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Enforcing Restraint: Collective Intervention in Internal Conflicts.
... Moral and ethical questions, once the province of academics and religious activists, are finding their way into public debates on the rights of future generations in relation to sustainable development and on a variety of other issues, such as racism, abortion, corruption, arms proliferation, crime prevention, and drug traffic. A renewed concern with human rights throughout the world has led many to question the principle of nonintervention in the internal affairs of states where governments do not respect basic human rights (ODC 1992;Damrosch 1993;Brauman 1995;Ramon Chornet 1995). Finally, reversing the trend that prevailed during the 1980s, equity considerations are finding their way into the political agenda of many industrialized and developing countries at the same time as the moral and ethical aspects of economic behaviour have begun to receive greater attention (Dasgupta 1993;Nussbaum and Sen 1993). ...
... However, with the end of that world order, symbolized by the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disappearance of the Soviet Union, civil wars and other violent conflicts have become more visible. Interventions to maintain international peace and security, as well as humanitarian interventions -usually under the aegis of the United Nations -have become more frequent and acceptable to the international community (Damrosch 1993;Ramon Chornet 1995;Stremlau 1996). ...
... For other accounts of the violent-conflict cycle and the different types of interventions that may be appropriate at different stages, seeDamrosch (1993),Ball and Halevy (1996),Colletta et al. (1996),Goodpaster (1996), andSisk (1996). ...
Incl. app., bibliographical references, list of acronyms, information about the authors
... Nondemocratic and illiberal regimes find it easy to hold out in the face of damaging sanctions because they can pass on the costs of the sanctions to the governed and rely on armed forces to deter political opponents. Damrosch [65] contends that sanctions will almost inevitably benefit an autocratic regime because the regime will always be in a better position to control external transactions and the internal economy. ...
One essential weapon of international politics for promoting peaceful international cohabitation is the imposition of political and economic sanctions. Nonetheless, there is ongoing debate on the efficiency of punishments in generating sufficient disutility to guarantee compliance. Therefore, this study analyses the impact of US and UN economic sanctions on income inequality in the African target and compares the results with those of the Asina targeted states covering the period 1980–2019, using the Bayesian generalized method of moment’s technique. These Bayesian generalized methods of moments were chosen due to their ability to address the dynamics of several entities in the data. The variables employed for empirical investigation include income inequality, economic sanctions, trade sanctions, and financial sanctions. The findings reveal the contribution of economic sanctions to high income inequality, as the study finds a positive relationship between all measures of sanctions adopted in this study and income inequality. The study further finds that African countries seem to suffer the most from the execution of these sanctions compared to Asian countries. From a policy perspective, the current study suggests implementing targeted assistance programs for vulnerable groups. This can include offering financial support or job training programs for those affected by the sanctions, such as low-income workers or small businesses. Additionally, policymakers could prioritize investments in sectors that are less impacted by the sanctions, creating alternative job opportunities and reducing income disparities. By addressing the specific needs of disadvantaged groups and diversifying the economy, the negative effects of economic sanctions on income inequality can be mitigated.
... Nigeria's conflict intervention mechanisms are often physical in nature. As noted earlier, a physical intervention typically involves the use of force to resolve sustained, large-scale violence between two or more factions, challenging the maintenance of governmental authority in a particular state (Falk, 1993;Lieblich, 2011) Implicit in the foregoing is that Nigeria's conflict intervention mechanisms in Africa fall within the purview of Terry Nardin's definition of an armed humanitarian intervention, that is, "an intervention intended to protect innocent people who are not nationals of the intervening state from the violence perpetrated or permitted by the government of the target state" (Nardin & Williams, 2006:1). ...
