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Fragmented landscapes of water supply in suburban Hanoi
Lucía Wright-Contreras
a
,
b
,
*
, Hug March
c
, Sophie Schramm
d
a
Technische Universit€
at Darmstadt, El-Lissitzky-Str. 1, 64287 Darmstadt, Germany
b
Universitat Internacional de Catalunya, Carrer Inmaculada, 22, 08017 Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain
c
Internet Interdisciplinary Institute (IN3), Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, Av. Carl Friedrich Gauss, 5, 08860 Castelldefels, Spain
d
Universit€
at Kassel, Institut für Urbane Entwicklungen, Gottschalkstr. 22, 34127 Kassel, Germany
article info
Article history:
Received 29 December 2015
Received in revised form
18 December 2016
Accepted 3 February 2017
Available online 14 February 2017
Keywords:
Suburbanization
Splintering urbanism
Periurban waterscapes
Water infrastructures
Sustainable urban water cycles
Vietnam
abstract
Facing the challenges of city planning in the frame of rapid urbanization in the Global South, this study
addresses the relationship between the urban development of Hanoi, Vietnam, and water supply
including users’perception of water accessibility and satisfaction of coverage, quality, and cost. Because
sociospatial disparities are particularly pronounced in suburban areas, these spaces epitomize unequal
water access and uneven water quality. Based on the premise that (sub)urban water flows embody and
mirror development dynamics and urbanization patterns, the objective is to analyze access to water
splintered within the suburban typologies of Hanoi. We analyze the current state of domestic water
availability and quality throughout suburban areas and specifically between a new urban area and a
periurban village in Hanoi. Through the debates of splintering urbanism and periurban water supply, this
paper discusses the differences in water service provision in suburban Hanoi. At the same time, the
article considers suburban areas as spaces which reflect a broader spectrum of water supply solutions.
Lastly, it informs on how to alleviate the pressure of the increasing demand of water in urbanizing areas
by supporting sustainable urban water cycles to improve distributional justice and social equity.
©2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
Environmental injustices, socioeconomic inequalities, and
sociospatial fragmentations are intensifying in scale globally. So-
cieties now face the challenges of rapid urbanization as the urban
poverty rate may reach 45 to 50 percent by 2020 (Davis, 2004) and
the world's population is expected to double by 2050 (UN DESA,
2008). Rapid urbanization in the Global South is magnifying
existing issues such as urban sprawl, urban poverty, rising
inequality and environmental degradation, among others (Zhang,
2016). Particularly suburban landscapes transform rapidly, as two
thirds of the total inhabitants in the world are projected to populate
urban areas by 2030 (UN Habitat, 2012) and the effects of socio-
economic polarization are most evident in these spaces. In the
Asian context, the concept of ‘suburban’refers to the transitional
areas between the rural and the urban which share a mixture of
different urban typologies (see Tr^
an et al., 2012; other authors use
the concept of ‘periurbanization,’see Winarso, Hudalah, &Firman,
2015). These subjoined areas may benefit from higher accessibility
to the urban core, but suffer from the complexity of issues that
suburbanization entails, including access to basic services, such as
water and sanitation. In Hanoi, suburban areas include new urban
areas and periurban villages, the former mirroring the upscaling
competition of the city in a global economy (see ‘extended
metropolitan region; ’Ginsburg &Koppel, 1991), and the latter
characterized by a conflicted interface with higher marginalization
and lower access to services (Allen, 2010). As water infrastructures
in Hanoi are highly differentiated in suburban areas, this research
will unveil the current splintered infrastructure systems of
centralized piped water schemes, privately owned wells, and
additional solutions that users implement to make up for obtaining
safe drinking water.
This paper frames the research of water supply in Hanoi within
the challenges of urbanization and rapidly transforming urban and
rural landscapes, contributing to the debates between water supply
and (sub)urbanization of Global South cities (Adams &Zulu, 2015;
Allen, 2003; Allen, D
avila, &Hofmann, 2006b; Díaz-Caravantes &
Wilder, 2014; Gandy, 2008; Hofmann, 2013; Marston, 2014;
Mehta &Karpouzoglou, 2015;Van Ewijk &Ehrhardt, 2016). We
*Corresponding author. Technische Universit€
at Darmstadt, El-Lissitzky-Str. 1,
64287 Darmstadt, Germany.
E-mail addresses: wright@stadt.tu-darmstadt.de (L. Wright-Contreras),
hmarch@uoc.edu (H. March), s.schramm@iwar.tu-darmstadt.de (S. Schramm).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Habitat International
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/habitatint
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.habitatint.2017.02.002
0197-3975/©2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Habitat International 61 (2017) 64e74
ask the question, how is access to water supply splintered between
the different suburban typologies of Hanoi? To carry out this study,
we analyze the local development of infrastructures, as well as
water accessibility and satisfaction of coverage, quality, and cost
perceived by residents of different areas in Hanoi, focusing pri-
marily on new urban areas and periurban villages.
