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The myth of the tough men’s burden: reproducing a hegemonic masculinity at the Turkish National Police
Abstract
Despite the common acceptance of masculinity as a foundation of policing, little research has explored the relation between masculinities and the police. Based on the fieldwork, including 35 in-depth interviews with police officers, this paper analyzes the construction of masculinities within the Turkish National Police (TNP). It aims to unpack how practices and discourses of hegemonic masculinity are embedded and (re)produced at a state institution, the TNP. Drawing from critical masculinity studies literature, this paper asks how does the police as a state institution reproduce an ideology of hegemonic masculinity and how do male and female officers’ concrete practices and discourses construct an order of gender relations within the institution? The findings suggest the centrality of heterosexuality and masculinities in reproducing the institutions of Turkish Republic in the context of modern police force. I also found that what I call the ‘institution of vocational brotherhood’ (mesleki abilik), and the associated ‘respectable sisterhood’ as distinctly Turkish phenomena carry significant implications for TNP members and contributes to hegemonic police masculinity in Turkey by bringing police work closer to the structure of family and making policing more paternalistic for all its members.
... Policing is a gendering and gendered institution (Ekşi 2017). Feminist scholars have identified gendered character of institutions (Acker 1990) and the embeddedness of masculinities in them (Collinson and Hearn 1994). ...
... Policing is a gendered institution because it has historically been defined as "men's work" (Barrie and Broomhall 2012) and because culturally approved norms of both masculinity and femininity are embedded in its structures, practices, and values. In addition, policing is a gendering institution because it produces gendered identities and various constructions of masculinity and femininity as central to this reproduction (Ekşi 2017). Therefore, the police force is a prime subject for the study of state masculinities not only because it continues to be populated predominantly by men (although there are a limited number of women who are admitted to the institution) but also because masculinities are embedded in how it operates. ...
... The near absence of policewomen also contributed to this specific gendered character of old policing. As I discuss elsewhere (Ekşi 2017), the first systematic recruiting of women (32) into police schools began, rather late, in 1979 (Gültekin, Leithman and Garrison 2010). Unlike many of his incumbent colleagues, a retired policeman offered a, particularly, nostalgic version of the powerful and masculinized police when he mentioned, in a positive light, the near absence of policewomen prior to 2000s: "Those were the days when blue and moustache represented order and state power in the city" stated the retired officer (Interview 13, p. 4). ...
Policing is a gendered and gendering institution. However, the centrality of masculinities to the reproduction of public policing has received little scholarly attention. Drawing from fieldwork, including thirty-five in-depth interviews with police officials between 2013 and 2015, this study explores how public policing and police masculinities have shaped and influenced one another during Turkey’s move away from the established principles of electoral democracy as part of what I refer to as its “authoritarian relapse.” The study finds that macho and militarized masculinities constitute two distinctive modes of police masculinity against which the reformed masculinity of the “new police” stands in stark contrast. It contributes to debates on political masculinities by demonstrating the intertwining of state and masculine power. The analysis suggests that police masculinities and public policing take shape in line with the degree of commitment to democratization.
... Agius et al. (2020) assert that toxic masculinity at workplace promotes outspoken men to become confident and assertive, while outspoken women seem aggressive. Harmful masculinity is on display at workplace, according to Ekşi (2017), when a male manager can talk over women and other men in meetings, disregards their ideas, and navigates the workplace like a fightingarea that he has conquered. Evidence shows that both men, women and LGBTQ+community (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or questioning, intersex, asexual, and more) also undergo the brunt of such abuse at work in particular and in society. ...
... Besides, the concept of hegemonic masculinity embodies both males and females as a group, and non-binary persons. On the latter category, Ekşi (2017) concludes that they too can embrace and preserve masculine ideals, social norms and expectations if their working institution embraces them. This situation has buttressed gender labels in some Bukavu private institutions by segregating against those outside the binary framework of feminity and masculinity. ...
