Nostalgia: past, present, and future

Abstract

Traditionally, nostalgia has been conceptualized as a medical disease and a psychiatric disorder. Instead, we argue that nostalgia is a predominantly positive, self-relevant, and social emotion serving key psychological functions. Nostalgic narratives reflect more positive than negative affect, feature the self as the protagonist, and are embedded in a social context. Nostalgia is triggered by dysphoric states such as negative mood and loneliness. Finally, nostalgia generates positive affect, increases self-esteem, fosters social connectedness, and alleviates existential threat.

Full text

Nostalgia
Past, Present, and Future
Constantine Sedikides,
1
Tim Wildschut,
1
Jamie Arndt,
2
and Clay Routledge
3
1
University of Southampton,
2
University of Missouri, and
3
North Dakota State University
ABSTRACT—Traditionally, nostalgia has been conceptual-
ized as a medical disease and a psychiatric disorder. In-
stead, we argue that nostalgia is a predominantly positive,
self-relevant, and social emotion serving key psychological
functions. Nostalgic narratives reflect more positive than
negative affect, feature the self as the protagonist, and are
embedded in a social context. Nostalgia is triggered by
dysphoric states such as negative mood and loneliness.
Finally, nostalgia generates positive affect, increases self-
esteem, fosters social connectedness, and alleviates exis-
tential threat.
KEYWORDS—nostalgia; positive affect; self-esteem; social
connectedness; existential meaning
The term nostalgia was inadvertedly inspired by history’s most
famous itinerant. Emerging victoriously from the Trojan War,
Odysseus set sail for his native island of Ithaca to reunite with his
faithful wife, Penelope. For 3 years, our wandering hero fought
monsters, assorted evildoers, and mischievous gods. For another
7 years, he took respite in the arms of the beautiful sea nymph
Calypso. Possessively, she offered to make him immortal if he
stayed with her on the island of Ogygia. ‘‘Full well I acknowl-
edge,’’ Odysseus replied to his mistress, ‘‘prudent Penelope
cannot compare with your stature or beauty, for she is only a
mortal, and you are immortal and ageless. Nevertheless, it is she
whom I daily desire and pine for. Therefore I long for my home and
to see the day of returning’’ (Homer, 1921, Book V, pp. 78–79).
This romantic declaration, along with other expressions of
Odyssean longing in the eponymous Homeric epic, gave rise to
the term nostalgia. It is a compound word, consisting of nostos
(return) and algos (pain). Nostalgia, then, is literally the
suffering due to relentless yearning for the homeland. The term
nostalgia was coined in the 17th century by the Swiss physician
Johaness Hofer (1688/1934), but references to the emotion it
denotes can be found in Hippocrates, Caesar, and the Bible.
HISTORICAL AND MODERN CONCEPTIONS OF
NOSTALGIA
From the outset, nostalgia was equated with homesickness. It
was also considered a bad omen. In the 17th and 18th centuries,
speculation about nostalgia was based on observations of Swiss
mercenaries in the service of European monarchs. Nostalgia
was regarded as a medical disease confined to the Swiss, a view
that persisted through most of the 19th century. Symptoms—
including bouts of weeping, irregular heartbeat, and anorexia—
were attributed variously to demons inhabiting the middle brain,
sharp differentiation in atmospheric pressure wreaking havoc in
the brain, or the unremitting clanging of cowbells in the Swiss
Alps, which damaged the eardrum and brain cells.
By the beginning of the 20th century, nostalgia was regarded
as a psychiatric disorder. Symptoms included anxiety, sadness,
and insomnia. By the mid-20th century, psychodynamic ap-
proaches considered nostalgia a subconscious desire to return
to an earlier life stage, and it was labeled as a repressive com-
pulsive disorder. Soon thereafter, nostalgia was downgraded to a
variant of depression, marked by loss and grief, though still
equated with homesickness (for a historical review of nostalgia,
see Sedikides, Wildschut, & Baden, 2004).
By the late 20th century, there were compelling reasons for
nostalgia and homesickness to finally part ways. Adult partici-
pants regard nostalgia as different from homesickness. For ex-
ample, they associate the words warm,old times,childhood, and
yearning more frequently with nostalgia than with homesickness
(Davis, 1979). Furthermore, whereas homesickness research
focused on the psychological problems (e.g., separation anxiety)
that can arise when young people transition beyond the home
environment, nostalgia transcends social groups and age. For
example, nostalgia is found cross-culturally and among well-
functioning adults, children, and dementia patients (Sedikides
et al., 2004; Sedikides, Wildschut, Routledge, & Arndt, 2008;
Zhou, Sedikides, Wildschut, & Gao, in press). Finally, although
homesickness refers to one’s place of origin, nostalgia can refer
Address correspondence to Constantine Sedikides, Center for Re-
search on Self and Identity, School of Psychology, University of
Southampton, Southampton SO17 1BJ, England, U.K.; e-mail:
cs2@soton.ac.uk.
CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE
304 Volume 17—Number 5Copyright r2008 Association for Psychological Science

