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... A diferencia de las sociedades medievales en las que la integración de los sujetos se supeditaba a la religión, en las sociedades modernas este elemento es totalmente prescindible. Con ocasión de fenómenos como la democratización de los sistemas políticos, el progreso industrial o la flexibilización de la movilidad social, la sociedad moderna se vio en la necesidad de constituir culturalmente un cuerpo 6 Otros autores relevantes son Kohn (2008), Emerson (1960), Plamenatz (1963) y Greenfeld (1992 la identidad nacional ahora han sido sustituidas por otro sistema de creencias y valores que se fundamentan, ante todo, en la economía, la comunicación o la cultura mainstream. ...
Las profundas y vertiginosas transformaciones de la era posmoderna han llevado a la Ciencia Política Normativa a construir y aplicar nuevas herramientas epistemológicas apartadas de los estándares científicos hegemónicos. En este contexto, este artículo de investigación estudia, a la luz del macromolde posmoderno, la injerencia de las fuerzas, manifestaciones y representaciones posmodernas (globalización, revolución tecnológica o cultura mainstream) en la configuración de la nación como un elemento tradicional y esencial de los Estados modernos. Se parte de la hipótesis central de la fragmentación inconclusa, es decir, que la posmodernidad no logra suprimir completamente la idea de nación (como lo afirman muchas posturas radicales), ni tampoco dejar incólume su naturaleza y sus elementos compositivos, tal como han existido desde la modernidad. En definitiva, la nación se enfrenta a un debilitamiento de las fuerzas tradicionales políticas, como el Estado, que ven cómo los ciudadanos se cohesionan en torno a principios, valores y derechos transnacionales, a través de canales no convencionales como internet, plataformas interactivas, redes sociales, entre otros.
... Identifying with a certain place is the most essential sort of social identity and supersedes claims of other attachments and allegiances (Emerson 1960). Indeed, identifying with a nation or state clarifies the blend of other identities based on other characteristics like as gender, ethnicity, language, and religion, which help link the common cultures and social relations among its citizens. ...
In the present day, there have been many discussions and debates about the concept of borders and what they represent. Whether it is in literature or in governmental policymaking, borders are considered a major topic that shapes and represents the lives of thousands of people all around the world. The importance of such an issue stems from the fact that borders do not only stand for the physical ones but extend to include the mental borders as well. Many people, scholars, and authors have spent their lives conducting research or seeking spiritual guidance on how to cross such borders and transcend them. More importantly, the human mind has been on a long journey of self-discovery and finding one's true identity. In this paper, I am discussing the borderlands' theory as it has been passed to us by Gloria Anzaldua, and its relationship with migration and feminism, considering Josefina Lopez's Detained in the Desert (2010).
... Resolving these contradictions and tensions are at the heart of nation-state building processes in the borderlands. Nation-state building processes involve claims of nation-state transcending local communities or those communities which cut-across social and cultural boundaries (Emerson 1960;Smith 1991). Hence, nation-state and nationalism attempt to fold local communities within themselves through border making and larger national identity reinforced through national identity discourses and the securitization of borders. ...
This article (part of a special section on South Asian border studies) is an ethnographic study of the daily lives and narratives of borderlands communities in the border districts of Cooch Behar and South Dinajpur along the West-Bengal–Bangladesh border. In order to emphasise the significance of borderland communities’ narratives and experiences to our understanding of borders, this paper explores the idea of borders as social spaces that are inherently dynamic. In attempting to understand the idea of borders through everyday lives of people living in borderland communities, this paper highlights tensions and contradictions between hard borders manifested through securitization practices, and the inherently dynamic social spaces that manifest themselves in people’s daily lives. Conceptually and thematically, this paper is situated within and seeks to contribute to the discipline of borderland studies. Key Words: Borders, Social Spaces, Security, Bengal Borderlands, South Asia
... It is also a community which […] is characteristically associated with a particular territory to which it lays claims as the traditional national homeland". Emerson argumentiert "the nation achieves its fullest selfrealization in the form of a sovereign state" (Emerson 1960: 105, vgl. Breuilly 1985: 3, Hechter 2000a. ...
... How do religious parties win votes? In the mid-twentieth century, secular nationalism emerged as the governing ideology of newly independent states in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East (Emerson 1960;Prakash 2007). Yet its influence has waned in recent decades. ...