The model of political governance in Africa has become a contentious subject among theorists and practitioners. Reviews of the decision-making structures across the continent have shown that they remain skewed in favour of a top-down, elitist model. Beyond mobilising citizens to vote, less commitment is invested in broader political participation. Evidence has shown that efforts that seek broader political consensus and increased participation among party members are discouraged and ignored. However, there is a paucity of research on the key motivations that incessantly block the expansion of this political space that is so widely advocated by scholars of public policy and political thinkers. Discursive participation is used as the dominant theoretical model to frame this chapter. It was tested through application in an array of political contexts in two major jurisdictions. Two regional powers, Kenya in East Africa and Nigeria in West Africa, were selected, drawing lessons from each. Similar trends in these countries show that despite policy and legal provisions advocating for expanded participation of critical communities (women, the youth, the poor and civil society), these intentions are far from being realised.
... Nigeria's conflict intervention mechanisms are often physical in nature. As noted earlier, a physical intervention typically involves the use of force to resolve sustained, large-scale violence between two or more factions, challenging the maintenance of governmental authority in a particular state (Falk, 1993;Lieblich, 2011) Implicit in the foregoing is that Nigeria's conflict intervention mechanisms in Africa fall within the purview of Terry Nardin's definition of an armed humanitarian intervention, that is, "an intervention intended to protect innocent people who are not nationals of the intervening state from the violence perpetrated or permitted by the government of the target state" (Nardin & Williams, 2006:1). ...
Nigeria’s history of conflict intervention in Africa is impressive. Within West Africa, Nigeria has intervened in nearly all the conflicts in the sub-region. Abuja has also been a driving force for sub-regional and regional integration on the continent. From its instrumental role in the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963, to its eventual transformation to the African Union (AU) in 2002, Nigeria has and continues to provide leadership. Using the historical approach as instrument of analysis, this chapter contributes to the foreign policy analysis literature on Nigeria by retrospectively appraising its conflict intervention role in Africa since independence. It poses the critical but often neglected question: to what extent does Nigeria’s personalised foreign policy process shape its foreign policy behaviour and conflict intervention roles in Africa?
... A number of peacebuilding scholars have discussed the issue of international intervention and liberal peacebuilding (Damrosch 1993;Heiberg 1994;Carpenter 1997;Stedman et al. 2002;Paris 2002Paris , 2004Paris , 2010Sian-davis 2003;Jeong 2005;Roeder and Rothchild 2005;MacGinty 2006;Chandler 2006Chandler , 2010aMacGinty and Richmond 2009;Paris and Sisk 2009;Newman et al. 2009). ...
As a greater number of sub-national groups demand secession, the theory of mediation finds itself without concrete principles with which to respond. This research endeavors to introduce a critical theory discourse in mediation literature on the role of superpower intervention. I explore two shortcomings in mediation literature. First, unlike critiques available elsewhere, superpower participation in peace mediation is not considered a form of superpower hegemony. My research suggests that superpowers utilize mediation to serve their interests while ostensibly appearing to be ‘assisting’ the locals, out of humanitarian impulse, to restore ‘peace’ and ‘prosperity’. Second, despite the intricate nature of secessionist wars, they are not accorded appropriate consideration. In secessionist wars, separatist groups actively enlist the support of superpowers sympathetic to their cause. This research is guided by two questions: does mediation literature address how superpowers mediate secessionist conflicts in which they are sympathetic to the cause of separatist groups? And, if such analysis exists, does it attempt to deconstruct critically how superpowers enlist regional and local allies to influence the outcome of negotiations in favour of their own interests in secession? Using two case studies in Sudan, my findings illustrate that the negative role of superpower hegemony in mediation processes has been neglected and depoliticized in mediation literature. I argue that mediation literature should not rely on superpower leverage to mediate an end to secessionist wars ― embodied in the form of state-led Track I diplomacy processes ― since it only provides ready-made resolutions and legitimizes foreign intervention and exploitation. Therefore, I further argue that for mediation theory to be more relevant and useful in fostering an indigenous end to secessionist wars they are better off utilizing non-state actors ― as in the form of Track II diplomacy ― to mediate secessionist wars. Non-state actors, void of state interests, have the capacity to facilitate greater inter-elite negotiations, which, in turn, will strengthen local ownership of peace processes and foster consensus on indigenous resolutions.