Purpose: This research has explored views of employees in Bukavu (DRC) private institutions regarding ways managers’ toxic masculinity damages employers’ work ethics at workplace. Methodology: Researchers conducted this qualitative study in the city of Bukavu between April and June 2024 with randomly selected 25 respondents from five private institutions. Respondents were Congolese females and males whose ages varied between 19 and 63. Data was collected via face-to-face focus group discussions, with in-depth interviews. The theories of masculinity and control guided the research. Masculinity posits that managers must exert power and control over their employees at workplace. Managers resorting to toxic masculinity damage the ethics of their workers, which can affect productivity. Findings: Results reveal how a manager may use toxic masculinity to deride the workers, which kills their appreciation and motivation for work. Managers applying domination, homophobia, giving poor and unfair salaries, abusing employees and discriminating against them are perpetuating toxic masculinity in their institutions. These factors are demotivating and destructive agents for employees’ ethics at work because they convey toxic masculinity through power and control, all causing work unproductivity. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The research suggests that employers should develop progressive masculinity at work by valuing and respecting the workers. The perspective can boost collaboration; sustain commitment and harmony at work. Socializing constructive manliness can create a conducive work environment in private institutions of Bukavu, increase workers’ commitment to work, as well as the production.
... As an alternative, I suggest analysing condemnations of certain forms of masculinity for their political effects. James Messerschmidt (2010) and Betül Ekşi (2017) have both shown how male elites can bolster their power by condemning toxically masculine men. Messerschmidt shows how Presidents Bush Sr. and Bush Jr. depicted themselves as "masculine heroes" rescuing "feminized victims" from the "toxically masculine villain," Saadam Hussein. ...
... Messerschmidt shows how Presidents Bush Sr. and Bush Jr. depicted themselves as "masculine heroes" rescuing "feminized victims" from the "toxically masculine villain," Saadam Hussein. Ekşi (2017) shows how branches of the Turkish National Police disparaged other branches as toxically masculine, situating their own violence as "restrained." However, neither of the Bushes nor the Turkish Police use the term "toxic masculinity"; rather, Messerschmidt and Ekşi apply it as shorthand. ...
Coined in late 20th-century men’s movements, “toxic masculinity” spread to therapeutic and social policy settings in the early 21st century. Since 2013, feminists began attributing misogyny, homophobia, and men’s violence to toxic masculinity. Around the same time, feminism enjoyed renewed popularization. While some feminist scholars use the concept, it is often left under-defined. I argue that talk of toxic masculinity provides an intriguing window into gender politics in any given context. However, feminists should not adopt toxic masculinity as an analytical concept. I consider the term’s origins, history, and usage, arguing that it appears in individualizing discourses that have historically targeted marginalized men. Thus, accusations of toxic masculinity often work to maintain gender hierarchies and individualize responsibility for gender inequalities to certain bad men.
... Masculinity is a study on males and masculinities which is related with the context of social (Ingvars, 2019;Knoll & Moreno, 2020); body/body image (Dawson & Hammer, 2020;Jones, 2015;Liao, Shen, Cox, Miller, Sievers, & Werner, 2020); human/ sexual reproduction (Inhorn, 2020;Ekşi, 2017;Joshi, 2020;Polat, 2020;Mohr & Almeling, 2020;Campo-Engelstein, Kaufman, & Parker, 2019), sex (Huysamen, 2015;Javaid, 2017), health (Matthews, 2015;White, Oliffe, & Bottorff, 2012;Norman, 2011;Cogan, Haines, & Devore, 2019;Watkins, 2019;Bradstreet, & Parent, 2018, Sydor, 2010; race (Lehman, 2006;Trautner, Kwan, & Savage, 2013), violence/ crime (Skinner, 2016), work (Rivera, 2020), politics (Luyt & Starck, 2020;Kord, 2020;Kimmel, 2010). Masculinity study is repositioning males in understanding males as male in the context of gender. ...