Mass ritualized gatherings like pilgrimages are central to religious practice globally. Do they generate votes for religious parties? The events may heighten religiosity, enlarging support for parties seen as owning religious policy issues. Such parties might also co-opt the events to organize and campaign. We evaluate the electoral impact of India's Kumbh Mela, a Hindu festival considered the world's biggest human assembly, leveraging its astrologically determined timing combined with districts' proximity by rail to the festival sites. The Kumbh Mela boosts Hindu nationalists' vote share. Mechanisms tests suggest it does so by increasing religious orthodoxy—seen in the adoption of Brahminical dietary practices—and by strengthening party capacity. There are mixed effects on communal conflict. The events are electorally polarizing; they cause India's main secular-leaning party to perform better in regions with denser concentrations of religious minorities. Our study offers a new account of how confessional parties make inroads in multiethnic democracies.
... Regardless of the differences between the various Arab societies, renewal, in general, has been the driving force behind all these events. According to Emerson, the collapse of traditional social institutions and the strengthening of new social forces are two important elements that have contributed to the growth of modern nationalism [4]. ...
Geographical migration, intercultural and inter-civilizational interactions are not the only phenomena of the last decade of the XX century. The search for knowledge and the spread of the teachings of Allah (Christianity, Islam or Buddhism) and the search for livelihoods are among the reasons that trade and migration inevitably lead people to interact with one another. Wars and political arrogance, aimed at expanding the borders of the empire, and the constant attempt to rule the world are another factor in the reorganization of power to create global alliances. Given this, we can say that globalization is not a new phenomenon. After the Industrial Revolution and the rise of world capitalism, with the advent of lighter and faster communications, transport and other infrastructure, relations between the peoples of the world, cultural dialogue, interaction have grown and become more and more new every year. began to happen. To get an idea of the main features of modernization, it is necessary to refer to the experience of industrial societies in Europe and North America. Historical, scientific and technological progress has played a key role in the transformation of traditional European feudal society into a modern capitalist society. As a result of this progress, developing on the basis of pragmatism, the relations between new social classes, individuals and groups were reorganized, which underwent significant changes.
... Explanations abound for the global transition from empire to the nation (Emerson, 1962). Much of this work has focused on variation in the timing of independence for colonies within and across empires (Spruyt, 2005). ...
This paper studies conflict in a hierarchical international system, the British Empire. How did the British Empire respond to violent and nonviolent resistance within its colonies? I develop a theory explaining how and why the metropole becomes involved in and grants concessions to its colonies. In contrast to more recent work, I find that violence was more effective at coercing metropolitan concessions to the colonies in the British Empire than nonviolence. This theory is supported with a wide range of data, including yearly measures of anticolonial resistance, every colonial concession made by the British Empire after 1918, daily measures of metropolitan discussions of colonial issues from cabinet archives, and web-scraped casualty data from British death records. My findings show that the effectiveness of resistance is conditional on the political structure that it is embedded in and that hierarchy matters for understanding state responses to resistance.
... Accordingly, our definition of 'nation' follows that of Emerson (1959) which draws in the sociocultural authenticity as a defining factor. According to Emerson a nation is "a community of people who feel that they belong together in the double sense that they share deeply significant elements of a common heritage and that they have a common destiny for the future" (ibid: 95). ...
This study tried to investigate to what degree language is used in marking national identities among the Ethiopian nations, and examine how the various nationalities perceive the relation between language and nationality. The sources of data for this study were 54 key informants who were selected from 27 representative linguistic groups using multi-phase purposive sampling technique. Accordingly, the data for the study were collected using thematically structured interviews which generally inquired about linguistic behaviors and nationalism, conviction about national identity and its salient features, and perceptions about language and national identity. Then, the data were analyzed in light of the social identity theory which asserts that 'individuals strategically use language as a potent symbol of identity when testing or maintaining intergroup boundaries.' As found out by this study, the majority of the nations considered in our investigation do not use language as the salient feature of their national identities because of its dynamic nature. However, they all consider that it is an important means through which their cultural and historical values transmit from generation to generation. Consequently, they use it in various modes or for various purposes. Therefore, the study concluded that in the contemporary Ethiopia, language is not the primary symbol of national identities; yet it is used in constructing them.
... However, the bibliography seems to reveal that the authors have certain favourites. Anderson, for example, was included with his all-to-known concept on nation and nationalism, while Emerson (1967) and Anthony Smith (2000;2001), who present other perhaps more elaborate and thoughtthrough answers to the tricky question of what a nation and nationalism are, are missing. Questions of nations and nationalism have been quite controversial for more than 100 years, a period in which the same kind of arguments have been exchanged again and again. ...
Southeast Asia features a specific configuration
of religious and ethnic plurality which results
from being an area where local cultural formations
intersect with broader cultural formations from East
Asia, South Asia and Euro-America. In this context,
various (ethnic) local religions interact with Islam,
Buddhism, Hinduism and Christianity. Religion
in Southeast Asia is not generally understood as
an antithesis to modernity. Rather, religion is better
conceived of as involved in complex interactions with
modernity: religion shapes modernity in an existential
way, just as modernity itself shapes religion.
