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Is Difficulty Overrated? The Effects of Choice, Novelty and Suspense on Intrinsic Motivation in Educational Games


Abstract and Figures

Many game designers aim to optimize difficulty to make games that are "not too hard, not too easy." However, recent experiments have shown that even moderate difficulty can reduce player engagement. The present work investigates other design factors that may account for the purported benefits of difficulty, such as choice, novelty and suspense. These factors were manipulated in three design experiments involving over 20,000 play sessions of an online educational game. The first experiment (n=10,472) randomly assigned some players to a particular level of difficulty but allowed other players to freely choose their difficulty. Moderately difficult levels were most motivating when self-selected; yet, when difficulty was blindly assigned, the easiest games were most motivating. The second experiment (n=5,065) randomly assigned players to differing degrees of novelty. Moderate novelty was optimal, while too much or too little novelty reduced intrinsic motivation. A final experiment (n=6,511) investigated the role of suspense in "close games", where it was found to be beneficial. If difficulty decreases motivation while novelty and suspense increase it, then an implication for educational game designers is to make easy, interesting games that are "not too hard, not too boring."
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Is Difficulty Overrated? The Effects of Choice, Novelty and
Suspense on Intrinsic Motivation in Educational Games
J. Derek Lomas1,2, Ken Koedinger2, Nirmal Patel2, Sharan
Shodhan2, Nikhil Poonwala2, Jodi Forlizzi2
The Design Lab1
UC San Diego
HCI Institute2
Carnegie Mellon
Many game designers aim to optimize difficulty to make
games that are “not too hard, not too easy.” However,
recent experiments have shown that even moderate
difficulty can reduce player engagement. The present work
investigates other design factors that may account for the
purported benefits of difficulty, such as choice, novelty and
suspense. These factors were manipulated in three design
experiments involving over 20,000 play sessions of an
online educational game.
The first experiment (n=10,472) randomly assigned some
players to a particular level of difficulty but allowed other
players to freely choose their difficulty. Moderately
difficult levels were most motivating when self-selected;
yet, when difficulty was blindly assigned, the easiest games
were most motivating. The second experiment (n=5,065)
randomly assigned players to differing degrees of novelty.
Moderate novelty was optimal, while too much or too little
novelty reduced intrinsic motivation. A final experiment
(n=6,511) investigated the role of suspense in “close
games”, where it was found to be beneficial. If difficulty
decreases motivation while novelty and suspense increase
it, then an implication for educational game designers is to
make easy, interesting games that are “not too hard, not too
Author Keywords
Learning; Education; Games; Intrinsic Motivation;
Challenge; Difficulty; Novelty; Suspense; Theory;
Experiments; Flow; Near Win; A/B testing;
ACM Classification Keywords
H.5.m. Information interfaces and presentation (e.g., HCI):
It is almost a truism that good games shouldn’t be too hard
or too easy. It isn’t surprising that games can be too hard:
after all, a core objective in HCI is minimizing user
difficulty and maximizing ease-of-use [20,40]. That makes
it much more surprising that games can be too easy. Can
games really be too easy? Or just too boring?
The evidence is mixed: in some studies [4,18,1], difficulty
is good for intrinsic motivation and in other studies it is not
[33,44]. To clarify this issue for educational game designers
and others, we ran three controlled experiments to test how
various design factors modulate the role of difficulty on
player intrinsic motivation.
The Inverted U-Shaped Curve Theory
To make it easier to make learning fun, Malone and Lepper
[38] organized a “Taxonomy of Intrinsic Motivations for
Learning”: ~30 theoretically grounded principles for
designing intrinsically motivated instruction. The
taxonomy’s opening claim states, “The activity should
provide a continuously optimal (intermediate) level of
difficulty for the learner.” This claim was based on
Csikszentmihalyi’s theory of “Flow” [10], a theory that is
now the basis of many contemporary theories of game
enjoyment [51,48]. Formalized, Flow theory describes the
relationship between difficulty and enjoyment as an
inverted U-shaped curve [1].
The notion that we most enjoy optimally challenging
activities that are not too easy or too difficult implies
a curvilinear, inverted U-shaped relation between
difficulty and enjoyment, so that increases in
difficulty should lead to increases in enjoyment up to
an optimal level (i.e., the apex of the curve), after
which further increases in difficulty lead to decreases
in enjoyment. (p. 318)
Difficulty vs Challenge
Difficulty, as a theoretical construct, has an established
history; in psychometrics, it is measured as a test item’s
average error rate in the population of test takers [27]. In
other words, more difficult items have a greater probability
of being answered incorrectly. Similarly, if a game is more
difficult, one has a greater probability of losing [3]. While
the quote above [1] uses difficulty and challenge
interchangeably, this paper will use the term difficulty to
Author Copy
Lomas, D., Forlizzi, J., Patel, N., Shodhan, S., Patel, K., Poonwala, N.,
Koedinger, K. (2017) Is Difficulty Overrated? Investigating the Effects of
Choice, Novelty and Suspense on Intrinsic Motivation. ACM CHI 2017
mean, precisely, “the probability of task failure” and will
abstain from defining challenge, which we believe is a
more nuanced and complex concept.
Observing the Inverted-U Theory in Online Chess
To test the theory that difficulty has an inverted-U effect on
enjoyment, Abuhamdeh and Csikszentmihalyi [1]
conducted an empirical investigation of thousands of online
chess players. They measured difficulty as the difference
between the ELO chess ranking of two players (two players
with the same ELO score have a 50% chance of winning).
Enjoyment of games was measured via self-report
immediately after each game. The result? Players most
enjoyed games when they had an 80% chance of losing.
These players liked hard games—but not too hard.
A few factors cloud these results. First, it is noteworthy that
players had an incentive to play against harder players:
winning against a higher-ranked player increases one’s own
ELO chess rank. Secondly, players were not blindly or
randomly assigned to their opponents; instead, players
could choose their opponents based on their chess rank.
This gave players the ability to control their expected game
difficulty. The ranking incentives and awareness of
difficulty may have affected the results if certain types of
players self-selected more difficult opponents. Would the
results be different if ran as a controlled experiment?
Testing the Inverted-U with Random Assignment
Several years ago, we sought to replicate this inverted-U
effect using a controlled experiment in the educational
game “Battleship Numberline” [33]. We hoped to identify
the optimal level of game difficulty by randomly assigning
hundreds of different game versions to >50,000 online
players. Gameplay data revealed the difficulty (average
items failed divided by total items attempted) and the
intrinsic motivation (duration of voluntary play) of each
game variation.
Our results were surprising, as the optimal level of
difficulty seemed to be “as easy as possible.” Nearly all
increases in game difficulty reduced player intrinsic
motivation. For both high and low ability players, easier
games were consistently played longer, even when the
failure rate was less than 10%. This was particularly
surprising in light of previous work that indicated intrinsic
motivation would be maximized when the difficulty (failure
rate) of the game was between 80%-50% [1, 4].
