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Theoretical Perspectives on Post-Migration
Adaptation and Psychological Well-Being
among Refugees: Towards a
Resource-Based Model
DERMOT RYAN
BARBARA DOOLEY
CIARA
´NBENSON
School of Psychology, Newman Building, University College Dublin, Belfield,
Dublin 4, Ireland
dermot.ryan@ucd.ie
Research on the psychological well-being of refugees has focused on deficiencies
within individuals either in terms of psychiatric symptoms or feelings of distress.
To achieve a more holistic view of the life experiences of refugees, we need
to look at the limitations of our current theoretical models. This article critically
examines some of the major theoretical approaches that have guided research
on the psychological well-being of refugees: the medical model, the psychosocial
stress model and Berry’s (1997) ‘acculturation framework’. It goes on to exam-
ine Hobfoll’s (2001) Conservation of Resources stress theory, a model which
has important implications for refugee research. Drawing upon the models
reviewed, the last section outlines a conceptual framework for adaptation
among refugees. At the heart of it lies the concept of resources. However,
resources must be understood in terms of the individual’s needs,personal goals
and the demands he or she encounters. Each of these concepts must be examined
in the context of the pre-migration, flight and post-migration phases. The
additional concept of constraints on the use of or access to resources is parti-
cularly relevant to the post-migration phase. Such a conceptual toolkit could
prove especially useful in going beyond quantitative data to present the human
stories of refugees. It could also sensitize researchers to the impact of host
societies on the well-being of refugees.
Keywords: refugees, psychological well-being, post-migration adaptation,
stress theory, resources
Introduction
The complexity of human life experiences is such that empirical research into
the psychological well-being of populations is by its very nature a selective
process. Researchers cannot examine every single aspect of a person’s life
Journal of Refugee Studies ßThe Author [2008]. Published by Oxford University Press.
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doi:10.1093/jrs/fem047
simultaneously, so they focus on factors deemed to be of particular signi-
ficance. In choosing such factors, they are guided by theoretical models.
Different models sensitize us to different aspects of human experience. This
article assesses the adequacy of some of the major theoretical models that
have guided research on the post-migration psychological well-being of
refugees. It goes on to outline a new conceptual approach to this issue.
Migrant adaptation refers to the process through which persons reorganize
or rebuild their lives after relocating to a new sociocultural context. Different
theoretical models focus on different aspects of this process. Sociocultural
models are concerned with the demands of interacting effectively in a new
cultural environment (e.g. Ward and Kennedy 1999). ‘Social identity’ models
focus on how individuals come to terms with changing perceptions of their
ethnic identity as a result of intercultural contact (see Ward et al. 2001).
Economic approaches focus on the migrant’s ability to access the labour
market of the host environment and regain pre-migration levels of occupa-
tional status (e.g. Aycan and Berry 1996). However, the overwhelming focus
in research on refugees has not been on such issues as culture learning, ethnic
identity or economic integration but on mental health (for a review, see
Fazel et al. 2005).
In recent decades the theoretical approach of choice in refugee mental
health research has been the so-called ‘medical model’, with its focus on
pathological conditions, the diagnosis of disorders, epidemiological studies
and the treatment of symptoms through pharmacological or psychother-
apeutic interventions. The medical conceptualization of mental health issues
among refugees was bolstered by the introduction of the diagnostic category
of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in the third edition of the Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association
1980). This was followed by an upsurge of interest in levels of trauma among
refugees. The message that came through was that refugees were very ‘sick’
people, with prevalence rates of PTSD and depression as high as 86 per cent
and 80 per cent respectively among one community sample of Cambodian
refugees (Carlson and Rosser-Hogan 1991).
An understanding of experiences of trauma is certainly a key aspect of the
psychological well-being of refugee populations, but it is only part of the
picture. In the trauma-based medical model, individuals who have demon-
strated incredible resilience are seen in terms of perceived deficiencies—as
bearers of psychiatric symptoms. Trauma discourse focuses on high-impact
events that occurred in the pre-migration environment. One of the dangers of
this focus is that it overshadows basic needs in the present lives of resettled
refugees. For studies of groups resettled in Western countries, this has meant
that the demands of pre-arrival contexts have attracted more attention than
the seemingly less severe demands of the host environment. Trauma discourse
has little to say about the actual migrant adaptation process or the impact of
the host social environment on the psychological well-being of refugees.