The article draws on qualitative and quantitative data from in-
terviews and documentation provided by institutions directly or
indirectly linked to water supply in Hanoi. These include the Na-
tional University of Civil Engineering (NUCE), Hanoi University of
Science and Technology (HUST), Hanoi Water Company (HAWACO),
Vietnam's General Company of Construction and Export (VINACO-
NEX), Ministry of Construction (MOC), Ministry of Agriculture and
Rural Development (MARD), National Target Program (NTP3) of
MARD and UN Habitat Vietnam. Additionally, informal interviews
and conversations were carried out in the 37th WEDC (Water, En-
gineering and Development Center) Conference in Hanoi. More
specifically, the present study of water supply in Hanoi focuses on:
1) the analysis of users' perception on accessibility, and satisfaction
of coverage, quality and cost of water, through 100 questionnaires
carried out through cluster sampling of the local population in 10
districts during August and September of 2014, conducted across
Hanoi in the suburban districts of Ðống Ða, Hai B
aTrưng, Thanh Trì,
H
aÐ
^
ong, Nam TừLi^
em, Ho
ang Mai, Long Bi^
en, Gia L^
am; the inner-
city district of Ho
an Kiếm; and the rural district of Ho
ai Ðức; and 2)
the analysis of water quality which compares piped water and
groundwater in two contrasting areas: the new urban area of Linh
Ð
am, in the urban district of Ho
ang Mai, and the periurban village
of Tri^
e
ều Khúc, in the rural district of Thanh Trì. The first analysis is
based on a survey using 10 questions to obtain information on: a)
water accessibility, b) users' knowledge of the source of water, c)
type of water supply system and distribution company, d) satis-
faction of coverage, e) satisfaction of quality, f) comparison of water
supply coverage and quality with neighboring areas, g) cost of
water per month, h) family income per month, i) appreciation of
cost of water in relation to income, and j) community organization.
The second analysis on water quality weighs environmental haz-
ards in Hanoi's piped water and groundwater. These analyses help
understand the contrasts between the different urban typologies of
Hanoi's suburban areas and water supply schemes. On one hand,
the semistructured interviews with local and international orga-
nizations, government offices, water-related enterprises, financial
organizations, and academic institutions in Vietnam inform the
institutional challenges of water provision. On the other hand, the
empirical analysis of water supply in suburban areas illustrates
direct field research and observations.
The paper is structured as follows. In section two, the article
presents an overview of recent scholarship on periurban water
access and quality linked to the debate of splintering urbanism. In
section three, water infrastructure development in Vietnam and
(sub)urbanization in Hanoi is contextualized. The fourth section
presents a comparative review based on first-hand information of
users’perception of water, discussing accessibility, and satisfaction
of coverage, quality and cost of water in Hanoi (100 cluster samples
in 10 districts), as well as piped water and groundwater quality (8
water samples in 2 districts). Lastly, the discussion identifies sub-
urban areas as spaces of opportunity in which sustainable urban
water cycles can be developed.
2. Splintering of Hanoi's suburban waterscapes
Within Hanoi's continuous expansion, city planners and au-
thorities are under massive pressure to adequately deliver services
adequately to urban dwellers and meet the demand of the growing
population and rapidly urbanizing suburban areas. Two typologies
characterize these spaces. On one hand, so-called new urban areas,
which house a growing business class as well as resettled former
villagers (Labb
e&Musil, 2014, p. 1156) and sometimes become
“islands of wealth”(Monstadt &Schramm, 2013, p. 90). Here, local
infrastructure networks operate as “satellite systems”(Monstadt &
Schramm, 2013), exclusively catering to the residents of these es-
tates. On the other hand, periurban villages in adjacent areas that
remain excluded from external service provision are often stuck in
an interface of “sustained poverty, poor infrastructure and a lack of
institutional frameworks and governmental support”(Norstr€
om,
2007, p. 5). The contrasts between these two typologies can be
explained through the concept of ‘splintering urbanism’(see
Graham &Marvin, 2001), which defines the fragmented growth of
cities and the unequal access to services, such as water supply. This
concept encompasses the complex, uneven, and intertwined eco-
nomic, cultural and socio-technical processes behind the produc-
tion and functioning of urban infrastructures and fragmented
urban growth. Briefly, the concept of splintering urbanism aims to
shed light on the social disparities and territorial imbalances found
in cities around the world (Graham &Marvin, 2001, p. 56). It is
through this examination of “space, technology, infrastructure
networks and social power”that new (and much needed) mindsets
on urban development will be brought forward (Graham &Marvin,
2001, pp. 53e54).