Throughout its existence, members of DORISEA
constantly debated configurations of religion and
modernity in Southeast Asia. In these debates, it
quickly became clear that any attempt to form a
new ‘master narrative’ or ‘key’ that collectively
and comprehensively ‘explained’ the dynamics of
religion in Southeast Asia would be a pointless,
doomed endeavour. From the different theoretical
models and analytical accents (e.g. state, city, village,
upland-lowland, world religion-local religion,
nature-culture, text, ritual, mass-media, gender,
economy, politics, multiple modernities, multiple
secularities) the researchers employ, different
images of and perspectives on the relationship
between religion and modernity emerges.
... The source of the crisis lies in how modern colonialism-both in its discursive and institutional dimensions-rendered colonial peoplehood a perennially deferred object of development. This dilemma-ridden search for popular authorization, thus, also shows the limits of interpreting the problem of anticolonial sovereignty-either as a teleological progression to political sovereignty having been "schooled" in democracy (see Emerson 1967), or as equal citizenship within the divided sovereignty of a federated empire (see Cooper 2014). ...
This article theorizes the colonial problem of peoplehood that Indian anticolonial thinkers grappled with in their attempts to conceptualize self-rule, or swaraj. British colonial rule drew its legitimacy from a developmentalist conception of the colonized people as backward and disunited. The discourse of “underdeveloped” colonial peoplehood rendered the Indian people “unfit” for self-government, suspending their sovereignty to an indefinite future. The concept of swaraj would be born with the rejection of deferred colonial self-government. Yet the persistence of the developmentalist figuration of the people generated a crisis of sovereign authorization. The pre-Gandhian swaraj theorists would be faced with the not-yet claimable figure of the people at the very moment of disavowing the British claim to rule. Recovering this underappreciated pre-Gandhian history of the concept of swaraj and reinterpreting its Gandhian moment, this article offers a new reading of Gandhi's theory of moral self-rule. In so doing, it demonstrates how the history of swaraj helps trace the colonial career of popular sovereignty.
... This uncoupling fostered a shift from a prevailingly historical and macro-level to a contemporary and meso-level perspective on nationalism and from a 'special'that is, spatially and temporally restricted to a general understanding of populism. The field-defining works of Kohn, Kedourie, Deutsch, Gellner, Smith, Anderson, Hobsbawm, Breuilly and others were interested in the 'origins and spread of nationalism' (Anderson 1983) as a major vector of modernity: in the longue-durée 'ethnic origins of nations' (Smith 1986); in the shift 'from empire to nation' (Emerson 1962) as a model of and for political organisation; in the emergence of 'the nation' as a crucial focus of loyalty and identity; and in the shift from a world in which the demand that political and cultural units should be congruent was unintelligible to one in which it was taken for granted (Gellner 1983). Notwithstanding rival emphases on intellectual (Kedourie 1961;Kohn 1944), socio-economic (Deutsch 1953;Gellner 1983), political (Breuilly 1994(Breuilly [1982Hobsbawm 1990;Mann 1995) and cultural (Anderson 1983;Smith 1986) factors, the field-defining works all conceptualised nationalism as a transformative force on a world-historical scale. ...
Few social science categories have been more heatedly contested in recent years than ‘populism’. One focus of debate concerns the relation between populism and nationalism. Criticising the tendency to conflate populism and nationalism, De Cleen and Stavrakakis argue for a sharp conceptual distinction between the two. They situate populist discourse on a vertical, and nationalist discourse on a horizontal axis. I argue that this strict conceptual separation cannot capture the productive ambiguity of populist appeals to ‘the people’, evoking at once plebs, sovereign demos and bounded community. The frame of reference for populist discourse is most fruitfully understood as a two‐dimensional space, at once a space of inequality and a space of difference. Vertical opposition to those on top (and often those on the bottom) and horizontal opposition to those outside are tightly interwoven, generally in such a way that economic, political and cultural elites are represented as being ‘outside’ as well as ‘on top’. The ambiguity and two‐dimensionality of appeals to ‘the people’ do not result from the conflation of populism and nationalism; they are a constitutive feature of populism itself, a practical resource that can be exploited in constructing political identities and defining lines of political opposition and conflict.
