mines and Tech., Tarkwa, Ghana,
G. B. Sakyi-Addo, Georgette Barnes Ltd., Accra, Ghana
ABSTRACT
Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) occurs in many countries
around the world, and provides a source of livelihood to many
impoverished local people in areas where it occurs. This paper reports
the role of female participants and reasons why they engage in ASM.
Field visits were made to 12 ASM sites located in the Tarkwa Mining
District of Ghana to conduct interviews with male diggers and female
participants. It was observed that over 100 women between the ages
of 18 and 50 participate in ASM for survival. They engage in ASM
largely because they have no alternative employable skills and income
sources. These female participants depend on ASM to sustain the lives
of their dependents.
INTRODUCTION
Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) conventionally involves
use of rudimentary tools (such as picks, shovels, chisels and
hammers) to exploit precious minerals and metals from the ground. It
has been a major source of livelihood to many impoverished local
people for more than a century. In many instances, it is the only source
of income to indigenous people who have no alternative employable
skills. The World Bank estimated that more than 100 million people
around the world benefit from ASM which largely occurs in developing
countries in Asia, Africa, Oceania, and South and Central America
(World Bank, 2013). Cobalt, which is used in lithium-ion batteries to
power cellphones, laptop computers, and electric vehicles, is largely
produced by artisanal miners in Congo (The Washington Post, 2016).
In Sudan, ASM is a significant contributor to the national economy,
accounting for about 85% of total gold extracted yearly from 2010 to
2015 (Ibrahim, 2015). Also, according to the Embassy of Sierra Leone
in Washington DC, USA, 90% of mineral export in Sierra Leone can be
attributed to thriving artisanal diamond mining in the country (Sierra
Leone Embassy, 2016).
In Ghana, the ASM sector was recognized by government as a
multimillion industrial activity, and through a series of initiatives, it was
legalized by promulgating the Small Scale Gold Mining Law of 1989
(PNDCL 218). Presently, artisanal mining is widely practiced in two
forms: licensed (registered), sometimes referred to as formal ASM, and
unregistered (informal or illegal) operations, popularly called
“galamsey”, a name believed to have been derived from “gather and
sell” by ancient miners who could not communicate in the English
language with European/British miners.
The ASM sector in Ghana, like other countries, has seen a rise in
female participation over the years. A report by the International
Labour Organization (ILO) indicated that women account for about
15% of total workforce in ASM in Ghana, and up to 50% in Africa (ILO,
1999). Other researchers have also estimated women participants in
ASM to be between 30 and 70% in Africa (Hinton et al., 2003a; Hinton
et al. 2003b; Hilson, 2002). Presently, there is no reliable data from
Ghanaian authorities on number of females engaged in ASM.
However, data obtained from 15 ASM sites suggest that at least 40%
of the employees are women. It is expected that a similar trend exists
across ASM operations in Ghana.
The growing number of women in ASM can be attributed to issues
of unemployment and increasing poverty among households in rural
communities in the country. Lack of scientific literature on women
engagement in ASM has been a major hindrance to understanding the
main reasons for female participation in ASM in Ghana. One study
conducted by Yakovleva (2007) in the Birim North District of Ghana on
women in “galamsey” observed that females engage in ASM due lack
of ‘productive employment’. The study was not extended to women in
licensed ASM operations.
In light of efforts by international organizations (such as the World
Bank) in assisting Ghanaian authorities to improve ASM and the
economy at large, it is important to have a comprehensive
understanding of the demographics of ASM participants and reasons
for engaging in ASM for appropriate interventions. Data acquired could
be useful in developing appropriate policies that aim at bettering the
lives of ASM participants and making the sector economically and
environmentally sustainable. Thus, this study explored the reasons for
female participation in ASM within the Tarkwa Mining District of Ghana.
It also adds to existing literature on women in ASM in Ghana.
METHODS
Field Visits
The study was conducted in the Tarkwa Mining Area as described
by Bansah et al. (2016). It is located on latitude 5.3000º N and
longitude 1.9833º W in the Tarkwa Nsuaem Municipal Assembly of the
Western Region of Ghana (Figure 1). The mining area hosts one of
nine small-scale mining district offices established by the Minerals
Commission of Ghana to provide extension services to active and
prospective ASM operators. Registered ASM operations in the area
mainly occur in the Tarkwa and Nsuaem communities. Illegal ASM
activities also occur in these two communities and many other places
in the mining area.
Figure 1. Study area.
The area has 15 active registered ASM operations that use both
underground and surface mining methods to dig for gold. Twelve of
these ASM operations in the area were visited between March and July
of 2016. Underground operations involve the use of simple tools to
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gain access to gold-bearing rocks, where the rocks are broken and
carried to the surface by male miners. In some cases, miners access
underground workings through abandoned adits created by the defunct
large-scale mine, State Gold Mining Corporation (Ghana Government
owned mining company). In the surface mining operations, overburden
is typically removed by dozers while limited blasting is utilized to
fragment competent or consolidated rocks for eventual handling using
picks, handheld shovels, or small to medium size excavators. For
alluvium, excavators are used to dig and stockpile auriferous gravels
after overburden removal by dozers. In some instances, handheld tools
are used by miners to dig alluvial materials.