... The ongoing debate over criteria for armed intervention parallels the voluminous literature that examines issues associated with COSI. Despite informative works that focused on the conditions under which military intervention may occur (Pearson, 1974), succeed (Horowitz, 1985;Midlarsky, 1992;UNGA, 1992;Cooper and Berdal, 1993;Damrosch, 1993;Gottlieb, 1993;Gurr, 1993;Licklider, 1993;Gurr and Harff, 1994), and cause internationalisation of intrastate conflicts (Carment, 1993;Carment and James, 1995), we know surprisingly little about the conditions and the types of interventions that are most likely to be successful (Regan, 1996, p. 337). ...
Purpose
– Against the backdrop of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) policy – an instrument with which the UN seeks to protect vulnerable civilians from gross violations of human rights – this study examines the application of R2P in the Libyan intervention and the various efforts to replicate similar claim to intervene in Syria. While proposing that the roles of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) is increasingly influential to the success of an intervention, this study asks the question: what are the general conditions for success of R2P application in Libya and Syria during the period 2011-2014?
Design/methodology/approach
– In its examination of the policy and scholarly works that have informed, justified and evaluated the processes and outcomes of the principles of R2P policy, this paper used relevant search terms for conditions for success of humanitarian military intervention (COSI). Specific keywords such as R2P, BRICS and humanitarian intervention are scrutinised for relevance to the research question. Documents that failed to satisfy the criteria of research quality were excluded, whereas the key problems and findings identified in each studied document were tabulated into inclusion and exclusion.
Findings
– Despite the role of BRICS in the Libyan and Syrian interventions, existing literature failed to explicitly make this connection, although much of the literature agreed on a number of general conditions for success. This paper problematise the relationship between success and BRICS role. One of the reasons for this is the emerging nature of the literature that is beginning to appreciate the plausibility that the BRICS influences the success of an intervention.
Originality/value
– This piece synthesises studies that focus on COSI with preference for works that engaged this study’s case countries. Much rich data which even until now are always in need of close examination emerged during data collection, making it useful to craft a third part for BRICS-focused literature that has informed the R2P debate.
... The real cost of sanctions is borne by powerless individuals in the targeted country [13]. A previous study of sanctions in Iraq demonstrated that these measures can undermine humanitarian work [14,15] and also increased infant mortality rate from 47 per 1000 live births during 1984-1989 to 108 per 1000 in 1994-1999 [16][17][18]. A shortage of medicines often harms the most powerless and vulnerable in the wider society, rather than the political elite. ...
Background:
The sanctions applied by both the USA and the EU against Iran do not formally ban the exports of medicines; in practice, however, patients are experiencing great difficulty in securing the treatment. This article documents the impact of international sanctions on patients with thalassemia and hemophilia in southern Iran.
Methods:
This survey examined the specific effects of external sanctions on the access of patients to their treatment between 2009 and 2012 from the point of view of patients with thalassemia (n=69) and congenital coagulation disorders (n=40) as well as related physicians (n=20). Also, clinical manifestation and laboratory data of patients were compared in the same period.
Results:
Access to deferoxamine and Exjade as iron chelators in patients with thalasseamia, respectively, declined by almost 70% and half over this period. In addition, access to lyophilized coagulation factor VIII concentrate in hemophilia A dramatically dropped from 96.7% in 2009 to 3.3% in 2012. The clinical results showed a significant deterioration of arthropathy (P<0.001) in hemophiliac patients and a significant increase in serum ferritin levels in thalassemia patients (P=0.036).
Conclusion:
Sanctions had significant effect on public health on patients with thalassemia and hemophilia.
... There is some evidence that economic sanctions reduce the escalatory dynamics of both interstate and intrastate wars, in some cases encouraging the parties in confl ict to view negotiation as a more attractive option than violence (Cortwright, 2007). Of course, sanctions can have unintended consequences, such as causing harm to innocent civilian populations (Damrosch, 1993). Positive inducements, offers of assistance, or access to alliances or membership in global or regional organizations can be combined with negotiation to encourage conciliatory behavior. ...