The effects of splintered urbanism are highly visible in cities of
the Global South. While the benefits of developing estates equipped
with their own water supply systems may be a step towards
modernization, the patches of settlements all around suffer from
the lack of connectivity to the central water network system and to
their neighboring decentralized systems. The concept of ‘periurban’
areas, or periurbanization, emerges as a critical concept to under-
stand what happens on the fringes of urban areas, in this case
concerning water supply. Although there is no clear definition of
‘periurban’, the discussion amongst scholars tackles the spatially
and politically undefined areas. Van Ewijk and Ehrhardt (2016,p.2)
state that: “It is not the proximity to towns, but the linkages and
flow of goods, finance, labor and services between rural and urban
centers that defines periurban.”The challenges which these areas
display are rooted in several causes, including the cost of water,
which is the driver for most users in poorer areas to seek alternative
sources. In most cases, informal practices are not taken into
consideration by “formal systems”(Allen, 2003, p. 341). In this case,
discussion arises between “policy-driven”and “needs-driven”ap-
proaches (Allen et al., 2006b), calling for a more sustainable pro-
gram of water management. Scholars have specifically focused on
urban water provision in these settings. Díaz-Caravantes and
Wilder (2014), and Mehta and Karpouzoglou (2015), use the
concept of ‘periurban waterscape’to show the interconnected so-
cial, economic, cultural and political processes embedded in water
supply in those areas between the city and the rural areas. In other
words, the concept of ‘waterscape’encompasses “social, natural,
material and discursive processes”(Mehta &Karpouzoglou, 2015,
p. 166). Allen (2003) refers to those spaces as “periurban interfaces”
and also discusses the main challenges they present concerning
water services. Water provision in periurban interfaces has been
analyzed by Mehta and Karpouzoglou (2015) in the case of Delhi.
Along similar lines, Adams and Zulu (2015) use the concept of
‘periurban water supply’in the context of Sub-Saharan Africa. Allen
et al. (2006b) specifically focus on the “periurban water poor”
lacking adequate water services and water provision in “periurban
interfaces”(Allen, 2003; Hofmann, 2013; Mehta &Karpouzoglou,
2015). Periurban waterscapes are implicitly mirrors of power re-
lations (Gandy, 2008) and income inequalities (Mehta &
Karpouzoglou, 2015). This gives a distinct importance to the
study of water access and water quality in periurban areas, as it is
L. Wright-Contreras et al. / Habitat International 61 (2017) 64e74 65
through the understanding of this material flow (Bakker, 2003) that
we can recognize challenges in urbanization and development
processes of cities in the Global South. In this paper, we will explore
these questions through the case of suburban water supply in
Hanoi.
3. Urbanization and the development of water infrastructure
in Hanoi
Located in Southeast Asia, bordering China, Laos, and Cambodia,
and situated along the coast of the South China Sea, Vietnam is a
lower middle income country (World Bank, 2015) with an eco-
nomic growth raising at a rate of 5.98% with respect to 2013 (GSO,
2014a), and a GINI coefficient of 0.37 which denotes moderate
inequality (UNDP, 2010, p. 27). The country's total population is
nearly 90 million (World Bank, 2013) with a poverty rate of 20.7%
(Badiani et al., 2012, p. 67). Meaning “to renew”or “innovate,”the
doi moi reforms of 1986 embody the shift of Vietnam's transition
towards a socialist-oriented market regime (Han &Vu, 2008; Labb
e
&Musil, 2014; Quang &Kammeier, 2002; Turner, 2009). As result of
these reforms, and of the country's insertion in the global economy
in the 1990s, the boost of economic growth positioned Vietnam on
the map for transnational trade and foreign investment (Labb
e,
2013). Urbanization, rated 33% (UN, 2014), is now projected to
reach 43.3%, as the total population may rise to 101.48 million by
2030 (Owen, 2012, p. 219).
Within this frame, Hanoi has played an important role as Viet-
nam's capital and largest city, leading the country through its
economic transition (Han &Vu, 2008, p.1098). Located in the North
of Vietnam, the city is inhabited by 7 million people (GSO, 2014b),
of which approximately 5% are living in conditions of poverty
(Badiani et al., 2012, p. 96). The rapid expansion of Hanoi is fueled
by the movement of people to urban areas and the subsequent
increase of population, rising 3.35% per year (World Bank, 2011,p.
119), and density, with 2,134 of people per square kilometers of
land in the city (GSO, 2014b). Formal and informal urbanization
processes (see Minnery et al., 2013) have been largely subject to the
availability of land shaped by land-use policies and a market-
oriented economy, both consequences of institutional changes.
Adding to the sociospatial challenges of water supply, and
despite the efforts of Vietnam's central administration to regulate
groundwater extraction, overall overexploitation of aquifers in
Hanoi has led to groundwater depletion and soil subsidence (Giao
&Ovaskainen, 2000). An alarming 90% of urban sewerage dis-
charges directly into rivers (Le Van, 2012, p. 4), affecting surface
water exploitation. Although groundwater extraction became
Hanoi's primary raw water source in the 1990s due to pathogenic
bacteria found in surface water (Jessen, Jakobsen, Postma, &Larsen,
2009, p. 3), surface water has now become the main source again
because of poor groundwater quality in the region (Jessen et al.,
2009) and aquifer depletion (see “Hanoi's water supply 2030
master plan and 2050 vision; ”HAWACO, 2014a, p. 1).