Although our results weren’t predicted by the inverted-U
theory [1], they do seem to be supported by other theories
of intrinsic motivation. Consider that, by definition,
increased difficulty increases the rate of task failure. These
failures produce negative feedback that can reduce intrinsic
motivation by reducing expectations for future successes
[17], reducing perceived task value [17] and reducing self-
perceptions of competence [11]. Moreover, more difficult
tasks are more effortful: increased effort increases fatigue
and increased fatigue increases rates of task switching [31,
21]. Indeed, fatigue may be the psychological reason why
harder games cause players to disengage faster [33]. In any
case, these theories imply that the failure accompanying
difficulty will not improve intrinsic motivation.
Still, there is plenty of evidence that challenge is enjoyable
and motivating [10], particularly with success [18]. Might
the positive aspects of challenge come from factors other
than difficulty? For instance, when one advances through a
game, the new game levels are often more difficult but
they are also new. When games introduce greater difficulty,
they often also introduce interesting new design elements.
Perhaps games that are “too easy” don’t suffer from a lack
of difficulty, but a lack of interestingness.
Research Question
Our research aims to clarify the current situation regarding
difficulty optimization in games. As Flow Theory strongly
predicts an inverted-U relationship between challenge and
intrinsic motivation, what other factors of challenge, apart
from difficulty, might produce this inverted-U shape?
In the following three experiments, we investigate three
different factors associated with challenge: player choice of
difficulty, novelty and suspense. In the first experiment we
use the same experimental design as the chess study [1] and
show that letting players self-select their difficulty can
produce an inverted-U shaped curve. In a second
experiment, we randomly assigned players to different
degrees of novelty and find that a moderate degree of
novelty maximizes motivation. This evidence supports the
idea that the motivational nature of challenge may stem
from the novelty found in challenge as much as from the
difficulty. In a third experiment, we randomly assign
players to different criteria for winning, in order to
dissociate player skill from their likelihood of winning. Our
results show that players are motivated by the suspense of a
close game, which tends to occur when the difficulty is
matched to the player’s skill. In total, this paper tests six
hypotheses, provided below for convenience
H1.1: Providing a choice of difficulty will produce
an inverted U-shaped relationship between
difficulty and engagement.
H1.2: Player choices will resemble an inverted U-
shaped curve, with most players choosing
moderately difficult levels.
H1.3: Higher skilled players will self-select
themselves into more difficult game levels.
H1.4: Knowing that game levels are “very easy”
will decrease player persistence relative to players
who don’t know the difficulty of the level.
H2: A moderate degree of novelty will maximize
player motivation.
H3: The closer the game, the greater the suspense
and the greater the intrinsic motivation.
Battleship Numberline Game Design
Battleship Numberline [33,34] is a simple online game
where players attempt to explode targets by estimating
numbers on a number line. In subsequent experiments,
players were presented with numbers that indicating the
location of a hidden submarine between two endpoints
(e.g., “submarine spotted at ½” between the end points of 0-
1). When a player clicks on a location along the line to
indicate their estimate, a bomb falls at that location and the
hidden submarine then becomes visible as feedback. If the
bomb hits the target, there is a satisfying explosion and a
gold star is released, incrementing the player’s star count in
the scoreboard. If the player misses, the bomb splashes in
the water. There is no final “winning” or “losing” state in
the gameinstead, players can continue to play as long as
they wish. Additionally, there are no leaderboards or other
mechanisms that allow players to directly compare status.
Figure 1: The Battleship Numberline game screen. From left to
right we show the “Hard” and “Very Easy” game level. The
game is easier when the target is larger because players can
make more inaccurate estimates and yet still be successful.
Battleship Numberline was made available on the GameUp
platform on, a popular site for grade 4-8
classrooms. Data from experimental game sessions were
collected, largely during school hours, with large drop offs
during weekends and holidays (suggesting that the games
were primarily played in a classroom).
The educational game site offers dozens of free games and
teachers have little control over their student’s activities.
Thus, the decision of how long to play a particular game
appears to be largely up to the student. Subjects were
completely anonymous and data was collected only for a
single game session (no longitudinal collection).
In the chess study [1], players freely chose their opponent
with full knowledge of their chess rank. Essentially, this
means that players were able to choose the difficulty of
their game. In contrast, the study of Battleship Numberline
[33] involved blindly and randomly assigning players to
different levels of difficulty.
Why would knowing the difficulty of a game affect a
player’s motivation? Knowing the difficulty of a task is
likely to affect a player’s causal interpretation of their
performance. According to Bernard Weiner’s attribution
theory of motivation [50, 15], this interpretation can have
big motivational outcomes.
Weiner identified three dimensions of attribution: causality
(internal or external), controllability and stability. For
instance, if a person attributes their poor performance to
low effort (an internal, controllable and unstable cause)
they are likely to feel guilty an emotion that is linked to
increases in future motivation [50]. In contrast, if they
attribute their performance to low ability (which is an
internal, uncontrollable and stable cause), they are likely to
feel ashamed an emotion linked to decreases in future
motivation. Attribution theory provides a theoretical basis
for why tasks that are labeled “very easy” might be less
motivating than tasks labeled “moderately difficult.” If a
person is told that a game is “very easy”, one is expected to
be less proud of their successes, relative to another person
who was told that the game was “difficult”. Lower pride in
one’s successes over the course of a game is likely to lower
overall task enjoyment. Furthermore, any failure during a
“very easy” game might be especially shameful and
shame decreases motivation.
Thus, the inverted-U effect of lowered motivation during
tasks labeled “very easy” might be a result of less pride
during successes and more shame during failures.
According to this theory, the inverted-U in the chess study
might have occurred because players generally find it less
enjoyable to beat a player they know is weak than to beat a
player they know is strong.
Experimental Design: Difficulty Choice Experiment
The primary goal of this experiment is to determine
whether giving players a choice of difficulty produces an
inverted-U relationship between difficulty and motivation
in Battleship Numberline. As player choices can be used as
a measure of population preferences, we also sought to test
whether their pattern of choices resembled an inverted-U
To create five different game levels of difficulty, we used
data from a previous experiment [33] and used a regression
model to manipulate factors predicted to vary in difficulty
from very easy to very hard. We varied several design
factors, including Error Tolerance (target size), Time Limit
(amount of time players have to make their selection) and
Item Sets (items presented).
We randomly assigned players to one of four conditions in
a 2x2 between-subjects experiment, as shown in Table 1.
Players either received a choice of difficulty, a choice of
arbitrary game levels with no information about difficulty, a
random level with labeled difficulty, or they were blindly
assigned a random level with unlabeled difficulty. Prior to
this assignment, players were given a 4-item in-game
pretest, which predicts player ability to estimate numbers
on a number line, as discussed in [33]. A game session
began when players started the game and ended when
players exited the game, played more than 80 trials or made
no further actions after a time-out. The data presented
comes from 10,472 game sessions collected.
Table 1: The four conditions in the Difficulty Choice
Operational Measures
Difficulty: The average failure rate of a game level or
experimental condition.
Engagement: The average of the number of trials played in
the game level or condition (total trials divided by total
players). A trial is one number line estimate attempt.
Engagement, here, is equivalent with intrinsic motivation as
there are no extrinsic motivators and players can choose to
play another game at any time.
Preference: The tendency for players to select a particular
choice (# choices for option X divided by total # choices).