... munculnya nation state. 19 Akibatnya, penetapan segala sesuatu yang semula didominasi oleh pertimbangan agama kemudian be rg eser pada pertimbangan kewa rg a-negaraan. Namun belakangan ini kecenderungan sekuler (sebagai ciri pokok masyarakat modern) semakin di pe rtanyakan, clan mulai dihadirkan apa yang disebut dengan post-modernism yang memberikan perhatian terhadap nilai-nilai agama atau religiusitas. ...
p> The debate over Islamic law is more dominated by practical issues (fiqh) and very rarely touches on theoretical or methodological issues (usul al-fiqh), no exception concerning gender issues. This paper discusses the methodology of Islamic jurisprudence to use as a basis for examining Islamic legal issues. The discussion presents the nuance of a shift in values which in turn demands evaluation of ushul al-fiqh thought. Basically, it is realized that there has been a shift in values that affect the ummah in looking at the problems faced. This influence occurs not only on the practical level but also at the paradigm used in viewing reality. The change in values requires an evaluation of the heritage of the religious study model. Without evaluation efforts, it can be ascertained that ushul al-fiqh increasingly has no place in the debate over the methodology of religious studies. It is the symptom existing today which is also a challenge for those pursuing Islamic law studies. What is stated in this paper is the first step to uncover the stagnation and vacuum of thinking in the field of ushul al-fiqh. </p
... Following decolonization from European rule, the immature and hastily installed institutions of liberal democracy were quickly altered or dismantled. Indeed, Rupert Emerson (1960) rightly predicted democracy in Africa would bleed and die "on the altars of national consolidation and social reconstruction." For much of its post-independence period, politics in Africa was dominated by every political system but democracy-personalistic, dominant one-party, and military dictatorships, and nationalist, socialist, or populist regimes. ...
... Independence movements are motivated by conflicting national identities, where different parts of a population identify themselves as citizens of one nation or another, such as the Scots feeling Scottish (pro-independence) or British (anti-independence). These situations lead to people with conflicting national identities living together in the same territory, where national identity can be defined as "a body of people who feel that they are a nation" [4]. ...
Social media and data mining are increasingly being used to analyse political and societal issues. Here we undertake the classification of social media users as supporting or opposing ongoing independence movements in their territories. Independence movements occur in territories whose citizens have conflicting national identities; users with opposing national identities will then support or oppose the sense of being part of an independent nation that differs from the officially recognised country. We describe a methodology that relies on users' self-reported location to build large-scale datasets for three territories-Catalonia, the Basque Country and Scotland. An analysis of these datasets shows that homophily plays an important role in determining who people connect with, as users predominantly choose to follow and interact with others from the same national identity. We show that a classifier relying on users' follow networks can achieve accurate, language-independent classification performances ranging from 85% to 97% for the three territories.
... Národní identita je podle některých autorů 1 totožnost nebo příslušnost k jednomu státu nebo k jednomu národu. Americký politikEmerson (1960) definoval národní identitu jako skupinu lidí, kteří mají pocit, že jsou národ, Jak to za své přijali iTajfel a Turnerem (2004). ...
The aim of this article is to provide information about how identity is formed in relation to civic education. The author of this study was inspired by Juha Hämiläinen's thesis, which claims that social pedagogy should become the main tool for building citizenship. Building an identity is a lifelong process, and adolescence is one of the most important and critical periods in this. The diversity of the social environment, the school and classroom climate have an impact on forming the identity of teenagers, and besides their personal identity, attention is also paid to the formation of their social and cultural identity. The article is a study that focuses on defining the concepts of identity, social and cultural identity and the relationship between identity formation and education. Civic education plays an important role here and should guide the students to take responsibility for their lives. Therefore, the following text deals with the concepts of secondary school education, the secondary school curriculum and civic competences. Based on a study of selected authors, the following study introduces concepts of identity in relation to cultural identity and conducts an analysis of the framework educational programs, since there is a space here for socio-pedagogical influence on the formation of cultural identity and the development of tolerance with regard to worldwide diversity.
... According to Renan (1882), Fukui et al. (1979), Ferguson (1984), and Holsti (1996), for example, it was 'very difficult to create national self-consciousness without war' (Howard 1979, p. 108). Similarly, '[s] cholars of colonialism suggest that the most important factor in the formation of national consciousness in colonised societies is the resistance to foreign domination' (Bereketeab 2000, p. 181; see also Emerson 1960, Anderson 1983. Starting with the army's consistent uniforms that turn every individual into a uniform(ed) soldier and ending with the sheer unitary play-back of ideologies among military personnel, warfare can significantly contribute to the standardisation of an ('imagined') community. ...
The role of war in processes of state-making has long been hotly disputed. Although generally considered an African ‘success story’, the case of Somaliland, whose unilateral declaration of independence was embedded in violent conflict, may be instructive. Applying the conceptual prism of ‘rule standardization’, this article argues that episodes of large-scale violence were constitutive of Somaliland’s state-making trajectory. Based on theoretical reasoning and empirical findings, the article concludes that, while collective political violence is neither an angel of order nor a daemon of decay, war can be constitutive of state-making under the condition that it advances institutional and identity standardization.