The research aims to describe masculinities contained in two Indonesian novels, Orang-orang Biasa and Rafilus. Specifically, the aims are divided into 2, namely (1) how the characters’ behaviors that are represented in the Orang-orang Biasa and Rafilus reviewed from the psychology of masculinities perspective are, and (2) how the impacts of characters’ behaviors on other people represented in the Orang-orang Biasa and Rafilus reviewed from the psychology of masculinities perspective. The theory used in this research was the psychology of masculinities which was related to the psychology of literature. The method used was descriptive qualitative which focused on narrative data exposure. The data collection technique used was a literature review. The data analysis technique was conducted with several steps, namely identifying the data, classifying the data, reducing the data, interpreting the data, describing the data, and verifying the data. The results showed that man's behaviors are represented in several forms. First, the men who have healthy behaviors are the ones who are strong, responsible, and honest. Second, the men who have unhealthy behaviors are the ones that have toxic masculinities which are represented in their behaviors that tend to hurt others and commit crimes.
... The stereotypical masculine archetype of a police officer appeared pervasive for participants, despite recognizing the benefits of stereotypically feminine strengths for officer safety and promoting positive public relations. The paradoxical engagement with gendered traits highlights challenges with adhering to rigid socially constructed notions of gender for policing as an occupation; indeed, structural gender-based polarization in policing (e.g., men manage SWAT, women manage sexual assault) may eliminate important pervasive benefits and create areas of potentially problematic hypermasculinity [54]. ...
Women police officers report elevated symptoms of mental disorders when compared to men police officers. Researchers have indicated that the occupational experience of policing differs greatly among men and women. Indeed, police culture is characterized by hegemonic masculinity, which appears to negatively impact both men and women. The current study examined the contrast between the experiences of men and women police officers. Police officers (n = 17; 9 women) in Saskatchewan participated in semi-structured interviews. Thematic network analysis identified themes related to the experience of policing for both men and women police officers. There were six organizing themes identified in relation to the global theme of Gendered Experiences: (1) Discrimi- nation; (2) Sexual Harassment; (3) Motherhood and Parental Leave; (4) Identity; (5) Stereotypically Feminine Attributes; and (6) Hegemonic Masculinity. Pervasive gender norms appear detrimental for both men and women police officers, as well as the communities they serve. The current results, coupled with the emerging disposition for progress expressed by police services, offer opportunities to develop tailored and focused interventions and policies to support police officers.
... The compulsory military service is for male citizens only, after turning 20 (Yildirim and Erdinç, 2007). Similarly, police officers are almost exclusively male (Ekşi, 2017), with the majority recruited in their early 20s as well (Caglar, 2004). This is reflected in the data, as all 153 casualties were male, with an average age of 28.9 (SD = 7.6, median = 26, min = 20, max = 54). ...
Security forces are one of the main targets of political violence. This paper examines the effect of their casualties on electoral outcomes. Between two general elections in 2015, Turkey experienced a series of attacks that killed 153 members of its security forces. Based on the as-if random assignment of their funerals across the country, I estimate that government vote share increases in the funeral places of security force terror victims. However, in the localities with recurring funerals, it decreases by a similar percentage. These non-linear changes provide strong evidence for the rally theory.
... In Poland, the police is a highly masculinized profession (15% female police officers, 85% male police officers (Policja.pl 2019a, like in other countries (Ekşi 2017;Loftus 2008). Police culture is based on the six components: law, bureaucratic control, security, machismo, competence, and morality (Herbert 1998). ...