Persistence: Persistence refers to the tendency for players
to keep playing the game in the face of failure. Thus, if two
students of the same ability were failing at the same rate but
one played for longer, we would call the longer playing
student more persistent. We measure persistence as a
player’s actual number of trials minus the predicted number
of trials they were expected to play, given their failure rate.
A negative persistence score means that players disengaged
earlier than the average player.
Results: Difficulty Choice Experiment
To investigate H1.1 (“Providing a choice of difficulty will
produce an inverted U-shaped relationship between
difficulty and engagement”), we plotted the effect of game
difficulty on the duration of player engagement (Figure 2).
The inverted U-shaped curve was significant only for
players with a choice of difficulty, confirming Hypothesis
It is notable that, while difficulty choice did produce an
inverted-U shape, it did so by depressing motivation on the
easy and hard levels, rather than increasing motivation on
the moderately difficult levels. This foreshadows the
confirmation of Hypothesis 1.4, that knowledge of “very
easy” and “very hard” levels reduces persistence, and
accounts for the inverted-U shape.
Figure 2: The “Inverted U relation” between difficulty and
player motivation is only seen when players can choose their
own difficulty condition (solid black line). In comparison to
the blind random assignment (dotted black), motivation in the
very easy and very hard levels was depressed. Moderate
difficulty did not increase motivation, even when self-selected.
In all other conditions, the easiest levels were most motivating.
The X-axis shows mean failure rate of each of the 5 levels of
difficulty, where levels to the right are harder. The Y-axis is a
measure of intrinsic motivation (the total number of items
players completed). Error bars (standard error) allow for
comparison of the means between blind assignment and
difficulty choice.
Following [1], our statistical test for an inverted U-shape”
was the significance of the quadratic term (difficulty
squared). A squared term in a linear regression tests for
curvature in the line of fit; when this term is significant, it
indicates significant curvature. We used a response surface
regression model of engagement, involving terms for
experimental condition, level difficulty, level difficulty
squared (the quadratic term) and all interactions. We found
that the interaction between condition and level difficulty
squared was highly significant (p<0.0001), indicating that
the experimental condition caused the curvature of the
observed inverted-U. Only the difficulty choice condition
had significant curvature.
Figure 3 shows that Hypothesis 1.2 was not supported
(“player choices will resemble an inverted U-shaped curve,
with most players choosing moderately difficult levels”). If
anything player preference more resembled a U than an
inverted U. Players seemed to distinctly prefer the easiest
and hardest levels. It is noteworthy, however, that players
did not consistently choose to play the easiest games, as
might be predicted by the easier is better hypothesis. Figure
3 shows that players preferred the easiest level of play only
32% of the time.
Figure 3 also confirms Hypothesis 1.3 (“Higher skilled
players will self-select themselves into more difficult game
levels”). To test this, we first used pretest scores to break
players into two equal groups: high and low ability. Players
with a high pretest score (i.e., above the median) tended to
choose harder levels than players with a low pretest.
(Total Items Played)
Level Diculty
(Average Item Failure Rate)
Diculty Choice
Arbitrary Choice
Random, No Choice
Blind, Random
Figure 3: Total count of choices (Y-axis) made for each of the
5 different levels of difficulty, among all players in the
Difficulty Choice Condition. The relationship between level
difficulty (X-axis) and player preference is not an inverted-U
shape if anything, it is a U shape. Data are evenly split
between players with high and low pretest scores.
To test Hypothesis 1.4 (“knowing that game levels are
“very easy” will decrease player persistence relative to
players who don’t know the difficulty of the level they are
playing”), we first needed to measure the effect of design
variations on persistence, which was defined as how much
more or less students were engaged in the face of difficulty.
We calculated persistence as the difference between each
player’s actual engagement (# trials played) and the
engagement predicted by a population-level model of the
effects of failure on engagement. This linear regression
model used data from all players to predict total items
played using only their failure rate (total failed items
divided by total attempted items).
Figure 4: There is reduced player persistence in “Very Easy”
and “Very Hard” levels in the “feedforward” conditions
(where players know the difficulty). The mere act of labeling
levels reduced how long players played, relative to how long
they’d be expected to play, given the level’s difficulty. Error
bars are Standard Error of the Mean.
Figure 4 shows how level difficulty and experimental
conditions interacted to affect player persistence.
Interestingly, players in the two feedforward conditions
(where they were told the level of difficulty) were much
less persistent in the “very easy” levels, relative to players
who weren’t told how easy the levels were, supporting
Hypothesis 1.4.
Discussion: Difficulty Choice Experiment
When we randomly and blindly assigned difficulty, easier
levels were consistently more engaging. But when players
were given a choice of difficulty, there was inverted-U
relation between difficulty and engagement. Interestingly,
this inverted-U was not produced by raising the mid part of
the graph, but by lowering the end parts of the graph.
Why might a choice of difficulty make moderately difficult
games more motivating? One possibility is that the
difficulty and the player’s ability are better matched [10].
Another is that increased autonomy improves intrinsic
motivation [44,11,13]. A final possibility is that moderately
difficult levels attracted the most motivated players. It is a
limitation of this study that we can’t disambiguate these
effects. However, this would require mild deception
(randomly assigning difficulty irrespective of the choice
made by players), which we sought to avoid in the present
Strikingly, players who chose moderately difficult levels
did not play longer than players who were blindly assigned
to the same moderately difficult levels. For this reason, we
suggest that the inverted-U shape emerges due to the
predictions of Weiner’s Attribution theory of motivation
[50]: when players know they are playing a “very easy”
game, they get less pride from their successes and more
shame from their failures. This leads to less intrinsic
motivation (they choose to play fewer items) when doing
tasks described as “very easy.” This effect appears to
depress motivation on games that are known to be very easy
which would otherwise be motivating to players that are
unaware of the difficulty level.
One key limitation of these results is that our measure of
intrinsic motivation, voluntary engagement (the number of
trials players choose to complete), is different from the self-
report measure of enjoyment in [1]. While we assume that
players choose to play longer because they are enjoying
themselves, we can’t rule out other reasons. An alternative
behavioral measure of enjoyment is preference. Hypothesis
1.2 predicts an inverted U relation between population-level
preferences (the choices made by players) and difficulty. As
the behavioral choices that people make are indicative of
what they enjoy doing, this served as a variation of the
inverted-U hypothesis described in [1]. This hypothesis was
not supported, as we found that very easy and very hard
levels were disproportionately chosen.
Why might this be? One possibility is that primacy and
recency effects have influenced the results. This is due to
the fact that “Very Easy” was listed at the top and “Very
Hard” was listed at the bottom. Murphy et al. [39] found
that the first item in a list tends to be clicked 19% more
than the second item and that the last item in the list tends
to be clicked 12% more than the second to last item. Even
1. Very Easy
2. Easy
3. Medium
4. Hard
5. Very Hard
High Pretest
Low Pretest
no feedforward
Persistence (difference in
predicted engagement)
no choice
1. Very Easy
2. Easy
3. Medium
4. Hard
5. Very Hard
1. Very Easy
2. Easy
3. Medium
4. Hard
5. Very Hard
considering this primacy effect, the preference for very hard
levels is still surprisingly strong. Another possibility is that
students were just curious about the nature of the very hard
difficulty and wanted to explore. Supporting this, other
studies have found that interest is a better predictor of
student choice of difficulty than player’s ability [32].