2Dermot Ryan, Barbara Dooley, Ciara
´n Benson
In recent years a psychosocial stress model has become increasingly influ-
ential in the conceptualization of refugee psychological well-being. Lazarus
and Folkman’s (1984) landmark work, Stress, Appraisal, and Coping, has
been of major significance here. Their approach examines psychological well-
being in terms of exposure to demands perceived as stressful and access to
resources that moderate their impact. They define stress as ‘a particular
relationship between the person and the environment that is appraised by the
person as taxing or exceeding his or her resources and endangering his or
her well-being’ (1984: 19). In such a ‘psychosocial’ model, an emphasis is
placed on psychological resources (e.g. adaptive coping strategies) and social
resources (e.g. supportive personal relationships). One of the advantages
of this approach over a medical model is that personal distress is no longer
pathologized but is conceptualized as a normal response to major life changes
in the absence of access to adequate resources. Though developed in relation
to general populations, the psychosocial model can be applied to the demands
of migration. Indeed, such a stress model forms the foundation of Berry’s
(1997) ‘acculturation framework’, which is designed to guide research on the
psychological impact of intercultural contact.
Studies of refugee psychological well-being rarely give explicit details of
their theoretical basis. References to particular models consist of little more
than a theoretical backdrop to the studies. The actual implications of the
theoretical approaches applied in these contexts are rarely spelt out. There
are, however, a number of works which have offered cogent analyses of the
weaknesses of the medical or psychosocial approaches (e.g. Ager 1997; Miller
and Rasco 2004; Muecke 1992; Summerfield 1999; Watters 2001). For the
most part, the criticisms here have been directed at the general models that
underpin interventions or mental health services. An area that has attracted
less critical attention is the adequacy of stress models in making sense of the
adaptation of refugees. This gap is the focus of the present article.
Before outlining our own eclectic model of refugee adaptation, we examine
some of the inherent weaknesses in both the psychosocial stress model and
the acculturation framework, as well as reviewing Conservation of Resources
theory (Hobfoll 2001).
Some Critical Comments on Lazarus and Folkman’s Stress Model
The key concept in Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) model is cognitive
appraisal. The individual has to make sense of his or her mental world. An
understanding of individual differences in appraisal is particularly important
when examining responses to similar stressors among persons with similar
levels of resources. For example, differential responses to the stressful
demands of an exam among a group of white middle-class North American
college students are likely to be determined in an important way by different
appraisals of what is at stake. In other words, when resources and demands
are held relatively constant, subjective or intrapsychic factors take on a
Post-Migration Adaptation and Psychological Well-Being 3
greater salience in understanding the stress process. When we examine stress
among populations with greater levels of variation in their access to
environmental resources or in the types of stressors they are exposed to,
then the salience of subjective factors diminishes. For refugees, it is likely that
objective factors in their lives (e.g. family separation, access to a secure legal
status, permission to work, accommodation conditions) will on the whole
play a more significant role in shaping their psychological well-being as
compared with sedentary Western majority populations or voluntary
migrants (e.g. international business people or international students).
Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) model enters the stress process at the point
where the individual is already engaged in a potentially stressful transaction
with his or her environment. The problem with this point of departure is that
it glosses over two important aspects of the stress process. First, individuals
do not enter potentially stressful encounters from a social vacuum but from
a world in which access to resources is socially structured along such
dimensions as gender, socioeconomic status, legal status and ethnic back-
ground. So before we consider individuals’ perceptions of the adequacy of
their resources in managing a demand, we need to recognize that there are
real differences in the resources available to them and that these differences
reflect how society is organized. Second, not all instances in which an
individual enters a potentially stressful encounter with his or her environment
come down to chance, such as driving over a rusty nail and getting a flat tyre.
Some groups within society inhabit environments that inherently present
more threats to their well-being. For example, in some societies the social
environment for persons with black skin may be marked by a range of
stressors that are not present in the environments of white persons. In short,
the nature and extent of demands individuals encounter are socially
patterned.
It is worth considering the moral and political implications of Lazarus and
Folkman’s (1984) focus on the appraisal process and individual coping
responses as opposed to the more objective factors of the distribution of
resources or demands in society. If the stressful impact of a demand ulti-
mately depends on the individual’s perceptions and coping ability, then
the responsibility for failure to manage such a situation lies within the
individual. Accordingly, interventions must change the way individuals
perceive stressors or teach them more effective coping skills. Lazarus and
Folkman’s model readily supports individual-level approaches to interven-
tion, such as cognitive-based forms of therapy (e.g. Beck 1976). However,
it serves us less well if the target for change is the wider social conditions
in which people live and the social policies that shape these conditions.
It lacks a certain critical edge that is present in many sociological accounts
which link the stress process to structural inequalities in society (e.g.
Aneshensel 1992).
A critical theory of the stress process not only examines the circumstances
in which stress arises but also considers possible ways of transforming social
4Dermot Ryan, Barbara Dooley, Ciara
´n Benson
environments to reduce the stressful demands they place on their inhabitants.
The cornerstone of such a critical approach, we believe, must be the concept
of resources, for it is fundamentally in the redistribution of resources and the
removal of constraints on resources that we can make human environments
less stressful and more egalitarian.