Rapid urbanization and environmental challenges have affected
the supply capacity for basic urban services such as drinking water
and sanitation. Concerning the production of potable water in
Hanoi, four water enterprises are responsible: VIWASUPCO,
HAWACO, Son Tay Company, and Ha Dong Company. To keep up
with the demand of water, HAWACO, Son Tay Company, and Ha
Dong Company extract approximately 700,000 m
3
/day of ground-
water; and VIWASUPCO extracts approximately 300,000 m
3
/day of
surface water (HAWACO, 2014b, p. 17). The companies responsible
for the distribution of potable water in Hanoi are: VIWACO,
HAWACO, Son Tay Waterworks, and Ha Dong Waterworks.
HAWACO is considered the largest water enterprise in Hanoi within
the hierarchy of the companies’roles in water provision and has the
highest distribution capacity, supplying almost three quarters of
the total water supply (with 1,708 km of distribution lines, in
comparison to 217, 171, and 627 km of distribution lines from
VIWACO, Son Tay Company, and Ha Dong Company, respectively;
see HAWACO, 2014b, p. 14).
In order to reduce the 70% of piped water coming from aquifers,
two new surface water treatment plants are being built. These are
to add to the surface water already extracted from Ð
a River, as the
demand of water was projected to increase to 2.7 million m
3
/day in
2015 and 3.3 million m
3
/day in 2030 (HAWACO, 2014a, p. 1). The
two new surface water treatment plants, to extract water from
Hồng River and Ðường River, are planned with an initial capacity of
300,000 m
3
/day and are expected to expand to a production of
600,000 m
3
/day and 900,00 0 m
3
/day in 2050 (HAWACO, 2014b, pp.
1e3, 22). Fig. 1 provides a graphical summary of the existing
institutional arrangements and actors who produce and distribute
potable water in Hanoi, as well as the quantities and sources of
water extraction, and the treatment and distribution processes that
ensue.
The Ministry of Construction (MOC) and the Ministry of Agri-
culture and Rural Development (MARD) face difficulties to service
the urban, suburban and rural population in Vietnam with safe
water. The first has jurisdiction over urban areas, the second over
rural areas. In addition to these two ministries, projects for the
development of water supply in Vietnam are coordinated with
other government dependencies involving the People's Commit-
tees of Provinces, People's Committees of Cities and Towns, and
People's Committees of Districts. As People's Committees are part
of the local state administration (Parenteau &Thong, 2005, p. 247),
decisions concerning water supply mainly follow formal legislation,
such as the Clean Water Supply and Environmental Sanitation
program launched in 1995 by the National Environmental Agency
of the Ministry of Science, Technology and Environment (MOSTE)
(Owen, 2012, p. 219). The Ministry of Health (MOH) indicates water
quality standards and the Ministry of Planning and Investment
(MPI) must approve large-scale projects (Owen, 2012).
As the definition of suburban is jurisdictionally unclear in
Vietnam, boundaries between the urban and the rural districts are
negotiated between MOC and MARD. In Hanoi, the city develops
water supply through master planning, agreed upon by Hanoi
People's Committee (HPC) and approved by the Prime Minister. The
planning, building, operation and maintenance of piped water
supply systems in Hanoi results from a joint effort between urban-
and rural-related ministries. Urban planning authorities design and
construct water treatment plants through the approval of the
central government, and the operation and maintenance of these
systems is largely subject to the efforts of state programs that
encourage rural households to connect to the piped water distri-
bution network in urbanizing villages. As part of the key strategies
lead by MARD, the Information, Education and Communications
(IEC) department plays an important role by informing village
dwellers on the advantages of the piped water scheme and pro-
moting this technological system, now using “behavior change
communication”supported by UNICEF's approach of Communica-
tion for Development (C4D) (Interview MARD, 2014). The IEC
department assists users in selecting the ‘appropriate’technology
to ensure the financial sustainability and the operation of water
treatment plants and water distribution networks to their
maximum capacity (Interview MARD, 2014).
Besides the expansion of the piped scheme network system to
supply safe water, maintenance of the existing infrastructure is a
challenge. Within the current national average of water loss
determined at 32% (IBP, 2016: 54), water losses of the piped dis-
tribution networks in Hanoi fluctuate between 20 and 32% (Owen,
2012,p.221;HAWACO, 2014b, p. 17). Between preventing water
L. Wright-Contreras et al. / Habitat International 61 (2017) 64e7466
loss, and increasing coverage as needed in Hanoi, the country aims
at increasing investment in water infrastructures and implement-
ing a regulated tariff calculation based on water meters and iden-
tifying illegal connections (Owen, 2012, pp. 219, 221). In line with
the World Bank's 2020 targets, Vietnam would expect to raise the
existing 76% safe water coverage, according to the baseline value of
2011, to 85e90% in urban areas and from 37% to 75% (or 85% ac-
cording to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Denmark, 2014) in rural
areas (WSP and World Bank, 2014, pp. 5e6).
It is important to keep in mind that the development of water
infrastructures in Hanoi faces technical and institutional challenges
addressed by government dependencies, international organiza-
tions, and financial institutions, with participation of the private
sector. At another level, the analysis of the particularities of resi-
dents' consumption patterns related to domestic water use is
relevant to the aim of this paper. Hence, the next section will
explore users’perceptions of water accessibility and satisfaction of
coverage, quality, and cost, as well as the monitoring of water
quality of piped water and the environmental hazards of ground-
water accessed by privately owned wells in Hanoi.