... These days, the question is how the capacity of the institutions involved, and in particular their credibility and acceptance, as well as their deterrence and sanctioning potential, can gradually be improved (Damrosch 1993). The issue of external intervention in civil wars, however, is discussed ambivalently. ...
Contrary to widespread pessimism regarding the effects of globalization on nation states and the quality of governance in developing countries, this contribution stresses that several of its features can be made instrumental, and be beneficial, in terms of public policy making and state capability. Four ‘constructive pressures’ stemming from globalization could be seized constructively by citizens and governments in the developing world: First, better informed and better connected citizens, and an emerging global civil society, demand improvements in service delivery, transparency, and participation. Second, subnational governments, often backed by local NGOs and businesses, and keen to attract foreign investment, increasingly exert pressure vis-à-vis central governments. Third, global investment strategies by private businesses increase the demand for appropriate institutional arrangements within developing countries as well as credible government policies. Although with mixed results, forth, International Organizations, in particular IFIs, have been addressing public sector modernization in developing countries, also sponsoring global public policy networks in critical areas. Moreover, policy coordination and cooperation among states increases significantly, constraining arbitrary action by governments. Globalization, thus, advances the discussion about, and the demand for, new institutional arrangements, clearly with new opportunities for improvements in state capability and governance.
... See Jenne (2006). 4. See, for example, much of the literature on humanitarian intervention, such as Damrosch (1993). 5. ...
How can the international community more effectively prevent self-determination conflicts from escalating to violence? The most useful way is to make such conflicts "negotiable," rather than standing by while minority groups and governments square off against each other. To do this, the international community must (1) understand what causes the parties to choose violence; (2) understand the dynamics that make such conflicts intractable, including the rights claims; and (3) design interventions that create more favorable conditions for minority groups and governments to negotiate rather than fight. Drawing upon the analysis of two major self-determination conflicts, this paper argues that such interventions should: include a clearer statement from official international bodies about the conditions under which secession will be deemed acceptable under international law; provide a mediated process in which minority groups and governments can convene to discuss their concerns and interests; and foster collaboration between official and non-official third parties in these negotiations to draw upon the strengths of both in assisting minority groups and governments to work through their differences.
... There were essentially two grounds upon which the guerrillas staked their first withdrawal from the disarmament phase, or 'Phase II', in July 1992. 24 The first complaint was that the UN had not meaningfully or genuinely verified the withdrawal of the Viet Namese forces from Cambodia as stipulated in the Paris Peace Agreement. As a consequence, the 'pro-Viet Namese' incumbents installed by Hanoi in 1979 were favoured. ...
The expansion of post‐Cold War peacekeeping has met with variable success. The UN's operation in Cambodia from 1991 to 1993 (UNTAC) was no exception and has generated considerable interest. Progress was uneven from the beginning and rife with problems which undermined the chances of a favourable outcome. The electoral centrepiece defined UNTAC's success, but to examine the operation merely from this perspective is limiting. This article argues that some analyses of the UNTAC experience over‐emphasize the significance of the technical aspects of the operation — logistics, communication, training, material deployment ‐ and instead seeks to refocus attention on the critical loss of consent from the two core actors, the Phnom Penh government and the Khmers Rouges, and to evaluate the origins of this loss which severely hampered UNTAC's ability to implement its broad and sophisticated mandate. It further argues that in the case of the former, culpability lies with external intervention from the US Mission; and that in the case of the latter, UNTAC failed to comprehend the significance of the Khmers Rouges’ complaints regarding biases which distorted the attempts to neutralize the political environment in Cambodia prior to the elections. There are consequently important conclusions regarding consent and impartiality to be drawn which have received limited attention thus far.
... Both the causes of ethnic conflict and appropriate international responses to it remain in dispute. 8 Is it possible or feasible to anticipate specific conflicts, and if so, how can this be done? 9 Under what conditions, if any, should outside powers intervene? ...