to a variety of objects (e.g., persons, events, places; Wildschut,
Sedikides, Arndt, & Routledge, 2006).
It is in this light that we note the contemporary definition of
nostalgia as a sentimental longing for one’s past. It is, moreover, a
sentimentality that is pervasively experienced. Over 80% of
British undergraduates reported experiencing nostalgia at least
once a week (Wildschut et al., 2006). Given this apparent
ubiquity, the time has come for an empirical foray into the
content, causes, and functions of this emotion.
THE EMPIRICAL BASIS FOR UNDERSTANDING
NOSTALGIA
The Canvas of Nostalgia
What is the content of the nostalgic experience? Wildschut et al.
(2006) analyzed the content of narratives submitted voluntarily
by (American and Canadian) readers to the periodical Nostalgia.
Also, Wildschut et al. asked British undergraduates to write a
narrative account of a nostalgic experience. These narratives
were also analyzed for content. Across both studies, the most
frequently listed objects of nostalgic reverie were close others
(family members, friends, partners), momentous events (birth-
days, vacations), and settings (sunsets, lakes).
Nostalgia has been conceptualized variously as a negative,
ambivalent, or positive emotion (Sedikides et al., 2004). These
conceptualizations were put to test. In a study by Wildschut,
Stephan, Sedikides, Routledge, and Arndt (2008), British and
American undergraduates wrote narratives about a ‘‘nostalgic
event’’ (vs. an ‘‘ordinary event’’) in their lives and reflected
briefly upon the event and how it made them feel. Content
analysis revealed that the simultaneous expression of happiness
and sadness was more common in narratives of nostalgic events
than in narratives of ordinary events. Also in Wildschut et al.,
British undergraduates wrote about a nostalgic (vs. ordinary vs.
simply positive) event in their lives and then rated their happi-
ness and sadness. Although the recollection of ordinary and
positive events rarely gave rise to both happiness and sadness,
such coactivation occurred much more frequently following the
recollection of a nostalgic event. Yet, nostalgic events featured
more frequent expressions of happiness than of sadness and
induced higher levels of happiness than of sadness.
Wildschut et al. (2006) obtained additional evidence that
nostalgia is mostly a positively toned emotion: The narratives
included far more expressions of positive than negative affect. At
the same time, though, there was evidence of bittersweetness.
Many narratives contained descriptions of disappointments and
losses, and some touched on such issues as separation and even
the death of loved ones. Nevertheless, positive and negative
elements were often juxtaposed to create redemption, a narrative
pattern that progresses from a negative or undesirable state (e.g.,
suffering, pain, exclusion) to a positive or desirable state (e.g.,
acceptance, euphoria, triumph; McAdams, 2001). For example,
although a family reunion started badly (e.g., an uncle insulting
the protagonist), it nevertheless ended well (e.g., the family
singing together after dinner).
The strength of the redemption theme may explain why, de-
spite the descriptions of sorrow, the overall affective signature of
the nostalgic narratives was positive.
Moreover, Wildschut et al. (2006) showed that nostalgia is a
self-relevant and social emotion: The self almost invariably
figured as the protagonist in the narratives and was almost always
surrounded by close others. In all, the canvas of nostalgia is rich,
reflecting themes of selfhood, sociality, loss, redemption, and
ambivalent, yet mostly positive, affectivity.
The Triggers of Nostalgia
Wildschut et al. (2006) asked participants to describe when they
become nostalgic. The most frequently reported trigger was
negative affect (‘‘I think of nostalgic experiences when I am sad
as they often make me feel better’’), and, within this category,
loneliness was the most frequently reported discrete affective
state (‘‘If I ever feel lonely or sad I tend to think of my friends or
family who I haven’t seen in a long time’’). Given these initial
reports, Wildschut et al. proceeded to test whether indeed
negative mood and loneliness qualify as nostalgia triggers.
British undergraduates read one of three news stories, each
based on actual events, that were intendedto influence their mood.
In the negative-mood condition, they read about the Tsunami that
struck coastal regions in Asia and Africa in December 2004. In the
neutral-mood condition, they read about the January 2005 landing
of the Huygens probe on Titan. In the positive-mood condition,
they read about the November 2004 birth of a polar bear, osten-
sibly in the London Zoo (actually in the Detroit Zoo). Then they
completed a measure of nostalgia, rating the extent to which they
missed 18 aspects of their past (e.g., ‘‘holidays I went on,’’ ‘‘past TV
shows, movies,’’ ‘‘someone I loved’’). Participants in the negative-
mood condition were more nostalgic (i.e., missed more aspects of
their past) than were participants in the other two conditions.
In another study, loneliness was successfully induced by
giving participants false (high vs. low) feedback on a ‘‘loneli-
ness’’ test (i.e., they were led to believe they were either lonely or
not lonely based on the feedback). Subsequently, participants
rated how much they missed 18 aspects of their past. Partici-
pants in the high-loneliness condition were more nostalgic than
those in the low-loneliness condition. These findings were rep-
licated among 9- to 15-year-old Chinese children, Chinese un-
dergraduates, and Chinese factory workers (Zhou et al., in press).
Why might negative mood and loneliness trigger nostalgia?
The psychological significance of nostalgia may reside in its
capacity to counteract distress and restore psychological equa-
nimity. But what are the pathways through which nostalgia exerts
such palliative benefits?
The Psychological Significance of Nostalgia
Wildschut et al. (2006) randomly assigned British undergradu-
ates to a nostalgia or ordinary-event condition. They induced
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C. Sedikides et al.