This first experiment tested whether the non-experimental
design used in [1] would produce an “apparent” inverted-U
shape in our population. This was confirmed. Note that this
experiment was not intended to conclusively show that
moderately difficult games cause an increase in player
motivation or that they simply attract more motivated
players via selection bias. Distinguishing between these two
possible reasons for the inverted-U shape would have
required an experimental design that involved some level of
deceit we would have had to tell players that they were
playing easy levels or hard levels when they weren’t. It is
notable, however, that the players who were blindly
assigned difficulty did not show increased motivation when
playing moderately difficult levels.
In summary, when players are randomly assigned game
difficulty, easier is better for motivation. When players
have a choice of difficulty, moderate levels of difficulty
produce the greatest motivation, possibly due to self-
selection. Labeling difficulty has the effect of reducing
intrinsic motivation for playing very easy games: in the
absence of labels, players tend to persist longer in easier
games. Finally, the shape of player choices of difficulty is
not an inverted U.
Status of the Difficulty Inverted-U Shape
Our evidence does not disprove the inverted-U effect found
in the chess study. Perhaps, for instance, our results are
idiosyncratic and limited to Battleship Numberline, or to
educational games, or to games played by novices. These
are important limitations. Yet, our evidence is sufficient to
question the “truism” that a good game should be neither
too hard nor too easy. However, another design factor
noveltymay help explain the face-value importance of a
good challenge in a good game.
In the original Battleship Numberline study described in the
introduction [33], we found just one design factor that
increased both difficulty and motivation at the same time:
the total number of items presented. A game level that had a
small number of easy items was less motivating than a
harder game level that had a large number of items. As the
small number of items would repeat endlessly, we surmised
that the factor of repetition, or its inverse, “novelty”, might
play an important role in player motivation.
Berlyne [6] conducted a large number of studies on novelty
in the 1960s. These studies presented items of varying
design (shape, color, size, etc) at various frequencies; the
more often items were presented, the more familiar they
werethey had less novelty. In general, Berlyne found that
subjects increased their rating of pleasantness and
interestingness with increased novelty. While these studies
dealt with the novelty of individual items, an experience
(such as a game) can be said to have more novelty when the
design varies more frequently and in more ways. For a
recent review of novelty, see [5].
A challenge often combines difficulty with other factors,
like novelty. Games with too much difficulty may be
frustrating. But is the lack of difficulty, itself, boring? The
ratio of positive to negative feedback in most games likely
exceeds 10 to 1. Perhaps making games easy is not the
cause of the boringness; instead, perhaps easy games fail
when they are too repetitive and uninteresting.
A 2016 experiment [26] randomly assigned players to play
one of three conditions of “Left 4 Dead 2”. In the balanced
condition, the number and strength of zombies was normal,
in the overloaded condition they were radically increased
and in the boredom condition they were decreased to zero.
In support of the inverted U effect [1], players reported that
the balanced condition was most enjoyable. Additionally,
the overloaded condition was significantly more enjoyable
than the boring condition. Was the boredom condition less
enjoyable because it was so easy (low failure rare) or
because there were so few interesting or novel elements in
the experience? For instance, when clips of the overloaded
condition were shown at CHI16, the audience broke into
laughter (there were a LOT of zombies). Perhaps if players
had been randomly assigned to simply watch the
overloaded condition, despite the lack of difficulty, the
condition would still be rated as more enjoyable than the
boredom condition.
Interestingly, the construct of “novelty” has also been
predicted to create an inverted-U effect on motivation.
From The Art of Game Design [46]: “It is impossible to
overestimate the importance of novelty as motivation in the
realm of game design…Keep in mind, however, that there
is such a thing as being too novel.” (p.154). This clearly
states a testable hypothesis, that a moderate level of novelty
will maximize player motivation (Hypothesis 2).
Experimental Design: Novelty Experiment
How to manipulate novelty? Games often introduce novel
design changes when players pass into a new “game level”.
Games with short game levels have a higher frequency of
change than games with long levels. When the game itself
is controlled, increasing the frequency of change (shorter
levels) should increase the rate of experienced novelty.
The following experiment manipulates the frequency of
change to deliver different amounts of novelty (frequency
of task variation). This is implemented by randomly
assigning players to different length game levels. For
example, players assigned to game levels that are only 2
items long will have a higher frequency of change than
players assigned to game levels that change every 20 items.
In this way, we can test the theory that novelty produces an
inverted U-shape effect on player engagement, as predicted
by game designers and psychologists [46, 49].
In a new version of Battleship Numberline, 5,065 players
were randomly assigned to six different frequencies of
change as six different game level lengths. Players received
a new game level after completing a level of 1, 2, 4, 10, 20
or 100 items. The term “game level” refers to a set of trials
with a fixed game design (i.e., same time limit, same ship
size, etc). Every time a player completed the items in the
level, the game declared “Level Up!” and the player
received one of 24 randomly selected game configurations,
which varied the size of the estimation target, the time limit
and the type of target (submarine or ship [33]). After
players chose the game, they were presented with a choice
of instruction (decimals, fractions or whole numbers). All
players then were presented with the 4-item embedded
pretest, as discussed in the previous experiment. Any player
attempting more than 100 estimation trials was brought
back to the menu screen.
Figure 5: The top graph shows how a change in novelty
produces a clear inverted U relation with voluntary
engagement (intrinsic motivation measured as number of
items played). The X-axis represents decreasing novelty from
left to right, as the length of game levels increases (logarithmic
scale). The significance of the curvature in this quadratic
regression plot is p<0.0001. The lower graph shows how
difficulty decreases modestly (p=0.08) as novelty decreases.
Results: Novelty Experiment
Based on the shape seen in Figure 5, the game’s novelty
(frequency of change) appears to have an inverted-U shape
relationship to player engagement (the number of trials they
played). Figure 5 shows two quadratic regression plots that
model the effects of level length (frequency of change) on
the number of trials played and game difficulty. We present
the x-axis on a logarithmic scale as that reflects the spacing
of the level lengths that we tested (i.e., levels changing
every 1 item, 2 items, 4 items, 10 items, 20 items, or 100
items). The quadratic term (level length * level length) is
used in order to test the significance of the inverted-U shape
[as discussed in 1]. The quadratic of level length was
significant (p<0.0001), indicating significant curvature.
Therefore, it appears that a moderate level of novelty
produces the greatest level of player engagement. Changes
in difficulty were not significant (p=0.8).