Police officers’ work involves the exposition to traumatogenic stimuli. The aim of the research is to investigate potential associations between post-traumatic stress disorder and the traditional masculinity norms and social support. Three questionnaires were used: the Impact of Event Scale-Revised adapted by Juczyński and Ogińska-Bulik (2009), the Social Relations Scale (Skarżyńska 2002), and the Male Role Norms Scale translated by the authors of this paper. The sample comprised 111 male active service members of the Polish Police. The analysis shows statistically significant, mildly negative associations between post-traumatic stress disorder symptomatology variables and social relations/support (− .312 to − .386), and mild-to-moderate positive associations between the traditional male role norms and post-traumatic stress disorder symptomatology variables (.361–.506). The intergroup differences between the police officers that probably meet the PTSD criteria and those that do not meet the criteria were mainly observed in complying with the traditional masculinity norms, in which the police officers with probable post-traumatic stress disorder had higher results than those without it; the reverse was observed in the case of social relations/support. Traditional masculinity norms, length of service, number of types of traumatic events, social relations/support, and age have proved to be significant independent predictors of post-traumatic stress disorder ( β = − .38– β = .49). However, in the multivariate regression, only social status norms, age, social relations/support, and number of types of traumatic events proved to be significant predictors of post-traumatic stress disorder ( β = − 26 to .40), accounting for 45% of post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms.
En Colombia existen trabajos reconocidos como profesiones masculinas. Sin embargo, en las últimas décadas ha habido un incremento en la cantidad de mujeres que se integran a dichos trabajos, como la corporación policial. Si bien es innegable este crecimiento, es necesario preguntarse si este cambio numérico en la composición de los sectores laborales propicia la igualdad de género. Así pues, el objetivo del texto es identificar, con el caso de la Policía Nacional de Colombia, cuáles son los obstáculos de la integración laboral femenina. La hipótesis a seguir de este texto es que la incorporación femenina produce relaciones de género dinámicas, pues éstas se democratizan mientras resisten las masculinidades hegemónicas.
This chapter analyses how discourses of toxic masculinity and associated terms such as wounded masculinity and father hunger arose in the context of neoliberal economic and social transformations. The chapter explores the origins of such discourse in late twentieth-century mythopoetic men’s movements and shows how it influenced therapeutic and social policy discourse and practice. In the case of low-income and minoritized men, toxic masculinity discourse rationalized interventions into their subjectivities and family lives that aimed to promote conformity to the neoliberal adult worker model of family life based on a heterosexual couple sharing domestic work and breadwinning. Following the Global Financial Crisis, commentators increasingly diagnosed elite men as toxically masculine in strikingly essentialist terms as many commentators blamed “testosterone-driven” risk-taking for the crisis and called for greater gender equality at the highest levels of the financial sector, drawing on “womenomics” theory. In subsequent years, popular feminist discourse on toxic masculinity focused more generally on the irredeemable toxic masculinity of white male elites. This chapter shows how the disparagement of some men’s toxic masculinity obscures the structural basis of inequalities and serves to valorize alternative male elites as global neoliberal transformations eroded the basis for existing hegemonic forms of masculinity.
Breaking the Silence - David L Collinson and Jeff Hearn On Men, Masculinities and Managements Masculinities and Managements in the Transition from Factory Hands to Sentimental Workers - Wendy Hollway The Gender of Bureaucracy - David Morgan Technocracy, Patriarchy and Management - Beverly H Burris The Best Is Yet to Come? Searching for Embodiment in Managerial Work - Deborah Kerfoot and David Knights Entrepreneurialism and Paternalism in Australian Management - Rosslyn Reed A Gender Critique for the 'Self-Made' Man Entrepreneurialism, Masculinities and the 'Self-Made' Man - Kate Mulholland Quiet Whispers... Men Accounting for Women, West to East - Cheryl R Lehman Multinational Masculinities and European Bureaucracies - Alison E Woodward Gendering and Evaluating Dynamics - Patricia Yancey Martin Men, Masculinities and Managements 'Seduction and Succession' - Michael Roper Circuits of Homosocial Desire in Management Managing Universities - Craig Prichard Is It Men's Work?