N OT long ago it was fashionable to argue that modernization would reduce, if not eliminate, ethnic hatred. 1 Instead, nationalism appears stronger than ever, and ethnic conflict remains a major global issue. The study of ethnic conflict as a distinct field from nationalism itself is only about twenty years old, gaining wide attention mainly in the last ten. 2 It has grown up primarily in response to the decline over the last half century in the number of interstate wars and the simultaneous rise in the number of internal wars, especially ethnic and religious wars. 3 With the end of the cold war, there was a sudden, if short-lived, upsurge of optimism, especially among liberals, about the ability of the United States and other Western countries to resolve the problems of countries experiencing humanitarian disasters resulting from civil war and other forms of internal strife: What is new is that since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. armed forces, and the Army specifically, routinely has been called upon to conduct peace and stability operations aimed at preventing, quelling, or dealing with the Mia Bloom is assistant professor of political science at the University of Cincinnati; Roy Licklider is professor of political science at Rutgers University. We acknowledge with gratitude the financial support of the Center for Global Security and Democracy at Rutgers University, which sponsored and hosted the symposium which triggered this volume. We particularly appreciated the intellectual support and occasional tactful coercion of Edward Rhodes, director, and Richard W. Wilson, acting director, and the cheerful and tireless labor of Jonathan DiCicco and Denise Horn for setting up and running the conference and in preparing some of the papers for publication. Benjamin Frankel has been instrumental over an extended period of time in moving the project toward completion.
... Much of the literature on postwar recovery issues is scattered into different practitioner and academic fields. The 'practitioner' literature deals with issues of policy and logistics for demobilization and re-integration (e.g., Colletta, Kostner, & Wiederhofer, 1996;Damrosch, 1989;Smock, 1993), and peacekeeping and peacemaking (e.g., Hampson, 1996;United Nations, 1995West, 1997). These largely atheoretical efforts have contributed to the understanding of case studies and logistical alternatives for recovery and peacemaking, but lack a cohesive framework for analysis. ...
The devastation wrought by landmines on local populations is well known. However, the broader effects of mine presence on postwar recovery, and the progress of a ‘peace process’, remain largely unexamined. Both the academic and the practitioner literature regarding landmines lack a framework within which the mix of economic, political, social, agricultural, and ecological repercussions of mine presence in a context of postwar recovery can be investigated. Here, we consider the utility of political ecology to examine the influence of landmine presence on the socioecological relations important to postwar recovery in Mozambique. Landmines constitute the primary obstacle to the reconstruction and development in Mozambique. Because mine presence influences different aspects of recovery differently, we have selected three cases in the country where mine presence has impacted important components of recovery: agriculture, transportation corridors, and international investment. Peace process and recovery efforts by the international community do not presently address the broader, non-medical influences of landmine presence on recovery, and it is the intention of this article to contribute to an initial examination of these issues.
... Instead, we focus on understanding what factors lead to or prohibit success in such efforts given that they have and will occur. Others have addressed the moral and ethical issues involved in external intervention and state building (see Damrosch 1993, Heiberg 1994, Hoffmann 1996and Lugo 1996. 4 For writings on economic policy in the post-World War II reconstruction of Germany, see Heller 1950, Keynes 1980, Mises 200071-118;133-168, Ohlin 1929. For a recent discussion of economic policy in Iraq, see Foote et al 2004. ...