Discussion: Novelty Experiment
In this experiment, we found that the amount of novelty
(task variation) in the game had an inverted U-shaped
relationship with player engagement. In other words, our
evidence confirms Hypothesis 2, the hypothesis that
moderate novelty (frequency of change) maximizes player
engagement (intrinsic motivation). Berlyne’s novelty
research [6] found that simple stimuli were more pleasing
when novel, but more complex stimuli became more
pleasant with more familiarity. Thus, the positive effects of
increasing game novelty may depend upon the overall
complexity of the game; the novelty effects may be
particularly beneficial for simple games. A further
limitation of this study design was that it did not
independently manipulate novelty and difficulty. As the
highest level of novelty is associated with the highest level
of difficulty, the negative effects of difficulty may be
reducing the observed benefits of novelty. Novelty and
difficulty will often be associated with each other, but
future work might identify approaches for dissociating
novelty and difficulty.
In the original chess study [1], the researchers identified
another factor besides difficulty that generated enjoyment.
They found that games were most enjoyable when they
were “close games” (the difference between each player’s
final score was near zero). The authors identified the factor
of dramatic suspense (uncertainty [16]) for producing this
effect. They noted that sports games where one team beats
the other by a wide margin are much less enjoyable for
observers than close games. The researchers then followed
up on their finding in a separate experiment that
manipulated player experience so all participants could
experience close games and blow out wins. They again
found a considerable effect of the suspense of close games.
Given the strength of evidence for suspense, we sought to
replicate their findings in our educational gaming context.
Experimental Design: Suspense Experiment
The following experiment investigates the theory that the
suspense of a close game will produce an inverted U-shape
effect on player motivation, as predicted by [1]. To factor
out the role of a player’s success/failure, we randomly
assigned 6,511 players to receive different standards for
winning: players either needed 40%, 60%, 80% or 100%
correct in the game level to “win”. The present analysis
deals with a subset of a larger experiment involving 52,262
play sessions, discussed in [36].
In previous experiments with Battleship Numberline, there
was no discrete winning or losing state. Players could only
succeed at individual tasks (estimating numbers on the
number line); there was no explicit “end” of the game or
evaluative scorecard.
(# Trials Played)
(Failure Rate)
Decreasing Novelty
(As Length of Level Increases)
Figure 6: Screens added to support the suspense of winning
and losing. The top left screen shows the locking and
achievement mechanisms, the top right shows where the goals
were displayed to the player and the bottom two screens show
the animated screens displaying the winning or losing state.
For this experiment, we added several design elements to a
new version of Battleship Numberline. First, players were
presented with a menu of 5 levels, labeled from Very Easy
to Very Hard (as in experiment 1). All levels were locked
except for the first. During gameplay, the goal criteria for
the level was written at the top of the screen (“to win, hit
x% of ships”). After completing either 5 or 10 items,
players were shown a scorecard where their score was
shown and then they were told if they won or lost. If they
won, fireworks were shown. If they lost, the trophy fell
over. After pressing continue, players were shown the menu
again. If they had won the level, the next level was
unlocked and a trophy was shown next to the first level.
Results: Suspense Experiment
To get a measure of the “closeness” of games, we
subtracted the game’s goal criteria (40%, 60%, 80% or
100%) from the player’s success rate. When this closeness
was zero or positive, it represented a win; when it was
negative, it represented a loss.
Figure 7 shows how this closeness of game” significantly
affects a players continuing motivation after a win/loss
event (“remaining items” refers to the number of items
played after the win/loss). Players with the highest positive
goal difference score had the highest success rates in the
game, however, they were not as motivated to continue
playing as players who had barely won. This can be
contrasted with all previous experiments, where higher
success rates consistently lead to higher engagement (more
items played). Figure 7 illustrates the idea that players tend
to play for longer when they have a close game in their
early levels. Note that a close loss is almost as motivating
for continuing play as a blow-out win.
For a statistical test of hypothesis 3, we compared the slope
of the line on either side of “0”. The “winning” slope was
calculated using the distance from 0 (goal difference) as
well as the player’s actual success rate as factors in a linear
regression model. Even after factoring out the player’s
success rate, the model showed that additional hits beyond
what was required to win significantly reduced further play
(p<0.002); 0.64 fewer items for each 10% increase of score
over the win. The same model was then applied to players
who lost. In this case, the closer players were to winning,
the more they played; 2.3 fewer items less for each 10%
decrease in score (p<0.0001). As the above slopes are both
significant but have opposite valence (-0.64 slope for
winners and 2.3 for losers), this is strong statistical
evidence for an inverted U-shaped curvein support of
Hypothesis 3.
Figure 7: Close games increase player motivation to play, as
indicated by the inverted U-shaped curve (top). The X-Axis
shows the closeness of the game, or the difference between a
player’s success rate in the level and the level’s goal criteria.
Players were randomly assigned to a goal criteria of 40%,
60%, 80% or 100%. Negative closeness indicates that players
lost the game. The Y-axis shows the number of items that a
player played following the win/loss event (“Remaining
Items”). Players with a “blow out win” played significantly
fewer additional items than players with a close win. The
bottom graph also shows that players experiencing a close loss
continued to play almost as many items as players who won.
Discussion: Suspense Experiment
This experimental design attempts to dissociate the effects
of winning/losing from the effects of skill. We kept the task
difficulty the same over all conditions and only varied,
through random assignment, different criteria for winning.
Subsequent Engagement
(Remaining Items Played)
Win or Lose 2
Close game
Not close
This as successful, in so far as individual player failure rate
was not significant in our model of continuing play, yet
game “closeness” was. This suggests that the “suspense” of
having a close game was the factor creating the inverted U
effect seen in Figure 7, rather than the moderate level of
difficulty, per se.
Varying the goal criterion is, in a way, similar to varying
the difficulty of a task. Thus, are we merely finding that
moderately difficult goals create suspense? We suggest that
suspense is a different from difficulty and dissociable at
either the task or goal level. Suspense can occur at the level
of an individual game task or a set of tasks (i.e., a game
level). Beyond the suspense of winning, Battleship
Numberline uses suspense at a task level by providing a
slight delay between making an estimate and dropping a
bomb at that estimate. This small detail was an explicit part
of the original design in order to produce a feeling of
suspense by giving the player enough time to wait and
discover whether their estimate was successful or not. At a
similar task level, Khajah observed that the suspense of a
platform-jumping task was dissociable from difficulty,
which could be moderated through “covert assistance” [25].
If suspense is a dissociable factor from difficulty, then our
findings indicate that there are no motivational benefits
from increasing difficulty.
There are several limitations to this study. Ideally, the study
design would randomly assign players to win or lose,
however this would have involved deception. Instead, we
randomly assigned the criteria for winning. However, this
means that a “blow-out win” is not possible when the
winning criterion is 100%. Furthermore, we reported
findings from players during their first attempt at the first
level (“Very Easy”). Losing players will necessarily be
playing the same level again. This has an unknown effect
on their motivation: these players will experience less
subsequent difficulty, which can increase motivation, but
they will also repeat what they’ve already done (less
novelty), which is expected to decrease their motivation.
What other factors of challenge, apart from difficulty, might
produce an inverted-U shape? We identified three design
factors that can generate an inverted-U shaped curve effect:
player choice, novelty and suspense. In our three
experiments, these three factors appear to be independent
from difficulty, suggesting that some of the purported
motivational benefits of difficulty may be conflated with
other, commonly associated factors.
What is the underlying meaning of the inverted-U shape?