The concept of homosociality describes and defines social bonds between persons of the same sex. It is, for example, frequently used in studies on men and masculinities, there defined as a mechanism and social dynamic that explains the maintenance of hegemonic masculinity. However, this common and somewhat overexploited use of the concept to refer to how men, through their relations to other men, uphold and maintain patriarchy tends to simplify and reduce homosociality to an almost descriptive term – one used to point at how men tend to bond, build closed teams, and defend their privileges and positions. The purpose of the present article is to investigate, explore, and discuss the concept of homosociality. We will introduce a distinction between vertical/hierarchical and horizontal homosociality. Hierarchical homosociality is similar to and has previously been described as a means of strengthening power and of creating close bonds between men and between women to maintain and defend hegemony. Horizontal homosociality, however, is used to point toward more inclusive relations between, for example, men that are based on emotional closeness, intimacy, and a nonprofitable form of friendship. Relating this distinction to the concept of and discussion on hegemonic masculinity, we will reconstruct and develop a more dynamic view on homosociality.
O conceito de masculinidade hegemônica tem influenciado os estudos de gênero em vários campos acadêmicos, mas ao mesmo tempo tem atraído um sério criticismo. Os autores traçam a origem do conceito a uma convergência de ideias no início dos anos 1980 e mapeiam as formas através das quais o conceito foi aplicado quando os estudos sobre homens e masculinidades se expandiram. Avaliando as principais críticas, os autores defendem o conceito de masculinidade como fundamental, uma vez que, na maioria das pesquisas que o opera, seu uso não é reificador nem essencialista. Entretanto, as críticas aos modelos assentados em características de gênero e às tipologias rígidas são sólidas. O tratamento do sujeito em pesquisas sobre masculinidades hegemônicas pode ser melhorado com a ajuda dos recentes modelos psicológicos, mesmo que os limites à flexibilidade discursiva devam ser reconhecidos. O conceito de masculinidade hegemônica não equivale a um modelo de reprodução social; precisam ser reconhecidas as lutas sociais nas quais masculinidades subordinadas influenciam formas dominantes. Por fim, os autores revisam o que foi confirmado por formulações iniciais (a ideia de masculinidades múltiplas, o conceito de hegemonia e a ênfase na transformação) e o que precisa ser descartado (tratamento unidimensional da hierarquia e concepções de características de gênero). Os autores sugerem a reformulação do conceito em quatro áreas: um modelo mais complexo da hierarquia de gênero, enfatizando a agência das mulheres; o reconhecimento explícito da geografia das masculinidades, enfatizando a interseccionalidade entre os níveis local, regional e global; um tratamento mais específico da encorporação1 em contextos de privilégio e poder; e uma maior ênfase na dinâmica da masculinidade hegemônica, reconhecendo as contradições internas e as possibilidades de movimento em direção à democracia de gênero.
The idea of “transnational business masculinity” is explored in life-history interviews with Australian managers. Their world is male-dominated but has a strong consciousness of change. An intense and stressful labor process creates multiple linkages among managers and subjects them to mutual scrutiny, a force for gender conservatism. In a context of affluence and anxiety, managers tend to treat their life as an enterprise and self-consciously manage bodies and emotions as well as finances. Economic globalization has heightened their insecurity and changed older patterns of business; different modes of participating in transnational business can be identified. Managerial masculinity is still centrally related to power, but changes from older bourgeois masculinity can also be detected: tolerance of diversity and heightened uncertainty about one’s place in the world and gender order. Some support is found for the transnational business masculinity hypothesis, but a spectrum of gender patterns must be recognized in an increasingly complex business environment.
This article examines the construction of hegemonic masculinity within the US Navy. Based on life history interviews with 27 male officers, this study explores alternative discourses and identities of officers from three different communities in the Navy: aviation, surface warfare, and the supply corps. Definitions of masculinity are relationally constructed through associations of difference: aviators tend to draw upon themes of autonomy and risk taking; surface warfare officers draw upon themes of perseverance and endurance; and supply officers draw upon themes of technical rationality. Further, these masculinities depend upon various contrasting definitions of femininity. Finally, this article explores a series of contradictions that threaten the secure construction of masculinity within this military culture.