Some Critical Comments on Berry’s Acculturation Framework
Berry’s (1997) acculturation framework incorporates a sensitivity to the
demands of cross-cultural transitions within a psychosocial stress model.
However, his approach exaggerates the extent to which the demands of
migration are rooted in the phenomenon of intercultural contact. It presents
an overculturalized view of the migrant adaptation process. The result is that
issues not directly linked to culture contact are underplayed. This criticism is
also raised by one of the architects of the stress model which forms the
foundation of Berry’s framework, Richard Lazarus (1997), in a commentary
entitled ‘Acculturation isn’t Everything’. Lazarus argues that irrespective
of the demands that stem from contact with a new culture, the process of
relocation places major stressful demands on the individual. In other words,
acculturative demands are only a subset of a broader category of demands
that are brought about by relocation.
There are many scenarios in which it is conceivable that culture-related
factors (e.g. clashes of cultural worldviews, culture shedding, ethnic identity
confusion, religious differences, discrimination) are not the salient factors
in the adaptation process. For migrants who relocate to a society that is
culturally similar to their own, the loss of their social network or separation
from family members might be the most challenging demands they face.
Asylum seekers in Western countries often spend long periods of time housed
in accommodation centres where they have little contact with the majority
population. For them, the key issues might be their living conditions, legal
status insecurity or a lack of meaningful day-to-day activities.
It is misleading to describe the adaptational demands of refugees in their
early years of resettlement as ‘acculturative stress’ (Berry 1997). Such a term
disguises the fact that many of the demands (e.g. unemployment, family
separation) they are exposed to concern the thwarting of psychological
needs that are common to all humans irrespective of their ethnocultural
background.
Hobfoll’s Conservation of Resources Theory
A noteworthy attempt to resolve the subjectivism of appraisal-based stress
theories is Hobfoll’s (e.g. 1998, 2001) Conservation of Resources (COR)
theory. Its basic tenet is that ‘individuals strive to obtain, retain, protect, and
foster things that they value’ (Hobfoll 2001: 341). COR theory sees the key
component of the stress process as resource loss. Psychological stress can
Post-Migration Adaptation and Psychological Well-Being 5
arise in three situations: (1) where individuals face a threat of resource loss;
(2) where resources are actually lost; or (3) where an investment of resources
fails to produce an expected return. While Hobfoll accepts that resource loss
can be assessed through an examination of individuals’ appraisals, he argues
that most resources are objectively determined. In contrast to appraisal-
based models, Hobfoll places greater emphasis on the shared versus
idiosyncratic nature of stress appraisals: ‘Resource loss for one individual
would in most cases be perceived as loss by others in similar circumstances’
(2001: 342).
In COR theory the stress process is placed in the context of a general
model of social action. Therefore, the process is not reduced to reactions to
environmental demands but encompasses objective conditions and personal
strivings which result in the avoidance of exposure to such demands in the
first place, or which protect the individual against their negative effects
should such demands be encountered. In other words, COR theory provides
us with the tools to examine the objective conditions out of which stressful
demands are born or kept at bay. By focusing on such conditions, it allows us
to make an important link between the study of stress and the type of social
change needed to improve access to resources among marginalized segments
of society.
While an emphasis on resources rather than appraisals is important in
developing a critical stance on stress among populations at the margins of
society, we must avoid over-extending the conceptual role of resources in a
stress model. Hobfoll overworks the notion of resources in two key respects.
First, resources become both the means and ends (i.e. goals) of human
action. He defines resources as entities ‘that are valued in their own right, or
that are valued because they act as conduits to the achievement or protection
of valued resources’ (Hobfoll 2001: 339). By glossing over the distinction
between resources and goals we can lose sight of the fact that the same
resources (e.g. money, time, energy, education, social influence, weapons) can
be put to diverse uses by different individuals or groups.
Second, not all aspects of the stress process fit so neatly into a model that
defines stress as the loss of resources. Some stressors are more accurately seen
as aversive stimuli in themselves rather than as amounting to resource loss.
Therefore, we endorse Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) distinction between
‘harm’ and ‘loss’ in the stress process. Some examples of harmful stressors are
the experiencing or witnessing of violence, racist abuse or the violation of
deeply held personal values. We believe that the notion of resources is best
devoted to factors that enable individuals to satisfy their needs and pursue
goals, and that a separate category should be preserved for stressful demands
or noxious stimuli beyond the domain of personal strivings. Such a category
is needed to explain why refugees are willing to lose a great deal of their
personal resources to relocate to an environment which does not contain the
aversive stimuli of the one left behind.