Over the years, there have been many descriptions of
inverted U-shapes in psychology [reviewed by 49], where a
moderate level of some thing (e.g., negative feedback,
reward, anxiety, difficulty, complexity, novelty, coffee,
etc.) has the effect of maximizing some other outcome (e.g.,
learning, performance, memory or motivation). To account
for these observations, neuroscientist Donald Hebb [19]
proposed a general mechanism: he claimed that different
situational attributes (such as novelty) could produce an
inverted-U shaped effect on performance to the extent that
the attributes contributed to arousal in the brainstem. Too
much or too little arousal will reduce performance; a
moderate level of arousal is optimal.
Both novelty and difficulty could potentially affect arousal.
However, the present evidence suggests that increased
difficulty does not improve motivation. Does an increase in
difficulty ever increase intrinsic motivation? To the extent
that it does, future work can investigate whether the novelty
introduced by the increased difficulty is the primary cause
of the increased motivation. For instance, many games get
progressively more difficult over time; this is typically
viewed as an approach to maintain an optimal level of
difficulty as the player’s skill increases. An alternative
hypothesis is that the changes in difficulty simply help
maintain the novelty of the gameplay. According to this
hypothesis, the appeal of challenge is more determined by
optimal novelty than optimal difficulty.
There are a number of important limitations across these
experiments. Our findings are specific to a simple, single
player, educational, casual game for kids in school; the
generalization of these findings to other contexts is, as with
all experiments, unknown. The game, Battleship
Numberline, has the advantage of being simple, which
makes it easy to manipulate. However, this simplicity may
produce different outcomes (as mentioned in the discussion
of the Novelty experiment). Our context,,
has the advantage of being an ecologically valid setting for
optimizing player engagement. However, in this context we
can only measure the duration of a single session, rather
than measuring student progress over multiple sessions.
Recent work suggests that difficulty may produce more
motivation over a longer time frame [43], which we cannot
measure. Our context also does not give us qualitative
information about student experience. Another limitation is
that our online measures have not been psychometrically
validated like other psychological survey instruments, such
as the Intrinsic Motivation Inventory [12]. We assume that
the measure of “player’s total trials attemptedtypically
reflects a player’s free choice to continue the game and not
quit. However, we recognize that some data may come
from classrooms where children are “forced” to play for
instrumental purposes (e.g., a grade). This noise,
however, should not significantly interfere with our results
as a whole, due to the random nature of the assignment. We
used total trials attempted as a behavioral measure of
intrinsic motivation because the use of total time (in
seconds) has many more extreme outliers and the process of
removing these outliers is prone to introduce bias. Better
instrumentation could resolve this in future experiments.
We recognize that large-scale “real-world” environments
will produce much noisier data than laboratory experiments.
One effect of this scale and noise is that data can be easily
manipulated to show different effects. We encourage
healthy skepticism. In this paper, we aimed to present
simple data stories, tried to avoid complex statistical
techniques and took the approach that our findings should
be robust in the face of different approaches to analyses
(e.g., with different data filters). One final measurement
limitation of this work is that we did not analyze learning
curves across conditions. Previous work has found that
faster learning occurs with more difficult conditions [33],
though this effect is questionable [43]. Thus, the findings
here can only inform theories regarding the relationship
between difficulty and motivation, not the subsequent
effects on student learning, which remains for future work.
Additional Future Work
All data sets are available for secondary analysis at the
PSLC Datashop [28]. Our findings are primarily directed at
the design of educational games, but future work can extend
to entertainment games. Tom Malone’s seminal work with
game design factor analysis [35] is a model for future
online game experiments; the entire taxonomy of intrinsic
motivations for learning [38] represents testable
hypotheses. Future work can deconstruct game challenges
into their underlying functional factors, such as novelty,
difficulty and others. As some games (e.g., Dark Souls and
Flappy Bird) engage users primarily through excessive
failure, it may be productive to explain these unusual
failure-oriented games with the hypothesis that excessive
difficulty is used a mechanism for providing novel player
Design Implications
While the notion of challenge has many positive
connotations, “difficulty” directly refers to the potential for
task failure [27,33]. These two terms are useful to
distinguish. Our evidence implies that early game
experiences should minimize difficulty and provide a
moderate degree of novelty. This does not mean designers
should avoid challenge. Instead, designers should ensure
that novice players receive significant amounts of positive
feedback during challenges. When playing something new,
players generally like to feel successful and competent.
Task repetition causes fatigue and should be accompanied
by a regular drip of novelty. After a time, difficulty itself
can provide this source of novelty. Both low and high
performance players benefit from a feeling of suspense
during a close game. In general, challenge appears to be fun
because it is interesting. Keeping games easy and
interesting may be more important than “balancing
difficulty.” For this reason, we suggest the maxim “not too
hard, not too easy” might be restated as “not too hard, not
too boring.”
Our three experiments investigated how different challenge
factors (difficulty, choice, novelty and suspense) affected
intrinsic motivation. Our goal was to identify conditions
where these factors of challenge might produce an inverted
U-shaped effect on intrinsic motivation, as predicted by
Flow Theory [10]. In summary, we found that providing
players with a choice of difficulty produced an inverted-U
shaped relationship between difficulty and motivation,
primarily by depressing motivation on very easy levels. We
also found that suspense (close games) and balanced
novelty increased player motivation. However, none of our
experiments showed that difficulty, by itself, actually
caused improved motivation. Within our experimental
context, our evidence indicates that increasing difficulty
consistently reduces motivation, when other motivational
factors are controlled. Recognizing the richness of the
concept of challenge and its role in game design, these
other components of challenge may provide the
motivational benefits long attributed to difficulty.
We note that motivational theory does not always
generalize from the laboratory to the real world. How can
we identify and develop theories with strong external
validity and the capacity to broadly generalize? Massive
online experiments may be useful for searching the space of
circumstances under which a theory will or will not apply
[29]. Whether or not a scientific theory will generalize to
different types of games or different types of players will
always be an empirical question.
There seems to be a vast scientific and practical benefit that
can be realized from running large-scale experiments inside
of real products. As practitioners become increasingly
comfortable running A/B tests to evaluate different designs
[30], we encourage designers of popular games (educational
or otherwise) to conduct more experiments designed to
produce generalizable findings. This kind of basic research
can benefit designers [35] by improving design theory.
The sheer scale of online gaming, which involves millions
of diverse participants, could be a source for experiments
that could significantly inform our scientific understanding
of human motivation and design. It is promising to consider
that game design patterns [7], principles [46,14] and
exemplars embody hundreds of implicit and explicit
hypotheses about human motivation. The sciences of
motivation and design might be rapidly advanced if these
design patterns were linked to psychological theory and
systematically tested online.
Special thanks to BrainPop and Allison Levy for their
support and encouragement! The research was supported by
Carnegie Mellon’s Program in Interdisciplinary Education
Research (PIER) funded by grant number R305B090023
from the US Department of Education and the Institute of
Education Sciences through GrantR305C100024 to WestEd
and by DARPA ONR N00014-12-C-0284. Additional
thanks to the UCSD Design Lab community, Mike Mozer,
Mohammad Khajah, Jesse Schell, Gary and Judy Olson, the
HCIC community, Scott Klemmer, Don Norman, John
Hattie, Kraut, Playpower Labs and Kishan Patel.