This paper seeks to contribute to the growing interest in naming men as men as part of a critical analysis of gendered power relations in organizations. The paper highlights the way in which men and masculinities are frequently central to organizational analysis, yet rarely the focus of interrogation. They remain taken for granted and hidden. Examining recent studies that contribute to a critical analysis of gendered power relations, we consider the growing interest in multiplicity, diversity and difference. In particular, we explore the issue of ‘multiple masculinities’ as well as some of the conceptual difficulties that surround it. Arguing for an approach which addresses the unities, differences and interrelations between men and masculinities, we suggest that critical studies of gendered power need to examine the management of organizations in much more detail. Highlighting five masculinities that seem to be routinely embedded in managerial discourses and practices, we conclude by advocating further research in this previously neglected area.
This article examines the construction of hegemonic masculinity within the US Navy. Based on life history interviews with 27 male officers, this study explores alternative discourses and identities of officers from three different communities in the Navy: aviation, surface warfare, and the supply corps. Definitions of masculinity are relationally constructed through associations of difference: aviators tend to draw upon themes of autonomy and risk taking; surface warfare officers draw upon themes of perseverance and endurance; and supply officers draw upon themes of technical rationality. Further, these masculinities depend upon various contrasting definitions of femininity. Finally, this article explores a series of contradictions that threaten the secure construction of masculinity within this military culture.
The 1990s have seen dramatic restructuring of state social provision in the US, the UK, Canada and Australia. This has occurred largely because of the rise of market liberalism, which challenges the role of the state. This important book examines the impact of changes in social policy regimes on gender roles and relations. Structured thematically and systematically comparative, it analyses three key policy areas: labor markets, income maintenance and reproductive rights. Largely driven by issues of equality, it considers the role of the state as a site for gender and sexual politics at a time when primacy is given to the market, developing an argument about social citizenship in the process. Eminent scholars in the field, Julia O'Connor, Ann Orloff and Sheila Shaver make a landmark contribution to debates about social policy and gender relations in this era of economic restructuring and deregulation.
This volume includes substantial discussions of problems of democracy, citizenship and the welfare state, including the largely unrecognized difficulties surrounding women's participation.
Political projects of modern nation-states, the specificities of their nationalist histories and the positioning of Islam vis-a-vis diverse nationalisms are addressed in this volume with respect to their implications and consequences for women through a series of case studies.
Drawing on qualitative studies of teamsport athletes and fraternity members, this book describes the rapidly changing world of masculinities among men in both the United States and Great Britain. As cultural homophobia decreases, university-aged men are influenced to construct a softer version of masculinity - one that is not predicated in homophobia. Inclusive Masculinity shows that today's youth express decreased sexism, racism and masculine bullying. As Eric Anderson demonstrates, men who value inclusive masculinities are also shown to be more likely to bond in emotional relationships with other men and to embrace a variety of behaviors once coded as feminine, including certain same-sex sexual behaviors. Now available in paperback, this groundbreaking analysis of masculinity and young men will be of interest to students and faculty members within Sociology, Gender Studies, and Sport Studies.