6Dermot Ryan, Barbara Dooley, Ciara
´n Benson
Towards a Resource-Based Model of Migrant Adaptation
This section outlines a model of migrant psychological well-being that draws
and builds upon the work of Berry (1997), Hobfoll (1998, 2001), and Lazarus
and Folkman (1984). While much of the material is relevant to migrants in
general, it focuses on the experiences of forced migrants in Western countries.
Human survival depends on certain basic needs being met. The satisfaction
of these needs requires resources. Resources are not only invested in need
satisfaction but are also mobilized in the pursuit of personal goals and in
the management of demands encountered throughout the life course. We use
the term migrant adaptation to describe the process through which individuals
seek to satisfy their needs, pursue their goals and manage demands encoun-
tered after relocating to a new society. The term migrant adaptation is
preferable to that of cross-cultural adaptation (e.g. Kim and Gudykunst 1987)
because it encompasses the whole range of demands faced by the individual,
not only those rooted in contact with a new culture.
Resources
Migration invariably has an impact on the individual’s resource pool. The
study of migrant adaptation is fundamentally an examination of factors
which facilitate or constrain access to resources. We describe the theoretical
approach outlined here as a resource-based model of migrant adaptation.
Resources can be defined as the means by which individuals satisfy needs,
pursue goals and manage demands. In examining the migration adaptation
process, resources can be grouped under the following four headings:
personal, material, social and cultural resources.
Personal resources can be physical or psychological in nature (Lazarus
and Folkman 1984). Health, mobility, energy and physical attractiveness are
physical resources. Psychological resources include both skills and personal
traits. Examples of skills-based resources are problem-solving and social
skills. Trait-based resources include self-esteem, optimism, self-efficacy and
hope. While these resources are trait-based, they are not immutable: their
levels can change in response to stressful circumstances. Material resources
include money, property, means of transport and personal possessions in
general. Paid employment can also be seen as a material resource. Social
resources refer to the beneficial aspects of personal relationships. These
include emotional, informational and tangible support, as well as the sense
of identity and belonging that integration in a social network brings.
While we make distinctions between personal, social and material resources
for analytical purposes, it is important not to lose sight of how these
variables are interrelated. Wilkinson’s (1996) work, for example, highlights
the psychological and social impact of material deprivation. In examining the
impact of relative income on health, he argues that persons at the bottom
of the social hierarchy not only suffer the greatest material deprivation, but
they also suffer the greatest social, psychological and emotional deprivation.
Post-Migration Adaptation and Psychological Well-Being 7
This effect operates through a number of pathways, a central one being the
diminished ability to control one’s life when one has less money.
A model of migrant adaptation needs to account for the shaping of
resources by cultural contexts. For this reason we have added a category that
is absent from both Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) and Hobfoll’s (1998)
conceptualization of resources. We use the term cultural resources to describe
skills, knowledge and beliefs that are learned within a particular cultural
setting, and whose adaptive value is often intimately related to their being
deployed in such a setting or in similar ones. These resources can be seen as a
‘toolkit’ that is provided by one’s culture. Cultural resources include linguistic
skills, literacy, education, computer skills and occupational skills. There is
some overlap between cultural and psychological resources. For example,
cognitive skills are undoubtedly shaped by culture (e.g. Cole 1996). Cultural
knowledge should be interpreted in a broad sense. It includes familiarity
with various services and systems in a particular cultural environment, such
as public transport systems and banks. It also includes knowledge of the
physical surroundings and climate. Cultural beliefs refer to shared religious or
philosophical systems that give people a sense of meaning in their lives.
Needs, Goals and Demands
The impact of resource loss or gain must be understood in the context of the
individual’s needs, goals and demands. Displaced persons will inevitably
compare their new environment to what they have left behind. We propose
that the greater the level of need deprivation, thwarting of personal goals and
exposure to stressful demands in the home environment, the greater the
potential that the post-migration environment will have to generate a sense of
well-being for the migrant, at least in the early phase of resettlement. While
Hobfoll (2001) reduces the stress process to resource loss, we argue that the
concepts of needs,goals and demands are indispensable to a theoretical model
of psychological well-being.
The foundation of human well-being is the satisfaction of basic
physiological and psychological needs. These can be organized hierarchically
in terms of their importance for survival, as in Maslow’s (1970) influential
model of human needs. In theory, the welfare system in Western countries
should guarantee that the physiological needs of food, water, shelter and
temperature control are met. In situations where any of these needs are
deprived, experiences of psychological distress are inevitable. Sadly, there is
ample evidence of physiological need-deprivation among forced migrants
in Western countries. For example, there have been reports of malnutrition
among asylum-seeking pregnant women and their babies (Fanning et al.
2001), of homelessness (Carey-Wood et al. 1995) and of accommodation with
no heating (Vincentian Refugee Centre 2004).