nostalgia in one of two ways. First, they instructed participants to
think of a nostalgic (vs. ordinary) event from their lives, list four
relevant keywords, and reflect briefly upon the event and how it
made them feel. Second, they provided participants with the
definition of nostalgia and instructed them to bring to mind a
nostalgic autobiographical event, immerse themselves in the
experience, and write about it for 6 minutes. Here, in the control
condition, participants thought about the ordinary event as if
they were observers, imagined the event as though they were
historians recording factual details, and produced a factual ac-
count. (Notably, further studies have additionally contrasted
nostalgia with reflections on positive events, positive future
events, and autobiographical memories.)
Followingsuccessful nostalgia manipulation checks, Wildschut
et al. (2006) assessed affect, self-regard, and social connect-
edness. They assessed affect either with the items ‘‘happy,’’
‘‘content,’’ ‘‘sad,’’ and ‘‘blue’’ or with the Positive and Negative
Affect Schedule (PANAS; Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988).
They assessed self-regard either with the items ‘‘significant’’
and ‘‘self-esteem’’ or with the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale
(Rosenberg, 1965). Finally, they assessed social connectedness
using (a) the items ‘‘loved’’ and ‘‘protected’’ (b) the Revised
Experiences in Close Relationships Scale (Fraley, Waller, &
Brennan, 2000), which indexes attachment anxiety and avoid-
ance; and (c) the Interpersonal Competence Questionnaire
(Buhrmeister, Furman, Wittenberg, & Reis, 1998); the assess-
ment focused on perceived competence in initiating social in-
teractions, self-disclosing, and providing emotional support.
Wildschut et al. (2006) proposed that nostalgia serves as a
repository of positive affect. Nostalgia has been characterized as
a ‘‘joyous’’ experience that gives rise to ‘‘a feeling of elation’’
(Kaplan, 1987, p. 465). Indeed, nostalgic participants reported
more positive (but not negative) affect than did control partici-
pants. Nostalgia generates positive affectivity.
Wildschut et al. (2006) also proposed that nostalgia enhances
positive self-regard. Nostalgia has been theorized to bestow
‘‘an endearing luster’’ on the self and to cast ‘‘marginal, fugitive,
and eccentric facets of earlier selves in a positive light’’
(Davis, 1979, pp. 41–46). Indeed, nostalgic participants
reported higher self-regard than did control participants. Nos-
talgia not only elevates positive self-regard, it also increases the
implicit accessibility of positive self-attributes and attenuates
self-esteem defence (Vess, Arndt, Routledge, Sedikides, &
Wildschut, 2008).
Moreover, Wildschut et al. (2006) proposed that nostalgia
strengthens social bonds. Nostalgia is a social emotion; it has
been said that, during nostalgic reverie, ‘‘the mind is ‘peopled’’’
(Hertz, 1990, p. 195). Symbolic ties with close others are af-
firmed, and close others come to be momentarily part of one’s
present. Indeed, nostalgic participants manifested stronger so-
cial connectedness than did control participants: They felt more
loved and protected, had reduced attachment anxiety and
avoidance, and reported greater interpersonal competence.
Would nostalgia be capable of counteracting the negative ef-
fects of loneliness? Can nostalgia serve a coping function? Zhou
et al. (in press) addressed this question. They found that lone-
liness is associated with, or triggers, perceived lack of social
support. At the same time, loneliness is associated with, or
triggers, nostalgia. Interestingly, nostalgia is associated with, or
triggers, perceptions of social support. Loneliness directly re-
duces perceptions of social support, but indirectly increases
such perceptions via nostalgia: Nostalgia magnifies perceptions
of social support, thus counteracting the effect of loneliness.
Finally, Routledge, Arndt, Sedikides, and Wildschut (2008)
proposed that nostalgia imbues life with meaning, which facil-
itates coping with existential threat. One of the primary human
challenges is carving out a meaningful existence. Yet, awareness
of inevitable mortality presents a major obstacle on the path to
psychological equanimity. According to terror management
theory, one can mitigate existential anxiety through shared be-
liefs about the nature of reality that imbue life with meaning.
Nostalgia can contribute an overall sense of enduring meaning to
one’s life. In several studies testing American undergraduates,
Routledge et al. supported this existential function of nostalgia.
After being reminded of their mortality (relative to an aversive
dental procedure), the more nostalgic participants felt, the more
meaningful they perceived their life to be. Also, after reminders
of mortality (relative to a dental procedure or failing an important
exam), participants who were more prone to nostalgia (e.g., had
reported frequent engagement in nostalgia), or who had received
a nostalgia induction, actually had fewer death-related thoughts.
Nostalgia boosted perceptions of life as meaningful and
assuaged existential threat.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
Another key function of nostalgia is that it may facilitate con-
tinuity between past and present selves. Nostalgia may facilitate
use of positive perceptions about the past to bolster a sense of
continuity and meaning in one’s life (Sedikides, Wildschut,
Gaertner, Routledge, & Arndt, 2008). An additional function of
nostalgia may be its motivating potential. Nostalgia may boost
optimism, spark inspiration, and foster creativity (Stephan,
Wildschut, Sedikides, Routledge, & Arndt, 2008). Recent re-
search provides initial evidence for both of these possibilities. Of
course, there may also be complex nuances that merit attention.
Nostalgia may erode a sense of meaning in the present and may
forestall motivation, if the individual is fixated on better days
gone by.
Socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, Isaacowitz, &
Charles, 1999) proposes that, with advancing age, people come
to view their life span as limited. They shift attention away from
future-oriented, knowledge-related goals and emphasize the
importance of purpose and meaning in life and of being em-
bedded in a social network. This raises two issues about nos-
306 Volume 17—Number 5
Nostalgia