The concept of hegemonic masculinity has influenced gender studies across many academic fields but has also attracted serious criticism. The authors trace the origin of the concept in a convergence of ideas in the early 1980s and map the ways it was applied when research on men and masculinities expanded. Evaluating the principal criticisms, the authors defend the underlying concept of masculinity, which in most research use is neither reified nor essentialist. However, the criticism of trait models of gender and rigid typologies is sound. The treatment of the subject in research on hegemonic masculinity can be improved with the aid of recent psychological models, although limits to discursive flexibility must be recognized. The concept of hegemonic masculinity does not equate to a model of social reproduction; we need to recognize social struggles in which subordinated masculinities influence dominant forms. Finally, the authors review what has been confirmed from early formulations (the idea of multiple masculinities, the concept of hegemony, and the emphasis on change) and what needs to be discarded (onedimensional treatment of hierarchy and trait conceptions of gender). The authors suggest reformulation of the concept in four areas: a more complex model of gender hierarchy, emphasizing the agency of women; explicit recognition of the geography of masculinities, emphasizing the interplay among local, regional, and global levels; a more specific treatment of embodiment in contexts of privilege and power; and a stronger emphasis on the dynamics of hegemonic masculinity, recognizing internal contradictions and the possibilities of movement toward gender democracy.
Feminist global politics scholars have long investigated militarized masculinities to demonstrate the toxic and mutually constitutive relationship between war, militarism and masculinity. This article investigates this relationship in the political sphere by analysing the embodiment, performance and construction of presidential masculinities. In particular, I compare and contrast the presidential masculinities of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. Through a multimodal discursive analysis of online presidential photo galleries, I demonstrate that Obama has recast US presidential and African American masculinities in contradictory but significant ways. I argue that Obama constructs and performs a hybrid presidential masculinity that is contemporary, demilitarized and characterized by a post-hip-hop ghetto-style cool. This presidential masculinity and the avant-garde militarism that accompanies it stands in stark contrast to Bush and cleverly camouflages, even reinvigorates, ongoing US militarism across the globe. After all, Obama further institutionalized the ‘War on Terror’, but has a Nobel Peace Prize amongst his accolades. Throughout, I elucidate the concept of presidential masculinities, noting their relationship to hegemonic masculinities. I conclude that Obama's hybrid presidential masculinity may very well be a more sophisticated deployment and embodiment of US hegemonic masculinity in the twenty-first century.
This paper examines the dynamics of male-female interaction in one work setting—the backstage region of a police department—and explores the variety of ways that policewomen are pressured to “stay in their place” by male coworkers. Policewomen face interpersonal dilemmas because as police officers they are expected to behave like colleagues (i.e. as status equals); as women they are expected to behave as status subordinates. This paper investigates a number of the techniques by which female officers' gender is made salient and male officers assert dominance over female officers. The verbal techniques employed include the use of euphemisms, affectionate terms of address, cursing, joking and putdowns, and gossip. Non-verbal messages are transmitted by the use of personal space, touch, and chivalrous ceremonies. In addition the problems posed by sexuality and sexual harassment in the workplace are discussed. Data are based on nine months of participant observation and 55 interviews with officers in one police district in Washington, D.C.
The article examines the place of women constables in a British constabulary force, with particular reference to a comparison of male and female police recruits’ views on the suitability of women for police work. The article is empirically‐based, drawing on both qualitative and quantitative data from a study of police recruit training and socialisation to the occupation. In light of the similarities and differences in male and female occupational attitudes, and the key emphasis on physical strength, there is a discussion speculating on the latent potential for radical change in the delivery of routine police service.
Hegemonic masculinities are at the top of the gender hierarchy and exist in relation to subordinated gender constructs. Traditional constructions of hegemonic masculinities include risk-taking, self-discipline, physical toughness and/or muscular development, aggression, violence, emotional control, and overt heterosexual desire. Using a grounded theory approach, 43 men were interviewed focusing on the process of hegemonic masculinities construction (n = 25 pre-active duty Reserve Officer Training Corps members and n = 18 Delayed Entry Program men). By casting non-military personal (i.e., civilians) and service members of different branches (i.e., Army, Navy, Marines, Air Force), different occupational specialties (i.e., infantry, artillery, supply, etc.), and different rank (officer versus enlisted) as less physically able, self-disciplined, willing to take risks, emotionally controlled, and/or intelligent, pre-active duty servicemen discursively dominate others. The end result is that men create hierarchies that subordinate others while simultaneously placing their own perceived characteristics in positions of symbolic dominance.