4. Suburban water supply in Hanoi: users' perceptions, water
quality and environmental hazards
According to the largest water distribution company in Hanoi,
HAWACO (2014b, p. 17), 55% of the city's population, or 3.6 million
users have access to piped water. HAWACO specifies that urban
districts have full water coverage from the distribution network,
while piped water reaches only 41.93% of suburban districts
(HAWACO, 2014b, p. 17). At the urban scale, users consume
120e140 l/capita/day, double the national average of 50e70 l/
capita/day (Owen, 2012, p. 219). Although piped water in urban
districts is accessible, many households still rely on water from
private vendors and privately owned wells. In 2010, the sources in
urban households were recorded as follows: 70.6% piped water,
0.3% from private vendors, 26.3% from tube wells with pump, and
2.8% as other (UNDP, 2010, p. 80).
Pursuing modernization, MOC and MARD strategize the
expansion of centralized piped water networks. MARD pursues the
expansion of piped water into rural areas through its National
Target Program (NTP) for Rural Water Supply and Sanitation
(RWSS) (phase 3 from 2012 to 2015, also called NTP3). The NTP3
Fig. 1. Hanoi's water cycle and existing production and distribution companies.
L. Wright-Contreras et al. / Habitat International 61 (2017) 64e74 67
program follows a results-based planning and financing approach,
which promotes the piped water scheme in rural and suburban
areas. At the same time, suburban dwellers attempt to gain control
over their water consumption by accessing water through private
and decentralized technologies. On one hand, despite the state's
efforts to centralize, local managers of new urban areas often
operate decentralized, private water treatment facilities. This is
because of large distances to Hanoi's centralized piped water
network, but also as a result of the competitive stance between
construction companies managing infrastructure supply in the new
urban areas and the water supply companies (Schramm, 2016). On
the other hand, periurban villages rely on independent sources of
water, alternating bottled water consumption and filtered well
water. Interviewed users state that they complement their intake
for drinking water with bottled water and 30% also filtered then
boiled well water to drink or cook. The average intake of bottled
water per week was 10e20 L, with a difference in cost reflected by
the percentage of users complementing their consumption with
water from privately owned wells; people who additionally used
filtered and boiled well water spent around 0.44 US dollars (USD)
per week, equivalent to 10,000.00 Vietnamese Dong (VND) at
22,300.00 VND for 1.00 USD, while people who relied only on
bottled water spent up to 3.00 USD per week.
To better understand the overlapping of conditions in suburban
areas, the following sections compare water accessibility and
satisfaction of coverage, quality, and cost, between suburban dis-
tricts, focusing primarily on the areas bordering between urban and
rural districts, and considering users’perceptions and the effect of
built environments on safe water access.
4.1. Accessibility and satisfaction of coverage, quality and cost of
water
The following subsection analyzes the results of the 100 ques-
tionnaires applied throughout the districts of Ho
an Kiếm, Ðống Ða,
Hai B
aTrưng, Thanh Trì, H
aÐ
^
ong, Nam TừLi^
em, Ho
ang Mai, Long
Bi^
en, Gia L^
am, and Ho
ai Ðức (see Fig. 2). These areas were chosen by
selecting 80% of the samples situated in the suburban fringe sur-
rounding the inner city; except for the district of Ho
an Kiếm, which
corresponds to the main inner city district, and the district of Ho
ai
Ðức which corresponds to a rural district, used as points of com-
parison to fill the spectrum of the urban-rural range. The results in
Table 1 show that access to piped water reaches 100% in 8 of the 10
districts; 90% in the suburban district of Gia L^
am, and 0% in the rural
district Ho
ai Ðức, where rainwater was the village's predominant
source. It is important to mention that in the urban core district of
Ho
an Kiếm, although access to water is 100%, there is an inclination
towards water from privately owned wells. One respondent ex-
plains: “In 2000, each family had a private well and some families
still prefer to use water from their tube or dug wells instead of
paying the water tariff”(Interview Resident, Ho
an Kiếm inner-city
district, Hanoi, 2014). Additionally, the user states: “Coverage is
low, especially during rush hoursdbetween 5 and 6 p.m. it is not
enough”. Preference to access water independently from the
centralized network is observed clearly in Gia L^
am, where, although
there is 90% of access to piped water, more than half of the popu-
lation surveyed uses privately owned wells. The interviewees in Gia
L^
am use wells as primary sources of water, but still have a
connection to the piped network system. Thus, they pay a water
tariff of between 0.70 USD to 3.60 USD per month in comparison to
users who do not own wells and pay 0.50 USD to 15.70 USD per
month. These expenses refer specifically to bills received according
to the water tariff of each area and exclude any personal expenses
on purification and filtration methods. In lower income areas, such
as in H
aÐ
^
ong, the cost of piped water is perceived to be more
expensive (see relative cost to income in Table 1). Altogether, prices
of water range from 2 to 28% of the average income of Hanoi's
population, considering 104.00 USD per month (UNDP, 2010, p. 26).