... He noticed that, "Just as in Eastern Europe the nations without a history had been roused in the nineteenth century to self-consciousness and the endeavour to play an active part in history, so now the peoples of the Orient were roused from a period of medieval feudalism and religion to one instinct with the watchwords of nationalism and middle-class capitalism." 1 On the basis of his observations, Hans Kohn formed a 'universal sociological theory' in the study of social change which he saw as signifying the transition from medieval to modern forms of organisation, concluding that "religious groupings lose power when confronted with the consciousness of a common nationality and speech." 2 Harvard Professor Rupert Emerson (1899Emerson ( -1979 was influenced by this idea and formulated another theory suggesting that "the rise of nationalism coincided with a decline in the hold of religion." 3 Later scholars in the field, including some scholars of Muslim origin, became profoundly influenced by the ideas of Hans Kohn and Rupert Emerson on the role of nationalism in the Muslim world and its ultimate victory over the traditional ummah identity. In 1967 Bernard Lewis, one of the most influential postwar scholars on the Middle East, for instance, while discussing the mission of the Prophet MuÍammad (pbuh), stated that, "Another such struggle is being fought in our time -not against Al-Lat and Al-'Uzza [names of pre-Islamic objects of worship] -but a new set of idols called states, races, and nations; this time it is the idols that seem to be victorious." ...
... Independence movements occur in many territories worldwide, as is the case in Palestine [15], Kurdistan [16], Sicily [17], Scotland [18], Catalonia [19] or the Basque Country [20]. These situations lead to people with conflicting national identities living together in the same territory, where national identity can be defined as "a body of people who feel that they are a nation" [21]. Quantification and analysis of people with different identities is critical [22], and classification of users by national identity can be very useful to analyse and understand a range of political and societal issues [23]. ...
Social media and data mining are increasingly being used to analyse political and societal issues. Characterisation of users into socio-demographic groups is crucial to improve these analyses. Here we undertake the classification of social media users as supporting or opposing ongoing independence movements in their territories. Independence movements occur in territories whose citizens have conflicting national identities; users with opposing national identities will then support or oppose the sense of being part of an independent nation that differs from the officially recognised country. We describe a methodology that relies on users' self-reported location to build datasets for three territories -- Catalonia, the Basque Country and Scotland -- and we test language-independent classifiers using four types of features. We show the effectiveness of the approach to build large annotated datasets, and the ability to achieve accurate, language-independent classification performances ranging from 85% to 97% for the three territories under study.
This article aims to examine one of the phenomena that emerged in the Muslim world in the 20th century, namely the renewal of family law in Muslim-majority countries. This article focuses on the study of inheritance law reform in Somalia. By using a legal political approach, this article examines several important issues, i.e.,: the model of inheritance law reform in Somalia, the reasons that led to the revolutionary change from the concept of Islamic inheritance in general, and and the factors that influence these changes. In general, this study shows that in the reform of family law in Somalia, there are several rules that are not much different from the concept of the imam of the school of thought, but there are also several legal rules that are quite far from the conceot of conventional, especially the legal rules related to inheritance.
The main purpose of the actual work is to illustrate the effect of Double Consciousness on the deep structure of the blacks' psyche. How does whites' oppressive and racist gaze impact black life and destiny? And how should the blacks resist such inhuman practices and come out instead with the best of them? To achieve the desired objectives and get deeper into the concept, the masterpiece novel Native Son by Richard Wright was taken as a sample to be studied based on Du Bois's Double Consciousness theory. The final results show that blacks' obsession with their self-image in the eyes of the other-whites-make them wallow in severe identity trauma and crisis.
The eye, nose, and throat (ENT)-related diseases are a great problem in the pediatric population, but the mortality is low, whereas complication rates are increasing in spite of the improvements in health care facilities. In children, middle ear infection is the most common disease, the reason being alterations in the eustachian tube anatomy, being straighter in children than adults. Nearly 42 million people (age >3 years) are facing a hearing loss, mainly because of otitis media, second only to the common cold as a cause of infection in kids, also the commonest cause of mild-to-moderate hearing impairment in industrializing countries. In the population above 5 years of age, nearly 16% suffer from this disorder and more than 55% of these cases occur in school-going children, generally from the lower socioeconomic class (Idu et al. 2008; Baldry and Hind 2008; Zumbroich 2009; Nepali and Sigdel 2012). Respiratory tract symptoms such as cough, sore throat, and earache are also frequent in children. Upper respiratory tract infections predispose a child to complications such as otitis media, tonsillitis, and sinusitis. Tonsillitis most often occurs in children, a condition rarely appreciated in kids below 2 years. Viral tonsillitis is more common in younger children, while tonsillitis caused by Streptococcus species typically occurs in children aged 5–15 years (Nepali and Sigdel 2012).