Following digging, the materials are typically carried in head pans
by women (see Figure 2) to processing plants where they are crushed,
ground and washed or directly washed to obtain gold concentrate.
Women also typically fetch water for sluicing activities.
Figure 2. Women carry headloads of excavated materials from mining
location to processing facilities. This activity is typically done for four
hours per day from Monday to Saturday.
Interviews with Participants
Interviews were conducted with two groups of women that exist at
ASM sites; women primarily involved in mining operations (female
miners direct workforce) and women providing services such as sale
of food to miners (indirect workforce). A total of 100 women were
interviewed at the mine sites (Figure 3). They included 77 direct
workforce who were randomly selected and had approval from their
supervisors and 33 traders who were directly approached for
participation. The narratives of respondents were recorded in field
notebooks, and in some cases, voice recorded. Also, participant
observations at the ASM sites were done to understand the work
routine of the women and to have contextual perspective for their
narratives.
Figure 3. Interviewee Categories.
Additionally, semi-structured interviews and discussions were
carried out with supervisors and male counterparts of the women to
obtain their perspectives on women engaged in ASM activities. Due to
lack of literature on the subject, data reported in this paper have mainly
been derived from responses obtained during the interviews and
discussions among participants. Applying pseudonyms, some of the
narratives of interviewees’ cases have been reported verbatim in this
paper to provide illustration of conditions or reasons that necessitated
their engagement in ASM.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Results of field visits and interviews showed that many women
involved in ASM within the Tarkwa Mining District have ages between
18 and 50 years, with average age of 33 years. Majority (41%) of these
women were youth between the ages of 18 and 30 years while 32%
were between 41 and 50 years. About 27% were between 31 and 40
years (Figure 4). A significant number of the women (82%) were
married while 7% had never married (Figure 5). Another 7% were
separated or divorced and 4% were widowed. Many of these women
had at least three children, with married women having the largest
number of children (Figures 6 and 7).
Figure 4. Age of Respondents.
Figure 5. Marital Status of Respondents.
With a meagre income of GHC 12.00 (US$ 3.00) per day (four
working hours), the earnings are typically spent on shelter and food
(27%), children’s education (26%), utility payment (26%), personal
needs (19%), and to some extent, support other family members (2%)
(see Figure 8).
Many of the women have travelled over hundreds of kilometres
from Northern Ghana and other parts of the country where there are
limited livelihood alternatives and high poverty levels to work in ASM
for income to support themselves and their families. Reasons assigned
to working in ASM by the women include, lack of employment and
alternative sustainable sources of livelihood, neglect by husbands, loss
of parents at an early age, need to care for siblings, retrenchment of
husbands from large firms, and lack of sustainable income.
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Figure 6. Family Size of Respondents.
Figure 7. Marital Status and Number of Children.
Figure 8. Income Distribution.
The interviews and analysis of data collected show that many
women participate in ASM largely for survival. They also work in ASM
to earn income to feed their families and pay for their children’s school
fees. An interviewee retorted: ‘this job is a means to an end. I am trying
to save money to learn a trade’. Esther Gudane, artisanal gold digger
in Tarkwa shares a similar story:
Esther Gudane is 30 years of age and comes from a village in Wa
in the Upper East Region of Ghana. She has no formal education
and is married with two children. Esther’s husband is a
subsistence farmer in their hometown and derives little income.
With no other source of livelihood and poor economic conditions,
she travelled more than 600 kilometres to Tarkwa to undertake
ASM activities to earn income to supplement her husband’s
meagre income. Esther does not want her children to suffer and
hopes to use her income from ASM to better the lives of her
children. Even though Esther admits that working in ASM is
extremely difficult for women, she cannot quit because it is the
‘only way for the family’s survival’. She added that she even goes
to work when she is ill, because she would not want to lose her
wage for the day.
Particularly telling is the story of Madam Abena, who is 50 years
of age and divorced with six children:
Madam Abena comes from Mankessim in the Central Region of
Ghana. She joined ASM as a load carrier when she was unable to
care for herself and support her family. For 10 years, she carried
headloads of dug materials from mining location to processing
plants, and worked 4 hours per day at ASM sites. Presently, as a
result of old age, she uses handheld hammer to fragment large
pieces of broken rocks into smaller sizes before feeding them into
crushing facilities. Although, her new task relieves her from the
pain of carrying loads on the head, repeatedly striking hammer on
rocks to break them into pieces is equally daunting. She cannot
quit the job because it is her only source of income. She provides
for the needs of her younger children and contributes financially to
other dependents from the income earned from ASM.
The cases outlined are not different from that of Madam Comfort
Arthur who trades at ASM site by selling food to diggers and non-
diggers:
She is 48 years of age, mother of six children and widow for 16
years. Unable to provide the needed financial support for her
family, provide for shelter and pay her children’s school fees after
the death of her husband, she resorted to selling food at an ASM
site in Tarkwa. For 10 years, she has operated at the ASM site
and uses her income to care for her children, pay for their
education and provide shelter for the family. Presently, the eldest
child is a polytechnic graduate and gainfully employed. Her
second child is a final-year university student in Ghana, while the
remaining four children are at various stages in secondary and
primary education. According to Madam Comfort Arthur, selling
food at ASM site to earn income has improved her living condition
and made her self-dependent.