Regarding quality, water was rated lowest in the suburban dis-
tricts of Ðống Ða, H
aÐ
^
ong, Long Bi^
en, and Gia L^
am. One inter-
viewee in the commune of Vạn Phúc, in H
aÐ
^
ong, expressed that
the water supplied to his household connection is: “Dirty water, a
lot of sludge, a lot of detergent [possibly chlorine, comment by
authors]; the color of water is yellow or brown. I need to use a water
purifier”(Interview Resident, periurban Vạn Phúc commune in Ha
Dong district, Hanoi, 2014). In addition to comments regarding the
bad appearance or odor of water, other users noted that they are
aware of high levels of iron in their water, as indicated in the results
of private tests they have conducted. Quality improves significantly
when users invest in private water storage systems and treat their
own water using additional purification methods. Generally, the
interviewees expressed that there was little difference between the
water quality in the area they lived in compared to adjacent dis-
tricts, except in the rural district of Ho
ai Ðức, which rated lower
than average due to the lack of connections to the piped water
network.
4.2. The relationship between urban typologies and measured
water quality
To assess the difference in quality of water supplied in suburban
areas, we selected the new urban area of Linh Ð
am and the peri-
urban village of Tri^
e
ều Khúc to test 8 water samples for hazardous
chemicals that may affect users' health (see Table 2). Facilitated by
the School of Environmental Science and Technology of the Hanoi
University of Science and Technology in September of 2014, the
results show that the quality of piped water remains similar be-
tween Linh Ð
am and Tri^
e
ều Khúc, equally respecting the QCVN 01:
2009/BYT National Technical Regulation on Drinking Water Quality
(SRV, 2009). However, the quality of the groundwater extracted
from privately owned wells affects both areas regardless of the
urban typology and the users' socioeconomic level. Groundwater in
Linh Ð
am displays almost twice the tolerated amount of ammo-
nium (NH
4
), more than 10 times the permissible level of arsenic
(As), and 90 times the standard for iron (Fe). Groundwater in Tri^
e
ều
Khúc shows more than twice of the tolerated amount of ammo-
nium (NH
4
), up to 30 times more of the permissible level of arsenic
(As), and 45 times the standard for iron (Fe).
Considering the comparable risk found in groundwater quality
in both Linh Ð
am and Tri^
e
ều Khúc, the impact on users' health is
rather dependent of the housing typologies and the built envi-
ronment which limit or permit the use of privately owned wells.
Marked by the high-rise buildings and built public space provided
in Linh Ð
am, privately owned wells are found in peripheral areas of
the new urban area, if at all. As the built environment in Tri^
e
ều Khúc
is more open to both formal and informal construction, the likeli-
hood of accessing water from privately owned wells is higher. The
connection between users’perception and actual water quality is-
sues can be appreciated in the 100 cluster samples. Users stated
that there is a general awareness of the presence of heavy metals in
groundwater, which is why residents opt for an array of water
sources for their different activities. If presented as an option, many
will use groundwater for gardening, construction, or for washing.
However, even when piped water is technically considered safe to
drink, social perceptions show a mistrust of the water source. One
resident mentioned: “My family has a water purification system
because we are worried about the water source”(Interview Resi-
dent, new urban area of Linh Ð
am in Ho
ang Mai district, Hanoi,
2014). Depending on the level of income of the family, and
considering saving on water bills, residents will opt to filter or boil
L. Wright-Contreras et al. / Habitat International 61 (2017) 64e7468
Fig. 2. Hanoi's water supply network, projections of expansion to 2020, 2030 and 2050, and location of cluster sampling.
L. Wright-Contreras et al. / Habitat International 61 (2017) 64e74 69
their own groundwater. As a result of our study of hazardous metals
found in the groundwater of the region, viewed in line with the
built environments of both areas, this analysis shows that moni-
toring the use of low-quality water sources cannot be viewed
separate from the urban form, since it is the latter which conditions
the use of small-scale technologies.
Identifying reliable raw water sources, and protecting fresh-
water bodies from overexploitation and wastewater contamina-
tion, are some of the main user-related and environmental
challenges to build a sustainable urban water cycle. Several studies
(Berg et al., 2008; Jessen et al., 2009; Postma et al., 2007; and
Winkel et al., 2010) have raised critical issues in relation to
groundwater pollution and have presented evidence that arsenic
(As) is affecting lives of between 7 to more than 10 million people
living around the Red River Delta. Parting from the World Health
Organization's guidelines which establish no more than 10
m
gof
arsenic (As) per liter in drinking water, some studies have found
between 10 and 300 times more arsenic (As) than the established
guidelines (Bainbridge, 2013). Being exposed to such amounts of
arsenic (As) could cause severe and deadly diseases such as hy-
perpigmentation, skin cancer, heart attacks and cancer of internal
organs due to arsenic poisoning or arsenicosis (Jessen et al., 2009).