For those who experienced high levels of pre-migration need deprivation, it
is likely that the satisfaction of basic needs will have a greater impact on their
8Dermot Ryan, Barbara Dooley, Ciara
´n Benson
life satisfaction in the host society. For example, a Kurdish family in London
reported: ‘When you go from not having a basin to wash in to having a fairly
decent place, things seem OK’ (Carey-Wood et al. 1995: 66). However, such
evaluations are likely to change over time if migrants perceive a gap between
their life conditions and those of the resident population. Asylum seekers who
enjoyed a high pre-migration standard of living are likely to find it harder
to adjust to the living conditions of the accommodation centres in many
Western countries. These environments can be highly stressful, with problems
such as overcrowding, high noise levels and a lack of privacy (e.g. Vincentian
Refugee Centre 2004). In short, an examination of the psychological well-
being of migrants must first establish whether or not basic needs are being
met in a satisfactory manner.
Basic psychological needs include a sense of living in a safe and stable
environment. For those fleeing persecution or conflict, the possibility to live
in a relatively safe society may be of enormous psychological significance.
Humans also need to feel a sense of belonging to a community, as well as
feeling esteemed and wanted. They need to engage in meaningful activities in
their daily life, to feel they play a useful role in their community and to have
goals they feel to be worth striving for. They need to feel they have some
control over their life conditions and destiny.
While there is some overlap between the notions of needs and goals, per-
sonal goals are not as closely related to survival. Moreover, needs are more
intimately bound to resources than goals. Persons can maintain goals even
when they do not have access to the necessary resources for their attainment
but anticipate that they can be gained in the future. Specific resources satisfy
specific needs, such as food, water and clothing. For goals, on the other
hand, the same resources can be used to pursue widely diverse aspirations
and life projects. Individuals can exercise personal choice in how they invest
their resources in goal pursuit. Technical skills can be devoted to making
model aeroplanes, medical equipment or weapons.
Migration can either facilitate or block the pursuit of personal goals. This
will depend to some extent on access to relevant resources (e.g. education) in
each environment. It can also depend on changes in the value of the same
resources regarding goal pursuit. For example, a certain level of football skills
may be sufficient to attain a desired professional career in one environment
but not in another. However, the psychological impact of goal loss or gain
(i.e. in terms of having goals to strive for in the first place versus attaining
them) cannot be reduced to the question of resources: we must also take into
account personal appraisals. As Lazarus and Folkman (1984) point out,
appraisals are shaped by commitments and beliefs. The psychological impact
of goal loss or gain will reflect the extent to which the individual is committed
to a particular goal, and their beliefs about the personal and social signi-
ficance of success or failure in its attainment. We propose that a key risk
factor for the experience of distress among migrants is the loss of major
Post-Migration Adaptation and Psychological Well-Being 9
life goals. The greater the extent of goal loss, the more the migrant will feel
alienated in his or her new environment.
Demands can be defined as events or situations which require the mobili-
zation of human resources. The satisfaction of needs or pursuit of goals place
demands on the individual’s resources. However, individuals are also exposed
to demands that are not related to their needs or goals but are the con-
sequence of external or unforeseen events. Demands can result in stress in the
following four types of situations.
1. Demand overload: The individual’s resources are overtaxed or perceived
to be overtaxed in relation to the satisfaction of needs or pursuit of goals
(e.g. financial strain).
2. Demand strain: Desired activities and states compete for finite resources
(e.g. competing demands on time by work and family life).
3. Aversive demands: Unanticipated stressful environmental events or uncon-
trollable negative events or experiences (e.g. acts of violence, discrimina-
tion, ill-health, accidents, painful memories).
4. Demand insufficiency: Unchallenging life situation where resources are
unexploited (e.g. forced unemployment, constraints on activities due to
childcare responsibilities).
Each type of stressful demand will vary in terms of its negative
affective outcomes. For example, aversive demands which threaten the
individual’s sense of safety are likely to create a sense of fear and
anxiety, whereas demand insufficiency may create feelings of apathy and
depression.
Migration-Related Resource Loss and Gain
Migration inevitably brings some changes to the individual’s resource pool.
These changes can be conceived in terms of the level of available resources
and of their relevance to the individual’s needs, goals and demands. Level-
based changes are resource gains or losses. Gains refer to increases in the
amount of resources already present in a resource pool (e.g. higher income
levels), as well as the acquisition of new resources (e.g. access to specialized
medical treatment). Resource losses refer both to decreases in levels
(e.g. social support) and to outright losses of specific types of resources
(e.g. property). Resource pool changes can also be examined in terms of what
we term as relevance-based changes. In this case, the actual amount of a
particular resource may remain constant but its value can increase or decrease
depending on its relevance to the satisfaction of needs, pursuit of goals or
management of demands in the post-migration environment. For example,
proficiency in the French language may be of little value to a person trying to
secure employment in an African country, but the same linguistic skills may
be more marketable in a European context.