talgia. First, are age-related changes in motivation reflected in
the frequency and content of nostalgia? Older (compared to
younger) adults may experience nostalgia more frequently and
assign a more prominent role to close others in their nostalgic
reverie. Second, does nostalgia acquire greater significance in
older age? Bereavement and declines in physical health may
render older adults especially vulnerable to social isolation,
which, in turn, would impair the formation and maintenance of
intimate friendships and social networks. Nostalgia, then, would
have an important role to play in reestablishing a symbolic
connection with significant others.
CODA
Regarded throughout centuries as a psychological ailment,
nostalgia is now emerging as a fundamental human strength. It is
part of the fabric of everyday life and serves at least four key
psychological functions: It generates positive affect, elevates
self-esteem, fosters social connectedness, and alleviates exis-
tential threat. By so doing, nostalgia can help one navigate
successfully the vicissitudes of daily life. More generally, nos-
talgia is uniquely positioned to offer integrative insights across
such areas of psychology as memory, emotion, the self, and re-
lationships. Nostalgia has a long past and an exciting future.
Recommended Reading
Batcho, K.I. (1995). Nostalgia: A psychological perspective. Perceptual
and Motor Skills,80, 131–143. Reports a measure of nostalgia in
which participants rate the extent to which they missed aspects of
their past.
Davis, F. (1979). (See References). A scholarly introduction of the
construct of nostalgia, and a review of available evidence.
Routledge, C., Arndt, J., Sedikides, C., & Wildschut, T. (2008). (See
References). An empirical demonstration of the existential func-
tion of nostalgia.
Sedikides, C., Wildschut, T., & Baden, D. (2004). (See References). A
review of historical conceptions of nostalgia coupled with specu-
lations about nostalgia’s functions.
Wildschut, T., Sedikides, C., Arndt, J., & Routledge, C.D. (2006). (See
References). An exploration of the content and triggers of nostalgic
accounts, as well as an empirical foray into the affective, self-re-
gard, and social-connectedness functions of nostalgia.
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