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... However, despite the widespread adoption of the difficulty-skill balance model, empirical work on the subject is far from uniform-studies have repeatedly found limitations, moderators and data patterns contradicting the model (e.g. [20][21][22]). More importantly, prior work suffers from significant methodological issues. ...
... A large-scale online maths game study, in contrast, found a linear relation between success rate and behavioural engagement-the easier the game, the longer people played [38]. A follow-up study [20] could replicate this pattern, but found it became an inverted-U if and only if players consciously self-selected a difficulty setting, instead of difficulty being randomly assigned and not revealed. Finally, a study on teaching children to read [39] operationalized and manipulated difficulty as the proportion of successful trials, but found no difference in engagement between a 60% success rate and an 80% success rate. ...
... Manipulating difficulty by matching player participants with confederate opponents of a desired strength poses even greater logistical challenges. Hence previous studies in this vein have relied on either non-experimental analyses of unmanipulated naturally occurring data [20], or human confederates self-handicapping, which is by necessity imprecise [37]. ...
Full-text available
How does the difficulty of a task affect people's enjoyment and engagement? Intrinsic motivation and flow theories posit a 'goldilocks' optimum where task difficulty matches performer skill, yet current work is confounded by questionable measurement practices and lacks scalable methods to manipulate objective difficulty-skill ratios. We developed a two-player tactical game test suite with an artificial intelligence (AI)-controlled opponent that uses a variant of the Monte Carlo Tree Search algorithm to precisely manipulate difficulty-skill ratios. A pre-registered study (n = 311) showed that our AI produced targeted difficulty-skill ratios without participants noticing the manipulation, yet different ratios had no significant impact on enjoyment or engagement. This indicates that difficulty-skill balance does not always affect engagement and enjoyment, but that games with AI-controlled difficulty provide a useful paradigm for rigorous future work on this issue.
... The study was conducted to examine the role of SMS in learning. Our study confirmed what others (Lomas et al., 2017) had reported: simple rule-based games can be engaging and motivating. In parallel to other studies in the literature (Plass et al., 2013), we also saw a higher level of engagement when the digital interface and classroom norms encouraged peer interactions and peer assessment. ...
... This study echoes the suggestions by other researchers that instructional games should be as simple as possible (Lomas et al., 2017), especially when designed for young students. Games should not consume considerable time in learning the rules. ...
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Networked computers can potentially support classrooms to be more interactive. It can help students share representations amongst themselves and work together on a shared virtual activity space. In research on the role of shared screens or shared virtual workspace in learning settings, there has been less attention paid to contexts where learners are co-located. This paper looks at the impact of the shared screen in a computational game environment on mathematics learning and practices and the construction of learners' emotions and social status in classroom interactions. We designed two versions of a simple arithmetic game: a solo version in which the student played the game alone and a multi-player version in which the screen was shared, and the players could see the arithmetic moves of the other players. We implemented these two versions of the game in a 4th-grade classroom in a suburban school in a large metropolis in India. Classroom sessions were video recorded, computer logs were collected, and field notes were taken. Focus group sessions were held with the students. We coded a portion of the data to get at patterns of classroom interactions. Then we drew on qualitative video analysis tools to analyze specific episodes to understand the fine timescale dynamics of dominant interaction patterns in each setting. Our analysis shows that the shared screen served as a shared memory device, keeping a record of all the students' posts, and was entangled in the moment-to-moment dynamics of self- and peer- assessments of arithmetic. These findings suggest that thoughtful integration of networked digital tools in computer-supported learning environments can increase student–student interactions and support disciplinary learning.
... In contrast, ample scientific work highlights that difficulty can be the driving factor for balancing PvE scenarios and/or single-player games [1]. The field of dynamic difficulty adjustment (DDA) -sometimes also referred to as dynamic difficulty balancing -mainly pushes the understanding of balancing as the adequate (automatic) regulation of difficulty (parameters) in order to keep players within the desirable flow state between mental under-and overload [17,31], or ideally between "too hard" and "too boring" [40]. In this respect, if perfect matches are not attainable, mental overload is still seen as producing higher enjoyment than boredom [34]. ...
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Balancing is, especially among players, a highly debated topic of video games. Whether a game is sufficiently balanced greatly influences its reception, player satisfaction, churn rates and success. Yet, conceptions about the definition of balance diverge across industry, academia and players, and different understandings of designing balance can lead to worse player experiences than actual imbalances. This work accumulates concepts of balancing video games from industry and academia and introduces a player-driven approach to optimize player experience and satisfaction. Using survey data from 680 participants and empirically recorded data of over 4 million in-game fights of Guild Wars 2, we aggregate player opinions and requirements, contrast them to the status quo and approach a democratized quantitative technique to approximate closer configurations of balance. We contribute a strategy of refining balancing notions, a methodology of tailoring balance to the actual player base and point to an exemplary artifact that realizes this process.
... The genre of idle/clicker games is perhaps the best example of this, as games that usually have no failure or success states at all [16]. Indeed, games being trivially easy is motivating to players even if they don't believe it themselves [34,49]. Non-League Football Supporter, as an inscrutable game, muddies this water further. ...
... Yet, we take this opportunity to ask whether this is where CSGs would ultimately like to be positioned in the space of gaming. This level of difficulty can lead to disengagement or low performance (Lomas et al. 2017(Lomas et al. , 2013. Moreover, difficulty is a cognitive barrier, much like the logistical barriers of participation that already muddy citizen science participation ( However, how much can feasibly be done to make these games easier? ...
In general, individuals with low levels of coercive power are at greater risk of victimization than those who are more powerful. However, in some circumstances, superior coercive power increases an individual's vulnerability. In this paper, I show how coercive power can increase vulnerability (offsetting its protective effect) by its effects on targeting and tactics. Individuals with greater coercive power can increase their risk of getting targeted because they tend to be less vigilant and more likely to behave in ways that provoke others. They generate more grievances and have more enemies because they are less compliant and more verbally aggressive and confrontational. Powerful parties are also at greater risk of being targeted by adversaries seeking to gain status. An attack on a strong adversary is more likely to enhance status than an attack on a weaker adversary since it is a greater achievement. Individuals with coercive power are also at greater risk because of the tactics used by their weaker adversaries. Weaker parties are more likely to engage in pre-emptive attack and use weapons. They are better able to attract and rely on allies because of the norm of social responsibility, that is, the tendency to protect those in need. Finally, they are more likely to attempt to kill more power adversaries in order to incapacitate them and, thereby, avoid retaliation.
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Measuring perceived challenge and demand in video games is crucial as these player experiences are essential to creating enjoyable games. Two recent measures that identified seemingly distinct structures of challenge (Challenge Originating from Recent Gameplay Interaction Scale (CORGIS) - cognitive, emotional, performative, decision-making) and demand (Video Game Demand Scale (VGDS) - cognitive, emotional, controller, exertional, social) have been theorised to overlap, reflecting the five-factor demand structure. To investigate the overlap between these two scales we compared a five (complete overlap) and nine-factor (no overlap) model by surveying 1,101 players asking them to recall their last gaming experience before completing CORGIS and VGDS. After failing to confirm both models, we conducted an exploratory factor analysis. Our findings reveal seven dimensions, where the five-factor VGDS model holds alongside two additional CORGIS dimensions of performative and decision-making, ultimately providing a more holistic understanding of the concepts whilst highlighting unique aspects of each approach.