10 Dermot Ryan, Barbara Dooley, Ciara
´n Benson
A full understanding of the migrant adaptation process among refugees
requires an examination of the individual’s resource pool during the pre-
migration, migration (or flight) and post-migration phases.
Pre-Migration Phase. The conditions leading up to the decision to migrate
are often marked by major resource loss, be it through conflict, socio-political
upheaval, economic crisis or a natural disaster. In situations of conflict losses
can be incurred in personal, material and social resources. Physical injuries
and traumatic experiences (e.g. torture, witnessing the death of family mem-
bers, sexual violence) can result in losses to the personal resources of psycho-
logical and physical health. Such experiences can also damage one’s sense
of existential meaning, self-esteem, optimism and hope. Conflict can also
bring about the loss of material resources, such as houses, land, businesses
and money. Social resource losses can be incurred through the killing, dis-
appearance or fleeing of family members and friends.
It is unlikely that the same range or level of resource loss will be experienced
in pre-migration environments undergoing economic crisis as compared with
war zones. The most obvious losses during economic crisis are material in
nature, such as financial resources and employment. However, persons in such
contexts can also experience the loss of psychological resources (e.g. self-
esteem, optimism, a sense of self-efficacy) and social resources (i.e. through the
migration of family and friends).
Pre-migration resource losses vary according to the strength and duration
of their impact on psychological well-being. The strength of their impact will
reflect the extent to which needs have been deprived and goals thwarted.
For example, food deprivation is a high-impact resource loss. In terms of
the duration of impact, some resource losses will be permanent (e.g. death of
family members, destruction of the family home, severe injuries, chronic
medical conditions), while others can be recovered over time. Although the
strength and duration of the impact of resource loss are likely to be inter-
related, this relationship will be mediated by access to resources in the host
environment. The duration of impact of physical injuries, for example, can be
shortened through access to appropriate medical treatment. The same holds
true for psychological trauma. A more secure and supportive environment
may help individuals to recover such personal resources as a ‘sense of
coherence’—a sense that one’s world is comprehensible, manageable and
meaningful (Antonovsky 1987).
Migration or Flight Phase. The migration phase itself may also be a period of
resource loss. Again, these losses can be examined in terms of personal,
material and social resources. We can make a distinction between losses
incurred in the act of leaving or fleeing one’s home and community, and
those incurred during the migration journey. In terms of psychological
resources, leaving one’s home and community can result in the migrant’s loss
of a sense of rootedness and belonging, as well as their personal attachment
Post-Migration Adaptation and Psychological Well-Being 11
to their physical surroundings. Apart from material losses sustained during
conflict, refugees often incur further material resource loss because of the
involuntary nature of relocation or their lack of preparedness for it. They
might not have time to collect all their personal possessions or to sell
their homes, land, businesses etc. When leaving the home environment
involves physical separation from family and friends, the individual is likely
to experience losses in social resources.
The migration journey is highly variable in terms of both its duration and its
circumstances. At best, it may be a question of stepping on and off an
aeroplane. At worst, it can involve prolonged periods of danger and suffering.
For refugees, losses can be experienced in the personal resources of physical and
psychological health, as they are often at high risk of experiencing traumatic
and injurious personal attacks. Women are especially vulnerable to sexual
violence and exploitation during this phase. Sachs (1999) has reported that
women may be forced to engage in sexual acts in order to cross international
borders. The loss of material resources here is likely to be in terms of cash or
valuables that the migrant is carrying on their person. Social resources can also
be lost through the death of family members or friends or physical separation
from them. A further factor that needs to be taken into consideration in
examining the psychological impact of the flight phase is whether or not the
migrant has had to live in a refugee camp. There is evidence that staying in
refugee camps has greater negative consequences for psychological well-being
than private accommodation (Porter and Haslam 2001).
The passage from home to host environment and its related costs (e.g. travel
documents, visas, payments to smugglers) can be seen in terms of an invest-
ment of resources into a major life project. For some persons this investment
can be enormous. For example, in the documentary series The Last Peasants
(MacQueen 2003), a Romanian woman reported that she borrowed the
equivalent of two years’ wages in her home country to pay for false travel
papers.
As we saw, Hobfoll’s (2001) Conservation of Resources theory states that
stress is caused by the threat of resource loss, actual resource loss or the
failure of an investment to produce an expected return. Each of these
situations can arise in relation to the resources invested in relocation. First,
asylum seekers and undocumented migrants are constantly faced with the
threat of deportation and consequently of losing the resources invested in
passage to the host environment. In Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) terms,
this ‘event uncertainty’ can have an immobilizing effect on anticipatory
coping resources. Second, those who are deported or who give up trying to
rebuild their lives and return voluntarily to their home country lose these
resources outright. Third, others may feel that they made a bad investment if
the new environment does not live up to their expectations.