Globalization is a new concept that has come to dominate the world since 1990s. Globalization has brought in new opportunities to developing countries such as greater access to developed country markets, technology transfer, and higher living standard among others. But globalization has also thrown up new challenges like growing inequality across and within nations, volatility in financial market, environmental deteriorations, hollowing out of state to mention some. In fact, globalization entails the demise of nation-state, summarized such as an emerging ‘borderless world’ and a ‘hollow state’. The present paper has analyzed the implications of looking at the impact of globalization on state autonomy vis-à-vis global and local actors. The study findings confirm that the concentration of power in the hands of state/s began in 1648 is over, at least for a while. Power, indeed, is less concentrated in state/s and has diffused to other actors in global governance. Nevertheless national governments are sharing power including political, social and security roles at the core of sovereignty with TNCs, supra-national organizations and a multitude of citizens groups and so on; still state continues to be major repository of power in governance.
This article presents a statistical study of the determinants of democracy in the postwar period. Important variables are found to be former status as a British colony, island status, the share of the population professing Islam, the share of the population that is of European descent, penetration of the English language during British colonial rule, and a measure of ethnic homogeneity. The evidence suggests that cultural beliefs and institutional inheritances are important determinants of the viability of democracy in poor countries, even when controlling for literacy and socioeconomic development.
Ulus (Nation) 1 kavramı şüphe yok ki içinde bulunduğumuz yüzyıla damgasını fazlasıyla vurmuş, hatta popüler olmasının ötesinde zihinsel kavrayışımızı çeşitli biçimlerde belirleyen düşünsel bir zindana dönüşmüş durumdadır. Bir bilim dalı olarak insana ve insan doğasına dair bilgi üreten psikoloji evrensellik iddiası taşıyan tüm temel varsayımları ortaya koymaya başladığında dünya 'uluslararası' küresel sistemin temellerinin atıldığı bir atmosferden geçiyordu. Nitekim büyük yankı uyandıran ego teorisi ve kişilik çalışmalarının mimarı Sigmund Freud henüz ölmeden 2. Dünya savaşı patlak vermiş ve nihayetinde Freud yurdunu terk etmek durumunda kalmıştır. Şuan temel kabul edilen tüm varsayımlarımız geçen yüzyılın sonunda yaşanan politik depremlerin etkisinde ulus bilinciyle şekillenmiş ve yıllarca bu çerçeve içinden bakılarak dünya anlamlandırılmaya çalışılmıştır. Ulus/uluslaşma çalışmaları psikoloji disiplinin boyunu çoktan aşan bir literatür olarak bir kenarda duruyor (Ayrıca Bkz. Hobsbawn, 2006; Anderson, 1995; Gellner, 1992 ve Eriksen, 2004). Bu yazı ulus kavramının psikoloji içindeki seyahatine dair kısa değerlendirmeden ibarettir.
In many African states, decolonisation brought neither prosperity nor meaningful independence. The discontent with weak political and economic sovereignty led African revolutionaries to seek support from Asia, a proximity that continues to endure long after 1989. This paper focuses on decades of diverse forms of political interaction – ideational inspiration, policy emulation, party-to-party cooperation – between several Asian states, such as China, Korea and Viet Nam, and African (neo)liberation movements turned governments, from Eritrea and Ethiopia to Mozambique and Tanzania. Socialist imaginaries, institutions and, above all, technologies of rule have been central in these processes and far more prominent – substantively and rhetorically – than any alternative ideology: the development of the vanguard Party, operated through democratic centralism; the popular defence force, an army loyal to the Party; and state capitalism to control the economy’s commanding heights. These enduring ties between African and Asian comrade state-builders, and the quest for heterodox political modernities they represent, have been largely overlooked, especially in the post-Cold War period. They not only shed light on alternative political geographies and transnational histories of Africa and Asia, but also alert us to present-day ideological projects that differ starkly from Western liberal hegemony and its emphasis on Washington Consensus-style economics and representational democracy.
How did political institutions emerge and evolve under colonial rule? This article studies a key colonial actor and establishes core democratic contradictions in European settler colonies. Although European settlers’ strong organizational position enabled them to demand representative political institutions, the first hypothesis qualifies their impulse for electoral representation by positing the importance of a metropole with a representative tradition. Analyzing new data on colonial legislatures in 144 colonies between the seventeenth and twentieth centuries shows that only British settler colonies—emanating from a metropole with representative institutions—systematically exhibited early elected legislative representation. The second hypothesis highlights a core democratic contradiction in colonies that established early representative institutions. Applying class-based democratization theories predicts perverse institutional evolution—resisted enfranchisement and contestation backsliding—because sizable European settler minorities usually composed an entrenched landed class. Evidence on voting restrictions and on legislature disbandment from Africa, the British Caribbean, and the US South supports these implications and rejects the Dahlian path from competitive oligarchy to full democracy.