In spite of feminist recognition that hierarchical organizations are an important location of male dominance, most feminists writing about organizations assume that organizational structure is gender neutral. This article argues that organizational structure is not gender neutral; on the contrary, assumptions about gender underlie the documents and contracts used to construct organizations and to provide the commonsense ground for theorizing about them. Their gendered nature is partly masked through obscuring the embodied nature of work. Abstract jobs and hierarchies, common concepts in organizational thinking, assume a disembodies and universal worker. This worker is actually a man; men's bodies, sexuality, and relationships to procreation and paid work are subsumed in the image of the worker. Images of men's bodies and masculinity pervade organizational processes, marginalizing women and contributing to the maintenance of gender segregation in organizations. The positing of gender-neutral and disembodied organizational structures and work relations is part of the larger strategy of control in industrial capitalist societies, which, at least partly, are built upon a deeply embedded substructure of gender difference.
Feminism has no theory of the state. It has a theory of power: sexuality is gendered as gender is sexualized. Male and female are created through the erotization of dominance and submission. The man/woman difference and the dominance/submission dynamic define each other. This is the social meaning of sex and the distinctively feminist account of gender inequality. 1 Sexual objectification, the central process within this dynamic, is at once epistemological and political. The feminist theory of knowledge is inextricable from the feminist critique of power because the male point of view forces itself upon the world as its way of apprehending it.
State structures, international forces, and class relations: Theda Skocpol shows how all three combine to explain the origins and accomplishments of social-revolutionary transformations. From France in the 1790s to Vietnam in the 1970s, social revolutions have been rare but undeniably of enormous importance in modern world history. States and Social Revolutions provides a new frame of reference for analyzing the causes, the conflicts, and the outcomes of such revolutions. And it develops in depth a rigorous, comparative historical analysis of three major cases: the French Revolution of 1787 through the early 1800s, the Russian Revolution of 1917 through the 1930s, and the Chinese Revolution of 1911 through the 1960s. Believing that existing theories of revolution, both Marxist and non-Marxist, are inadequate to explain the actual historical patterns of revolutions, the author urges us to adopt fresh perspectives. Above all, she maintains that states conceived as administrative and coercive organizations potentially autonomous from class controls and interests must be made central to explanations of revolutions.
This article explores the intimate historical and modern connection between manhood and nationhood: through the construction of patriotic manhood and exalted motherhood as icons of nationalist ideology; through the designation of gendered 'places' for men and women in national politics; through the domination of masculine interests and ideology in nationalist movements; through the interplay between masculine microcultures and nationalist ideology; through sexualized militarism including the construction of simultaneously over-sexed and under-sexed 'enemy' men (rapists and wimps) and promiscuous 'enemy' women (sluts and whores). Three 'puzzles' are partially solved by exposing the connection between masculinity and nationalism: why are many men so desperate to defend masculine, monoracial, and heterosexual institutional preserves, such as military organizations and academies; why do men go to war; and the 'gender gap', that is, why do men and women appear to have very different goals and agendas for the 'nation?'
This study focuses on the cultural context and gender issues of the policewomen of Ankara, Turkey, a modern, secular, Muslim city. The authors provide a brief history of the status of women in Turkey, and analyze the place of women both in the current Turkish labor market and within the Turkish police. A non‐random, open‐ended survey was done of various ranks of Turkish women police officers in Ankara about their work and personal conditions. The results confirm that women officers have gender work‐related problems.
Osmanli’dan Cumhuriyete Türk Polis Teşkilatında Ilk Kadın Görevliler. Ankara: Emniyet Genel Müdürlüğü Yayınları
- E Şahin
- Z Tunç
- R Töre
A history of police and masculinities 1700-2010
- D Barrie
- S Broomhall
Introduction: The many hands of the state
- K Morgan
- A S Orloff
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