A successful post-conflict reconstruction is characterized by a self-sustaining liberal political, economic and social order that does not rely on external support. It is argued that the extent of reconstructed orders is constrained by their institutional prerequisites. These prerequisites—a shared ideology and ethic of individual and private property rights, a commitment to markets and the rule of law—are fundamental. Without these preconditions to serve as a foundation, reconstructed liberal orders will fail to be self-sustaining over time. It is argued that the viability of a shared ideology and ethic, and hence success, is directly dependent on the extent of horizontal ties in the post-conflict country. The main conclusion is that societies lacking adequate horizontal ties will require a high level of continual intervention and reconstruction efforts will have a lower probability of success. Copyright Springer Science + Business Media, Inc. 2005
Is peacekeeping intervention? This is the central theme which runs throughout this thesis. Since its conception in the mid-1950s, peacekeeping has significantly evolved from traditional, passive, monitoring and observing operations to robust, multi-dimensional stabilisation operations. This raises questions as to whether this is simply a natural evolution of peacekeeping or whether it marks an expansion of the concept of peacekeeping beyond its boundaries, pushing it into the realm of peace enforcement or intervention. Put simply, has peacekeeping evolved too far? Focusing on the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), this thesis seeks to understand the relationship between United Nations peacekeeping and the principle of non-intervention. It therefore explores the boundaries between the two, by examining peacekeeping’s legal and normative frameworks, questioning whether, at times, peacekeeping becomes a form of intervention. Uniquely applying a Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) lens, it provides new insights into intervention and peacekeeping, contributing to recent trends that seek to reimagine or reinvigorate UN peacekeeping.
2 With tensions in Syria and the Korean peninsula at their highest in two decades, it becomes imperative to analyse the concept of collective security. With the exception of economic sanctions authorized under Article 41, the system of collective security as envisioned in Chapter VII of the UN Charter is dormant. This article seeks to analyse the establishment of collective security in the Charter within the functional and judicial parameters of the UN; an evolution that legitimized the use of force for the preservation of international peace and security. The article begins by briefly defining the powers of the Security Council to authorize collective security and how the Security Council is bound by human rights in its sanctions practice. It then critically analyses the role of collective security in ensuring peace and security in the world. The article proffers that to a large extent, the concept of collective security has failed.
This study drew insights from the structural realist emphasis on material structure and the pursuit of relative gains, and the constructivist focus on identity, to analyse Nigeria and South Africa's conflict intervention roles in Africa. Using the Sierra Leonean and the DRC conflicts as analytical case studies, the study highlighted the theoretical weaknesses inherent in limiting the analyses of foreign policy and intervention behaviour of regional powers to a singular theoretical construct. Empirical evidence from the study indicated that, to effectively interpret the conflict intervention behaviour of state actors, a multi-perspective—eclectic approach is required. Overall, the study makes a significant contribution to the international relations discipline, by illustrating the value of analytic eclecticism to foreign policy analysis; an aspect that has been hugely under explored in the literature.
This chapter seeks to examine critically the role and contribution of a regional economic integration grouping to the understanding of the security problems of Third-World regions in the post-Cold War era and its implications for contemporary world politics. In general, it is located within the current International Relations debate concerning the role that regional organisations can play in maintaining international peace and security. The multipolar nature of the post-Cold War period and its constraints on unilateral intervention of major powers in domestic conflicts, the diversity and multiplicity of the new agendas of the so-called new world order, and the growth of globalisation have all contributed to reawaken policy and academic interest in security regionalism. At the international level, a variety of proposals have been put forward as solutions to address conflict situations in Africa, such as the American-sponsored African Crisis Response Initiative, and mercenary intervention as alternative models for international security. At the continental level a variety of home-grown strategies have been established to help resolve conflict situations in Africa. One such initiative is that of the ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG).
This article proposes to explain the post-Cold War practice of humanitarian intervention by drawing on the English School's international society approach. It argues that although the sovereignty versus human rights debate traditionally was framed in dichotomized terms, the post-Cold War practice of humanitarian intervention illustrated the possibility of a via media approach to these competing normative claims. Post-Cold War developments regarding the place of the conventional norms of sovereignty and non-intervention on the one hand and the growing space for the protection of human rights on the other, have eased worries about the prospect for order in the international system and created a suitable environment for including of humanitarian intervention without jeopardizing that order. To contextualize this development, the article will argue that Hedley Bull's discussion of such key terms as the international society, the centrality of states, the importance of norms, and normative change helps explain intervention in today's world. By building on that framework, the article draws attention to the enabling and constraining factors highlighted by the international society approach, and as such, concludes that the English school suggests both promise and caution regarding the prospects for humanitarian intervention in modern international relations.