5. Discussion
This research has aimed to understand how urban typologies
and water accessibility interrelate and affect users in suburban
Hanoi. This paper has analyzed: a) water access in suburban areas
of Hanoi, and b) the splintered typologies between new urban areas
and periurban villages. To do so, it has been important to discuss
Table 1
Results of surveys on accessibility and satisfaction of coverage, quality and cost of water.
L. Wright-Contreras et al. / Habitat International 61 (2017) 64e7470
the consequences of rapid urbanization by exposing increasingly
blurry boundaries between the urban and the rural, and the con-
trasts between new urban areas and periurban villages within the
city's suburban fabric. Further on, the aim of the following section is
to summarize from the analysis of Hanoi's ‘splintering suburban
waterscapes’, users' perception on accessibility, and satisfaction of
coverage, quality and cost of piped water, as well as the environ-
mental hazards of groundwater accessed by privately owned wells.
Regarding the empirical analysis of water accessibility and
satisfaction of coverage, quality and cost, the results of the surveys
shed light on users’preferences for different water sources. The
population that was surveyed relies not only on water from large
networks, but also from small-scale systems, mainly because the
flow of piped water is not always constant and, in some cases, due
to their distrust of the quality of water supplied by the piped water
network system. This means that, through a “needs-driven”
approach (Allen et al., 2006b), in addition to having access to piped
water, households maintain privately owned wells for daily-use in
gardening, construction, or for washing. For drinking purposes,
users will connect supplementary filtering systems to their intake
of piped water. Due to the lack of round-the-clock water supply in
some areas, as well as cost concerns, users will use alternative
sources such as boiled groundwater extracted from privately
owned wells or bottled water. However, buying bottled water for
drinking highlights the tendency of selling water as a commodity
opposed to granting its access as a basic human right. Residents of
Hanoi base their choices of water sources on cultural preferences,
shaped by social perceptions, and influenced by affordability, rather
than just on the existing or available connection to the piped water
network system.
The main user-related and environmental challenges that
impact Hanoi's population and natural water resources are the high
levels of hazardous heavy metals and the overexploitation of
groundwater. These two factors affect users with privately owned
wells, as the state cannot monitor water quality nor the amount of
groundwater that is exploited for domestic use at a small scale. For
this reason, due to rapid urbanization and the increasing density in
suburban areas, through a “policy-driven”approach (Allen et al.,
2006b), the government has encouraged the development of
centralized networks. Despite this effort, many users who maintain
privately owned wells are aware of groundwater contamination
and, in some cases, have no alternative to access safe water sources.
As shown in the analysis of water samples, groundwater in the new
urban area of Linh Ð
am is as contaminated as groundwater in the
periurban village of Tri^
e
ều Khúc. Both areas are located in the water
supply zone that would receive treated surface water from Ð
a River
(HAWACO, 2011: pp. 52e53). However, the built environment of
the first area limits the use the privately owned wells, whereas the
built environment of the village favors the use of well water with
little or no attention to water quality. Still, in agreement with the
city's master planning, the government allows for the supply of
groundwater treated by private development companies which
monitor and guarantee water quality. The same water served by
different means and the contrasting urban typologies of new urban
areas and periurban villages expose the discrepancy between the
availability of water and the urban form which conditions the
Table 2
Results of water samples in districts of the new urban area of Linh Ð
am and the peri-urban village of Tri^
e
ều Khúc.
L. Wright-Contreras et al. / Habitat International 61 (2017) 64e74 71
access to safe water sources.
In line with the persistent pursuit of modernity, the hybrid,
socialist, yet marketized state has continued to support private
investment and welcome the exchange of foreign capital and
knowledge to support technological advances. With the growing
challenge of supplying fresh water to the rapidly expanding urban
population, the central government delegates the implementation
of national strategies to different state authorities who combine
responsibilities supply water in urbanizing areas. Consequently,
Vietnam attempts to expand centralized water supply networks in
suburban areas which can hardly keep up with the speed of ur-
banization. Particularly since the categorization of water as a
commercial activity in 2004 (Owen, 2012, p. 219), private entre-
preneurship in Vietnam has been encouraged and is expected to
raise from the 2% of private sector participation determined in 2012
to 12% in 2025 (Owen, 2012, p. 46).
As water treatment and production technologies advance to
keep up with the demand of the water supply, greater access to safe
water relies both on the improvement and support of adequate
technological systems that correspond to different needs. It is
necessary to consider a broader spectrum of combined delivery
options, including small-scale and affordable sources (Allen, D
avila,
&Hofmann, 2006a), decentralized management techniques to
control pollution and hazardous effects on the environment and
human health (Allen, 2010), treated wastewater as an alternative
source (Kurian et al., 2013), sustainable sanitation systems
(Nguyen, 2011), semi-centralized infrastructures (Schramm, 2011),
and the combination of various scales of “networked and non-
networked”solutions (Monstadt &Schramm, 2013). Funding for
water and wastewater systems can also be aided by revenues from
water resource recoveries, wastewater fees, and micro-finance
programs to support the poor (Nguyen, 2013).