DISCUSSION
Female participants provide important services in the ASM chain.
They work as porters, carrying broken rocks on their head; washers,
carrying water for sluicing; and pounders, pounding ore into fines using
manual mortar and pestle. These services provide are recognized by
ASM supervisors who describe female participants as ‘hardworking,
disciplined and critical to ASM operations’, yet, they are low-paid and
not involved in decision making.
Many of these women have little or no formal education and enter
ASM largely unskilled, recognizing ASM as a means of survival, pay for
children’s education, health care and put food in the pot for their
families. Hence, a thriving ASM sector in Ghana could be an important
source of hope for many impoverished rural women who lack
alternative and sustainable sources of livelihoods.
Even though incomes earned by female ASM participants are
mostly low, they are described as significant by the women, as such
incomes meet their needs. It is probably for this reason that
Heemskerk (2003) encourages female self-employment ‘because
higher incomes for women empower them, improve the health of their
families, and alleviate poverty in society at large’. Hinton et al. (2003a)
agree with these assertions by stating that ‘for many women, artisanal
mining signifies an opportunity to relieve the strains of poverty’. Hence,
an improved ASM sector could enhance the standard of living of
female participants and their families.
It is therefore important for authorities to explore female
participation in ASM, and provide strategies that could help women
participants to optimize potential benefits. Thus, recent action dialogue
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(in January, 2016) championed by the International Institute for
Environment and Development (IIED) to streamline ASM sector
institutions, regulations and creating a business case to cause real
transformation in the lives of people in the sector becomes an
important intervention to reform ASM in Ghana. Given the support from
the mining sector, civil society organizations, and government
agencies, such initiatives could engender development programmes to
catalyze transformation of ASM in the country.
Moreover, as a result of the crucial role women play in the
development of sustainable community, policy advocacy and
community encouragement could cause female ASM participants to
rise from the “bottom of the pit”, cleanse themselves of mud and move
to positions of enlightenment and leadership in mining to facilitate
positive changes in their lives and ASM sector in general.
CONCLUSION
We observed that many women participate in artisanal and small-
scale mining for survival. They typically engage in ASM for income to
feed themselves and their families, provide for educational needs of
their children. These women play important role in artisanal and small-
scale mining in Ghana. Therefore, efforts towards streamlining ASM
should recognize the crucial roles played by female participants and
involve them in decision making. Such recognition could encourage
and empower women in ASM to cause a significant transformation to
realize much benefit from the sector. As a result, their lives and the
lives of their families would be improved.
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Artisanal miners employ rudimentary techniques for minéral extraction and often operate under hazardous, labour intensive, highly disorganized and illegal conditions. Gold is the main mineral extracted by artisanal miners, and the ecological and human health impacts resulting from mercury (Hg) use in gold extraction warrant special consideration. More than 30% of world's 13 million artisanal miners are women and, as they are often perceived to be less suited for labour intensive mining methods, the majority of women work in the processing aspect of artisanal mining, including amalgamation with Hg. As women are also predominantly responsible for food preparation, they are in an excellent position to respond to health risks associated with consumption of Hg-contaminated foods in impacted areas. In addition to their influence on consumption habits, women in artisanal mining communities may be in a position to effect positive change with respect to the technologies employed. Thus, gender sensitive approaches are necessary to reduce exposure risks to women and their families, promote clean technologies and support the development of stronger, healthier artisanal mining communities. This paper describes the roles of women in artisanal gold mining, highlights their importance in reducing the Hg exposure in these communities, and provides insight into how risks from Hg pollution can effectively be communicated and mitigated.
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This paper provides a concise historical account of gold mining in Ghana, from the pre-colonial period, through to the present. For over 1000 years, the Ancient Kingdom of Ghana, the former Gold Coast Colony, and present-day Ghana, have produced a substantial portion of the world’s gold. Initially frequented by Arab traders who had crossed vast stretches of the Sahara, the trading routes of the Ancient Kingdom of Ghana had stimulated significant conflict among groups, in particular, the Europeans, who, for centuries, battled for control of the West African gold monopoly. The region’s first gold mining companies were formed shortly after the British established the Gold Coast Colony in 1874, and, following two successive gold rushes in the early-1900s, gold prospecting and extraction were widespread in Obuasi, Tarkwa and Prestea. However, the industry soon entered a period of depressed production, which began at the time of country independence in 1957, and ended shortly after implementation of the country’s Economic Recovery (ERP) Plan in 1983. The Ghanaian gold mining industry has since grown rapidly, supplanting cocoa cultivation as the country’s chief economic activity. In the past 20 years, production increases in the order of 700% have been achieved, and today, output from resident gold mines accounts for some 37% of national exports and 97% of mineral exports.
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