Public media and researchers in different areas have recently focused on perhaps unexpected problems that derive from an excessive and frequent use of technology, giving rise to a new kind of psychological “digital” wellbeing. Such a novel and pressing topic has fostered, both in the academia and in the industry, the emergence of a variety of digital self-control tools allowing users to self-regulate their technology use through interventions like timers and lock-out mechanisms. While these emerging technologies for behavior change hold great promise to support people’s digital wellbeing, we still have a limited understanding of their real effectiveness, as well as of how to best design and evaluate them. Aiming to guide future research in this important domain, this article presents a systematic review and a meta-analysis of current work on tools for digital self-control. We surface motivations, strategies, design choices, and challenges that characterize the design, development, and evaluation of digital self-control tools. Furthermore, we estimate their overall effect size on reducing (unwanted) technology use through a meta-analysis. By discussing our findings, we provide insights on how to (i) overcome a limited perspective that exclusively focuses on technology overuse and self-monitoring tools, (ii) evaluate digital self-control tools through long-term studies and standardized measures, and (iii) bring ethics in the digital wellbeing discourse and deal with the business model of contemporary tech companies.
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Challenge, and thus difficulty, is one of the main factors of enjoyment and motivation in video games. To enhance the players’ motivation, many studies rely on Dynamic Difficulty Adjustment model in order to follow a difficulty curve. However, few authors worked on the shape of the difficulty curve itself. Our goal in this paper is to evaluate how players react to different difficulty curves. We use four different difficulty curves, including two flat curves and two curves with different baseline and peak levels. We test those curves on 67 students of a video games school while playing a First-Person Shooter game. Our study shows that curves with peaks have the strongest impact on players’ motivation.
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"Multi-armed bandits" offer a new paradigm for the AI-assisted design of user interfaces. To help designers understand the potential, we present the results of two experimental comparisons between bandit algorithms and random assignment. Our studies are intended to show designers how bandits algorithms are able to rapidly explore an experimental design space and automatically select the optimal design configuration. Our present focus is on the optimization of a game design space. The results of our experiments show that bandits can make data-driven design more efficient and accessible to interface designers, but that human participation is essential to ensure that AI systems optimize for the right metric. Based on our results, we introduce several design lessons that help keep human design judgment in the loop. We also consider the future of human-technology teamwork in AI-assisted design and scientific inquiry. Finally, as bandits deploy fewer low-performing conditions than typical experiments, we discuss ethical implications for bandits in large-scale experiments in education.
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The study examines the relationship of challenge-skill balance and the player experience through evaluation of competence, autonomy, presence, interest/enjoyment, and positive and negative affect states. To manipulate challenge-skill balance, three video game modes -- boredom (low challenge), balance (medium challenge), and overload (high challenge) -- were developed and experimentally tested (n = 45). The study showed that self-reported positive affect, autonomy, presence, and interest/enjoyment differed between the levels. The balance condition generally performed well in terms of positive player experiences, confirming the key role challenge-skill balance plays in designing for optimal play experiences. Interestingly, the study found significantly lower negative affect scores when playing the boredom condition. Greater feelings of competence were also reported for the boredom condition than the balance and overload conditions. Finally, some measures point to overload as a more enjoyable experience than boredom, suggesting possible player preference for challenge > skill imbalance over skill > challenge imbalance. Implications for design and future research are presented.
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In this chapter a theory of motivation and emotion developed from an attributional perspective is presented. Before undertaking this central task, it might be beneficial to review the progression of the book. In Chapter 1 it was suggested that causal attributions have been prevalent throughout history and in disparate cultures. Studies reviewed in Chapter 2 revealed a large number of causal ascriptions within motivational domains, and different ascriptions in disparate domains. Yet some attributions, particularly ability and effort in the achievement area, dominate causal thinking. To compare and contrast causes such as ability and effort, their common denominators or shared properties were identified. Three causal dimensions, examined in Chapter 3, are locus, stability, and controllability, with intentionality and globality as other possible causal properties. As documented in Chapter 4, the perceived stability of a cause influences the subjective probability of success following a previous success or failure; causes perceived as enduring increase the certainty that the prior outcome will be repeated in the future. And all the causal dimensions, as well as the outcome of an activity and specific causes, influence the emotions experienced after attainment or nonattainment of a goal. The affects linked to causal dimensions include pride (with locus), hopelessness and resignation (with stability), and anger, gratitude, guilt, pity, and shame (with controllability).
Conference Paper
We use Bayesian optimization methods to design games that maximize user engagement. Participants are paid to try a game for several minutes, at which point they can quit or continue to play voluntarily with no further compensation. Engagement is measured by player persistence, projections of how long others will play, and a post-game survey. Using Gaussian process surrogate-based optimization, we conduct efficient experiments to identify game design characteristics---specifically those influencing difficulty---that lead to maximal engagement. We study two games requiring trajectory planning, the difficulty of each is determined by a three-dimensional continuous design space. Two of the design dimensions manipulate the game in user-transparent manner (e.g., the spacing of obstacles), the third in a subtle and possibly covert manner (incremental trajectory corrections). Converging results indicate that overt difficulty manipulations are effective in modulating engagement only when combined with the covert manipulation, suggesting the critical role of a user's self-perception of competence.
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Student modeling techniques are evaluated mostly using historical data. Researchers typically do not pay attention to details of the origin of the used data sets. However, the way data are collected can have important impact on evaluation and interpretation of student models. We discuss in detail two ways how data collection in educational systems can influence results: mastery attrition bias and adaptive choice of items. We systematically discuss previous work related to these biases and illustrate the main points using both simulated and real data. We summarize specific consequences for practice -- not just for doing evaluation of student models, but also for data collection and publication of data sets.
Conference Paper
In this work we try to connect research on student modeling and student motivation, particularly on the relation between task difficulty and engagement. We perform experiments within widely used adaptive practice system for geography learning. The results document the impact of the choice of a question construction algorithm and target difficulty on student perception of question suitability and on their willingness to use the system. We also propose and evaluate a mechanism for a dynamic difficulty adjustment.
This research sought to integrate C. S. Dweck and E. L. Leggett's (1988) model with attribution theory. Three studies tested the hypothesis that theories of intelligence-the belief that intelligence is malleable (incremental theory) versus fixed (entity theory)-would predict (and create) effort versus ability attributions, which would then mediate mastery-oriented coping. Study 1 revealed that, when given negative feedback, incremental theorists were more likely than entity theorists to attribute to effort. Studies 2 and 3 showed that incremental theorists were more likely than entity theorists to take remedial action if performance was unsatisfactory. Study 3, in which an entity or incremental theory was induced, showed that incremental theorists' remedial action was mediated by their effort attributions. These results suggest that implicit theories create the meaning framework in which attributions occur and are important for understanding motivation.