The post-cold war’s initial optimism about the possibilities for human development, democratization and conflict resolution quickly yielded to more sober assessments about the prospects for international security and of multilateralism. Democratization has spread but so has micro-nationalism, fragmentation and massive human tragedies. The demise of East-West tensions did not end history but unleashed instead a far more painful period than Francis Fukuyama and others had hoped (Fukuyama 1992).
Wheeler, Nicholas; Bellamy, Alex, 'Humanitarian Intervention in World Politics', in The Globalization of World Politics : an Introduction to International Relations, eds., John Baylis, Steve Smith (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 522-539 Established market leader with an impressive line-up of international contributors who are experts in their fields. Maps on to introductory courses, spanning history, theory, structures and processes, and international issues. Carefully edited by John Baylis, Steve Smith and Patricia Owens to ensure an integrated and coherent style throughout the book. Highly accessible and student-friendly text with excellent learning features throughout, including numerous boxes, figures, tables and maps, case studies and questions. Comprehensive Online Resource Centre including test bank, PowerPoint slides, case studies, multiple choice questions, video clips, i-casts of contributors and a news feed. New to this edition: 3 new chapters on the changing nature of war, human security, and international ethics. Each chapter includes a 400-word case study. Now in its fourth edition, this internationally successful title has been fully revised and updated in light of recent developments in world politics, with new chapters on the changing nature of war, human security, and international ethics. A comprehensive introduction to international relations, it is ideally suited to students coming to the subject for the first time.
Mohamed Morsi was became Egypt’s first democratically elected president based on Presidential election held in 2012. However, he has been ousted from Presidential office just over one year into his presidency. President Morsi and Muslim Brotherhood leaders were arrested. Egypt’s Minister of Defense was appointed Adly Mansour as interim president until an election could take place based on the announcement of Egypt’s Minister of Defense. This announcement caused several days of bloodshed, since around 600 people were killed in clashes as police broke up protest camps of Morsi supporters. This condition raised international protest and urged immediate humanitarian intervention to end turmoil and save most Egyptians. This paper will analyzed whether or not the need of humanitarian intervention give an effective solution for Egypt’s crises.
Keywords : humanitarian, resolution, Egypt
During recent years, refugees and asylum seekers have come to be viewed as a threat to the internal order of states and to regional, and in some cases to global, security. This new emphasis on the security dimension of refugee movements has not taken place in a vacuum but has been reflected in recent policy and academic literature on refugee issues and has been a highly visible trend in debates within both the UN Security Council and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).1 Despite greater recognition of the links between security and forced displacement, intervention to stem refugee flows remains highly controversial. The fact remains, however, that the regionalization of conflict and the domestic instability caused by mass forced displacement or by protracted refugee situations, if left unaddressed, are likely to have serious consequences for regional and global security. Thus, the claims of states for greater security and the claims of refugees for greater protection must be brought into better harmony if the UN and the international community are to deal with this issue more effectively in the future.
The paper examines the assumptions, implicit and explicit, that have guided the use of force in support of humanitarian objectives in the 1990s. Drawing, in particular, on the cases of former Yugoslavia and Somalia, it questions some of the lessons that writers on «peace support operations» have drawn about the possibilities inherent in the «impartial» use of force.
While extensively occurring natural resources play a fundamental role in the survival and recovery of postwar populations,
their management is not presently part of the operational priorities in a peace process. Dependence on naturally occurring
food, fuel, water, secure locations, and products that can be obtained and sold quickly for dislocated, war-weary populations
is a primary approach to postwar livelihoods. The peace process, however, focuses on the logistical and institutional aspects
of security, demobilization, reintegration and humanitarian efforts. The result is profound degradation of the spatially extensive
resources necessary for longer-term recovery. The primary reason for the inattention to resource degradation in a peace process
is that conventional conservation approaches do not fit with the priorities of a peace process or attend to the immediate
needs of a postwar population; designed as they are for stable, peaceful settings. This article focuses on the need to derive
postwar natural resource management approaches which can work with the in-place priorities of a peace process. Four such approaches
are suggested, with successful examples from specific countries.
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