The coordination of actors involved in water supply should aim
for a sustainable urban water cycle, defined by an efficient man-
agement of freshwater resources, forecast of demand of water use,
water supply management including water reuse, wastewater
management, sustainability of infrastructures, and maintenance of
the systems in order to minimize water losses. Building a sustain-
able urban water cycle in Hanoi faces user-related, environmental,
technological, institutional and economic challenges. The consid-
eration of the users' water-use preferences is fundamental to con-
trol the quality of the sources of water that people use and address
water coverage and water accessibility. Environmentally, the
consideration of freshwater sources is essential as surface water in
Hanoi is subject to microbial pollution, the overexploitation of
groundwater has led to groundwater depletion and soil subsidence,
and both groundwater and wastewater present high levels of heavy
metals. Thus, monitoring small-scale systems is as important as the
mitigation of pollutants and heavy metals from existing centralized
water supply systems to ensure access to safe drinking water. In
terms of technical issues, operation and maintenance are crucial to
consider the long-term viability of a system, since piped water
distribution networks need constant repair, possibly due to the
quality of materials that have been used to build water supply
networks and because of the lack of maintenance. At an institu-
tional level, the urban/rural dichotomy reflects a complex coordi-
nation of the roles of MOC and MARD in urban development and
water service provision. Regarding lower income populations who
perceive a relatively high cost of water, it is important to recognize
that users are active in seeking alternatives of water consumption
next to piped water. Altogether, the provision of safe water through
a sustainable urban water cycle depends on the capacity of all
stakeholders to meet the demand of the population, despite the
limitations of the natural resource, challenges of maintenance and
operation of the current technological systems, and the cost of
water, while considering users’needs and water consumption
patterns.
6. Conclusion
New urban areas and periurban villages display unequal access
to water following splintering urbanism processes. The contrasting
urban typologies and built environments condition access to safe
water, while cultural preferences influenced by users’perceptions
of water quality and affordability demand a wider array of solu-
tions. This reveals the complexity of urbanization patterns and
water governance trends.
As the growing demand of water is not easily met with the
current arrangements of large-scale production and distribution of
water, recognizing a broader range of environmentally-friendly and
cost-effective water sources for consumption and use is imperative
to argue in favor of distributional justice and advocate for inclusive
decision-making. With the purpose of alleviating the pressure of
the existing means of water production, at one level, we argue that
it is crucial to prioritize wastewater management and include
reclaimed water as a viable source in cities' urban water cycles; and,
on another level, it is important to promote water reuse and water
conservation practices at household levels to reduce average water
consumption rates. As Vietnam's urban household groups and rural
villages prove to be effectively organized, involving the community
in the earlier stages of design and planning, as well as in the
implementation, operation and management of water supply in-
frastructures, could be essential to increase their sense of owner-
ship and commitment towards promoting and maintaining new
technological systems. Parallel to this, experts from civil society
organizations and higher education institutions can also represent
a great value as their role in facilitating knowledge and resources
can help solve national development issues.
Through a call for sustainable development, this study instigates
fellow researchers to discuss the direction of planning visions of
other cities; create tools to map and visualize the social, environ-
mental, technological, institutional and economic challenges of
water provision; re-evaluate processes; and advocate for equitable
distribution of resources and services to increase distributional
justice and social equity.
Acknowledgements
This research was carried out through the Chair for Spatial
Infrastructure Planning of IWAR Institute, Technische Universit€
at
Darmstadt, within the frame of the major collaborative research
initiative “Global suburbanisms: governance, land, and infrastruc-
ture in the 21st century,”financed by the Social Sciences and Hu-
manities Research Council of Canada. We would like to
acknowledge the professors and students of the Hanoi University of
Science and Technology who facilitated the analysis of water
samples, with special attention to Dr. Hoang Thi Thu-Huong, and
students Nguyen ThịTam and Nguyen Van Phu; as well as the
professors of the National University of Civil Engineering (NUCE)
who supported this work: Dr. Nguyen Thi Thanh Mai and especially
Dr. Nguyen Viet-Anh who facilitated the 37th WEDC International
Conference of Sustainable Water and Sanitation Services for All in a
Fast Changing World, co-hosted by Loughborough University and
the NUCE in Hanoi, from the September 15 to 19 of 2014. We would
also like express our gratitude to Nguyen Anh Duong, last-year
student of NUCE, who assisted in data collection, conducted sur-
veys in Vietnamese, translated during interviews, and engaged in
the discussions concerning the case study. This work was adapted
from the master thesis: “The pursuit of modernity through global
trends of global water governance in suburban Hanoi”, written by
L. Wright-Contreras et al. / Habitat International 61 (2017) 64e7472
Lucía Wright-Contreras during the Masters of International Coop-
eration Sustainable Emergency Architecture of the Universitat
Internacional de Catalunya (2014e2015), as part of the double de-
gree Masters of Science International Cooperation in Urban
Development (Mundus Urbano) in cooperation with the Technische
Universit€
at Darmstadt (2013e2014). We thank Dr. Eddie Chi-Man
Hui, Editor in Chief, and Dr. Hualou Long, Associate Editor, as well
as the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and
guidance throughout the publication process.
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