Post-Migration Phase. Refugees arrive in their host society having incurred
some losses in their resource pools. In addition to losses sustained before and
12 Dermot Ryan, Barbara Dooley, Ciara
´n Benson
during migration, further losses can be experienced once the person enters
a new sociocultural environment. Resources that are rooted in the migrant’s
home cultural environment can become obsolete or devalued. This loss of
cultural resources can occur because of a decrease in the adaptive value of
certain skills and knowledge in the new sociocultural setting (e.g. language
knowledge or traditional occupational skills like fishing and farming). It can
also occur for resources which are of adaptive value in the host environment
but whose use is blocked by local policies and practices (e.g. non-recognition
of educational qualifications and professional credentials).
The adaptation of migrants to a new environment depends largely on their
ability to regain lost resources (e.g. social support) and gain new ones
relevant to the host environment (e.g. proficiency in the host language).
In regaining lost resources, Hobfoll (2001) points out that two strategies can
be used: resource replacement or resource substitution. Applying this to the
situation of migrants, home environment family-based social support may be
replaced by support from friends, church members or staff from community
organizations. An example of resource substitution is where a person com-
pensates for role loss in one life domain with resource investment in another
domain. Men who lose their role as provider through unemployment may
make greater investments in their family life and take a more active role as
a caregiver to their children or elderly parents.
We have seen that constraints can operate on the use of cultural resources
already present in the migrant’s resource pool. However, the migrant can also
encounter a range of barriers in his or her attempt to gain new resources
in the host environment. Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) conceptualization
of personal constraints and environmental constraints can be applied here.
Personal constraints include internalized cultural values and beliefs that
proscribe certain actions. For example, traditional gender roles might act as
a barrier to women becoming involved in activities outside the home, such
as language classes, computer training, employment or social gatherings.
Similarly, cultural traditions or religious beliefs may act as constraints to
establishing romantic relationships or marrying outside one’s own tradition.
In situations where the migrant’s ethnic or religious group is significantly
under-represented in the host society, he or she may have little scope in
choosing a partner.
Environmental constraints include the blocking of access to resources by
institutions. For all migrant groups, access to resources in the host environ-
ment is facilitated or constrained by state institutions and policies. We have
seen that states can erect barriers to the use of cultural resources through the
non-recognition of qualifications. Further constraints on cultural resources
are policies which limit the expression of religious or political beliefs (Ager
1997). States can exercise an enormous amount of control over access to
resources among asylum-seeking populations. They control access to such
resources as housing, food, money, health care, education, language classes,
job training, work permits and permission to stay in the country.
Post-Migration Adaptation and Psychological Well-Being 13
For asylum seekers in countries that have adopted a policy of detention,
the possibility of making any resource gain at all while awaiting a decision on
their case can be minimal or non-existent. In these situations the level of state
control over basic resources and rights is extremely high, extending to the
person’s freedom of movement. Persons who have suffered losses in psycho-
logical resources (e.g. a sense of dignity, self-esteem and hope) through pre-
migration difficulties and traumatic experiences may find constraints on their
access to these resources in the host environment. A major barrier to
psychological healing is the degrading treatment and conditions endured
while being detained in facilities designed for criminals. An example of such
treatment is the case of a detainee who was referred to a local hospital in
relation to injuries sustained during flight from her home country. The
woman reported that she had been handcuffed and had her legs chained
during her visit to the hospital (Physicians for Human Rights and the
Bellevue/NYU Program for Survivors of Torture 2003).
A key objective of research on migrant adaptation must be to identify
groups who experience the most difficulty in gaining resources or even in
conserving those they already have. Applying Hobfoll’s (2001) COR model,
migrant groups at risk of poor adaptation are those who enter the resettle-
ment process with a low level of resources. Certain groups within migrant
populations are likely to have comparatively fewer resources than others.
Those fleeing war-torn countries may be the most under-resourced group,
especially those who have experienced torture or severe trauma. These groups
may have the lowest levels of personal resources in terms of physical and
psychological health. They may also experience greater difficulty in accessing
new resources. Depression or the sequelae of torture experiences can act as
barriers to the acquisition of the host language (Ward 2002). Other groups
who are likely to arrive with few resources include unaccompanied minors,
the elderly, single mothers and persons from culturally distant societies.
Those who are low on resources to start with are not only more vulnerable
to resource loss but, once an initial loss has occurred, this will beget future
loss. For example, when a person enters the asylum process, they are at risk
of entering what Hobfoll (2001) terms a resource loss spiral. For those who
have some savings on arrival, it is likely that these will be used up in the
period of awaiting a decision. In Ireland, if a person is granted refugee status,
he or she will have to move out of their accommodation centre into the
private sector. Access to such accommodation depends on the person’s ability
to raise enough money for a deposit. At this point they will experience a
further depletion of their financial resources or may have to borrow the
money, thereby intensifying the downward spiral.