The present study has a twofold aim: (i) to pinpoint the reason(s) why the Greek state applies ethnoreligiously colored institutions as national in a culturally diverse populated regional unit and (ii) to explore how these are received by and, in turn, shape the views of Muslims of Western Thrace in respect of the character of the Greek nation. The target group are the Slavic-speaking Muslims known as ‘Pomaks’. Social issues raised in 2017 during the celebration of a national commemoration in the city of Xanthi stress the need to track down how minority members view the wider national community of the state within which they live. Τhe Kohn dichotomy has been employed so as to lay my findings on the ethnic/civic continuum. Participants’ views were elicited through semi-structured interviews. Relevant data was also collected during my fieldwork. It appears that minority members tend to construct an ethnocultural understanding of Greek nationhood when reflecting
on the examined institutions. Further recommendations are given that could pave the way for the democratization of national culture.
This chapter covers secession and the principle of self-determination. It starts with the normative state of play in the 19th century and until 1914; then moves on to the brief heyday of national self-determination in 1919–1923; and then covers the self-determination of people from 1945 until today as a UN norm. Then secession is examined and the options open to international society for exceptional secessionist self-determination, for instance in cases of some federations. The three main schools of thought on secession are examined (remedial theory, choice theory and national theory) and the author concludes with his own remedial approach.
During the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the built physical landscape and places of cultural heritage were deliberately targeted and destroyed as part of the strategy of ethnic cleansing. The 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement recognized the potential for cultural heritage to contribute to postwar reconciliation and rebuilding; Annex 8 established a commission to preserve national monuments. This paper examines the politics of cultural heritage in post-Dayton Bosnia and the ways in which it has been (ab)used to propagate a narrow, exclusivist identity. It focuses on the struggles to control the Commission to Preserve National Monuments as well as the fates of two monuments in particular—Vraca Memorial Park and the Partisans’ Memorial Cemetery—whose abandonment signifies the wider struggles over memory and identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The study was to investigate beneficiaries’ perception of the poverty alleviation programmes of the Federal Government of Nigeria with a focus on Akwa Ibom State. Though poverty is a worldwide phenomenon, Nigeria’s poverty case is pathetic and difficult to comprehend judging from the backdrop of Nigeria’s abundance in human and natural resources. Government’s concern and desire to alleviate poverty led to the introduction of the current Poverty Alleviation Programmes to improve living standards of beneficiaries. Three hypotheses were postulated to guide the study. A 20 item structured questionnaire was developed to elicit information from the beneficiaries. Two hundred and forty respondents expressed their views. The responses from the subjects were coded and analyzed using chisquare. Results showed that there is no significant effect of poverty alleviating programme on the economic empowerment of the beneficiaries in Akwa Ibom State. Recommendations based on the results were made so as to ensure effective exercise towards alleviating poverty in Nigeria.
This paper examines the causes of separatist agitations in Nigeria from its formative years as a British Colony and Protectorate and proffers solutions for stemming the drift toward disintegration. Moulded from a motley of ethnocultural groups by her colonialists, the stability of the Federation of Nigeria has often come under threats by separatist agitations by her diverse ethnic groups. It is argued that the ethnocultural diversity of the peoples of Nigeria and the mutual fear of domination amongst them accentuated by divisive colonial policies account for the persistence of separatism. Furthermore, the over-centralization of the federal system following decades of military rule has ensured the hegemony of the Hausa/Fulani in the federation and subjugated the states to the centre thus undermining the underlying principles of Nigeria's federal arrangement that no ethnic group shall be dominated by the others and that the states shall be encouraged to develop at their varying speeds according to their respective fiscal capacities and comparative advantages. The solution to the persistent threats of separatism lies in re-inventing Nigeria's federalism in line with its underlying principles through devolution of power from the centre to the constituent states which will strengthen the states to provide meaningful self-rule and reduce the dominance of the centre.
Maikling kasaysayan ng papel na ginampanan ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas sa pagpapayabong ng wika at nasyonalismong Filipino mula panahon ng Komonwelt hanggang sa simula ng Ikalimang Republika. Sa huli, bagaman kinikilala ng awtor na isa itong marangal na gawain, binigyan niya ng diing ang gayon ay isang mandato - pagsunod sa responsibilidad bilang pamatasan ng bayan.