Hobfoll (2001) states that those with greater resources are less vulnerable
to resource loss and have greater opportunities for resource gain. He also
asserts that resources tend to aggregate in caravans, and that one key
resource is often linked to other resources. Migrants with a greater resource
pool or one which contains key resources (e.g. host language proficiency or a
14 Dermot Ryan, Barbara Dooley, Ciara
´n Benson
secure legal status) are in a stronger position to adapt to their new
environment from the outset. Young persons are likely to have higher levels
of resources in adapting to their new environment. Younger age is associated
with better physical health, higher energy levels and a greater capacity to
learn new skills, especially the acquisition of a new language. Those who
enjoy good physical and mental health are in a better position to access
a range of other resources, such as social relationships, education and
employment. Higher levels of financial resources can facilitate adaptation in
many respects. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) argue that financial resources
can enhance coping options in almost any stressful situation, offering easier
access to services and ensuring their greater quality. For example, asylum
seekers with greater financial resources have greater access to legal advice.
Intact family groups are also likely to have higher levels of resources,
especially social support.
Summary and Application of Resource-Based Model
The model outlined here emphasizes four key issues. First, resources are
central to the migrant adaptation process. The nature and level of these
resources must be understood in the context of the individual’s needs and
goals, as well as the demands he or she encounters. Second, an analysis of
the psychological adaptation of refugees must take into account experiences
from the pre-migration, flight and post-migration temporal phases. Third,
resources are in a constant state of flux. The pre-migration and flight phases
will primarily be characterized by resource loss, especially in terms of
personal, material and social resources. The mere act of entering a new
sociocultural environment means that the migrant will almost inevitably
experience the loss or devaluing of some cultural resources, such as social
status, education, occupational skills and experience. Fourth, the authorities
of the host society may place constraints on access to key resources (e.g.
employment, education, a secure legal status).
Negative psychological outcomes are likely to arise when the host
environment places constraints on or depletes the migrant’s existing
resources, while offering few opportunities for resource gain. Psychological
suffering will result in cases of unmet needs, the loss or blocking of goals and
exposure to an unmanageable level of demands. If the individual has the
possibility to satisfy basic needs, pursue valued goals and manage demands
effectively, then he or she is likely to enjoy psychological well-being.
We see the main value of the model outlined here in terms of guiding
in-depth interviews with resettled refugees. A simple semi-structured interview
can be developed to examine the individual’s resources, needs, goals and
demands in each of the temporal phases of pre-migration, flight and post-
migration, as well as perceived constraints in the host society. The approach
taken here can allow for greater cultural sensitivity than using standardized
Western instruments in that the respondents themselves can describe,
Post-Migration Adaptation and Psychological Well-Being 15
for example, what they perceive to be their needs and goals, and the resources
needed to attain them. We have used such an approach to examine the
psychological well-being of a group of refugees and asylum seekers, and the
findings were written up as case studies (see Ryan et al. 2007).
Conclusion
The model outlined here aims to sensitize researchers to the wide range of
variables that need to be taken into consideration when examining the
psychological well-being of refugees. This is not to suggest that there are no
researchers out there who are sensitive to the complexity of refugee well-
being. Silove and his co-workers, for example, have conducted a number of
excellent studies which examine the interplay of pre- and post-migration
factors in relation to the well-being of asylum seekers (e.g. Silove et al. 1997).
In a sense, what we have aimed to provide here is an explicit statement of the
theoretical assumptions that underpin such work.
The two dominant models applied to the study of psychological well-being
among refugees—the medical model and the psychosocial stress model—have
inspired a great deal of quantitative research on refugees. However, the actual
human stories and voices of the refugees themselves are curiously absent in
much of literature in psychiatry and psychology, though there are noteworthy
exceptions (e.g. Miller et al. 2002). The broader range of conceptual tools
outlined here (resources, needs, goals, demands and constraints) provides a
basis for researchers to go beyond the one-dimensional views of refugees that
are often portrayed in the literature—as bearers of symptoms, coping styles
etc.—and to give them a voice. In addition to giving refugees a voice,
researchers should strive to identify effective methods for arresting resource
loss and promoting resource gain among this population. We need to look at
the deficiencies within ourselves as host societies—within our attitudes and
policies—and at the types of changes that we need to make to allow the
resourcefulness of refugees to flourish.
Acknowledgements
This article is based on research that was conducted by Dermot Ryan as part
of his PhD in Psychology at University College Dublin. The project was
supervised by Ciara
´n Benson and Barbara Dooley. It was funded by the Irish
Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences, and the School of
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