This paper deals with the public perceptions of the national identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has been in flux throughout history. Hence, the common national identity was replaced by exclusive ethnic national identities and ideologies of Bosnians, Serbs, and Croats. In particular, the postwar period, marked by unrest and ethnic tension as well as the socio-political and economic challenges, contributed to exclusive ethnic national identification. The research examined the level and importance of national identity to Bosnians, Serbs and Croats and the way they express their national identity through loyalty to the country and national identity markers while recognizing current socio-political and economic challenges. The research indicated that the main ethnic groups maintain their radical and exclusive ethnic national identities, which significantly affected state functioning, stability, security and prosperity of the country. Therefore, the Bosnian society should put emphasis on diversity, dialogue and trust, whereby exclusive ethnic national identities of Bosnians, Serbs and Croats are countered and balanced by civic, nation-state and institution-based identity models.
The research explores the political, economic, social challenges and security priorities in state building in Armenia. It examines the government’s efforts directed towards state-building, depicting the major challenges involved and exploring the framework of reforms that would measurably contribute to state-building. The study uses a qualitative explanatory research design based on content analysis of literature, interviews, a “roadmap” speech by the former president of the republic and the current government strategic plan. The study then focuses on state building primarily focusing on good governance and associated elements of democracy as prerequisites for a high-functioning state. The findings reveal a relationship between the quality of public institutions and state-building attributing the relatively slower democratization and state building progress to institutional deficiencies in governance. We claim that resolving each of the political, economic and social challenges separately would not lead to state-building. It is important to tackle the root causes of these challenges by focusing on increasing the capacity and efficacy of public institutions guided by the pillars of democracy and good governance.
It is a commonly held assumption among cultural, social, and political psychologists that imagining the future of societies we live in has the potential to change how we think and act in the world. However little research has been devoted to whether this effect exists in collective imaginations, of social groups, communities and nations, for instance. This book explores the part that imagination and creativity play in the construction of collective futures, and the diversity of outlets in which these are presented, from fiction and cultural symbols to science and technology. The authors discuss this effect in social phenomena such as in intergroup conflict and social change, and focus on several cases studies to illustrate how the imagination of collective futures can guide social and political action. This book brings together theoretical and empirical contributions from cultural, social, and political psychology to offer insight into our constant (re)imagination of the societies in which we live.
In an increasingly globalized and integrated world, citizens of nations are put in new positions where their beliefs, values and goals for the future of their nation become intertwined with, and at times overruled by, those of a larger, superordinate union in which the nation is (or is becoming) a member. The present chapter takes a close look at one such country, Serbia, and explores how its politics of integration into the European Union become embedded within discourses of compatibility and continuity of the national within the supranational. It will be argued that imagining the future of the nation becomes increasingly hard in times of political change, particularly if that future is seen as causing a rupture from, rather than continuity with, the past.
The author ponders in her article - based mainly on the example of the Norwegian language - whether state's interference through its specialised organs may influence the development and formation of language norms. In conclusion the author claims that only the combination of "language management approach" and "free enterprise style" may give satisfactory results in managing problems of the language.
Anticolonial movements (which may be referred to as national liberation or independence movements) are organized struggles to resist formal external subjugation and promote self-determination.
Walker Connor (1926–2017) was one of the finest twentieth-century thinkers in political science and a pioneer in the study of nationalism, having helped to identify some of the key issues and problems in his area of study. First and foremost, he finely diagnosed the misuse of the predominant terminology at the time; this was pervaded by the simplistic “modernization paradigm” with its unilinear vision of progress and unshakable faith in state-led “nation building” – which Connor elegantly dismantled
Before the end of the Cold War, Connor conducted ground-breaking archival research on nationalism in the Communist world. This was condensed in his book The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy which he wrote, when the field was dominated by the subsequently discredited discipline of Soviet Studies, also known as Kremlinology, which implicitly adapted an equivalent of the modernization paradigm to the socialist world
Eine neue Bedrohung, nur von wenigen vorausgesehen, verdüstert seit geraumer Zeit jene Erwartungen auf eine „Friedensdividende“, die nach dem Ende der bipolaren Blocklogik ins Kraut geschossen waren: die auffallende Zunahme innerstaatlicher kriegerischer Gewalt bei gleichzeitigem Rückgang zwischenstaatlicher Kriege. Mehr als neunzig Prozent aller gewaltsamen Konflikte in den 90er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts waren Bürgerkriege. Manche Beobachter und Analytiker interpretierten diese „neuen Kriege“ als Wiederkehr älterer Erscheinungsformen des Krieges, die mit seiner staatlichen Hegung seit 1648 zurückgedrängt worden waren. Wie dem auch sei, jedenfalls stellt innerstaatliche kriegerische Gewalt die internationale Politik vor neue Herausforderungen, auf die sie schlecht vorbereitet ist.
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