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Why people stigmatize: Toward a biocultural framework

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... A small set of researchers has begun to explore this possibility (e.g., Brewer & Alexander, 2002;Dijker, 1987;Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu, 2002;Mackie, Devos, & Smith, 2000); we review their approaches below. Our own belief in the importance of understanding the textured emotional reactions people have toward members of other groups emerges as an implication of a broader "sociofunctional" approach we have been developing to better account for a range of intragroup and intergroup phenomena (e.g., Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000). 1 To anticipate our argument, we suggest that the specific feelings people have toward members of other groups should depend on the specific tangible threats they see these other groups as posing: From qualitatively different threats should emerge qualitatively different, and functionally relevant, emotions. From this perspective, the concept of prejudice as general attitude is inherently problematic: Because the traditional prejudice construct aggre-1 In previous writings and presentations Neuberg & Cottrell, 2002) we have described this framework as biocultural. ...
... Effective groups tend to possess strong norms of reciprocity, trust among members, systems of effective communi-cation, authority structures for organizing individual effort and distributing group resources, common values, mechanisms for effectively educating and socializing members, members with strong in-group social identities, and the like (e.g., Brown, 1991). Individual group members should thus be especially attuned to potential threats to reciprocity (because others are either unwilling or unable to reciprocate), trust, value systems, socialization processes, authority structures, and so on (Neuberg et al., 2000). Finally, mere attunement to threats cannot be enough: Vigilance must be accompanied by psychological responses that function to minimize-or even eliminate-recognized threats and their detrimental effects. ...
... This process is similar to a rationalization tactic termed appeal to higher loyalties, which enables people to justify unethical behavior if they see it as necessary to achieve a superordinate goal-for example, ensuring company profitability (Anand, Ash- May put others' interests ahead of the organization's interests May be perceived as incapable of making hard decisions that could negatively impact stakeholders May reduce the likelihood of tough decisions when needed May stand against organization's actions and activities May be unwilling to do the "dirty work" that will result in profitability May be incapable of firing poor performers May undermine firm's financial situation May lack the motivation to want more or drive to "go to the next level;" may be indicative of lacking ambition May provide too much information that undermines organization's interests May not deal with reality May fail to put the company products and services in the most positive light May lack the desire to hustle May lose focus on the financial aspects of the firm May be distracted by ethereal concerns forth, & Joshi, 2005). Particularly for those who have accrued (or wish to accrue) valuable financial resources, status, and power in the current system (Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000), bolstering the system through stigmatization effectively protects self-interests. ...
... The complicated mechanisms by which individuals come to stigmatize virtue is beyond our scope here (see Heatherton, Kleck, Hebl, & Hull, 2000), but a few conditions must be in place. It must be done with sufficient evidence of the individual's virtue (as determined by what the person has said or done); the clearer the evidence, the more it is indicative of a dispositional tendency to engage in benevolent actions deemed dangerous and hence, warrant stigmatization (Neuberg et al., 2000). Similarly, there must be clarity that the virtues in question may disrupt the flow of interpersonal interactions (e.g., people becoming argumentative over virtue-related decisions) or result in individual, group, or organizational financial or career peril (see Jones, Farina, Hastorf, Markus, Miller, & Scott, 1984). ...
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We propose that some of our students are socialized with destructive thinking toward ethics and virtue that distorts their mindsets long before they enter our classrooms. Students are exposed to a plethora of language and thinking that espouses materialistic values and emphasizes power and winning at any cost. We delineate the "baggage" that students may carry into our classrooms, including disparaging virtue and vilifying people who need help. Ultimately, this socialization leaves some students morally broken and suspicious of those living ethical lives. We label this phenomenon the stigmatization of goodness, a process in which moral people are condemned because they are seen as threats to an organization's bottom line. We close with suggestions to confront this problem in our classrooms, including the need to teach students the ethics of care, which emphasizes the benefits of interconnection, caring, and shared interests.
... Potential origins of stigma have been identified by scholars (e.g., Cottrell and Neuberg 2005;Kurzban and Leary 2001;Neuberg et al. 2000), taking a social evolutionary approach and following three fundamental propositions formulated by Cottrell and Neuberg (2005: 771): ...
... As a stigmatizing attribute/condition exists in social interactions or relationships (Goffman 1963(Goffman /1990Jones et al. 1984) and because stigmatization is intended to ensure effective group functioning and collective survival (Cottrell and Neuberg 2005;Kurzban and Leary 2001;Neuberg et al. 2000), retraction stigma involves a variety of stakeholders that can be categorised into three concentric circles according to their stakes in the retracted research (Fig. 2). The inner circle consists of authors of retracted publications, their home institutions, journal authorities, third-party governing bodies of academic integrity, and research funding agencies, given their greater likelihood of being held responsible for the cause and handling of retractionengendering acts. ...
Article
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Retraction of published research is laudable as a post-publication self-correction of science but undesirable as an indicator of grave violations of research and publication ethics. Given its various adverse consequences, retraction has a stigmatizing effect both in and beyond the academic community. However, little theoretical attention has been paid to the stigmatizing nature of retraction. Drawing on stigma theories and informed by research on retraction, we advance a conceptualization of retraction as stigma. We define retraction stigma as a discrediting evaluation of the professional competence and academic ethics of the entities held accountable for retraction. Accordingly, we identify seven core dimensions of retraction stigma, consider its functional justifications at both social and psychological levels, and distinguish its various targets and stakeholders. In view of the central role of retraction notices, we also discuss how retraction stigma is communicated via retraction notices and how authors of retraction notices may exercise their retraction stigma power and manipulate the stigmatizing force of retraction notices. We conclude by recommending retraction stigma as a theoretical framework for future research on retraction and pointing out several directions that this research can take.
... Perception of threats can elicit specific emotions depending on the threatening outgroup (Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005;Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000), but a particular outgroup can also trigger a range of negative emotions. For instance, an outgroup can be perceived as forming a realistic, symbolic, and security threat and can also evoke feelings of intergroup anxiety (Stephan & Stephan, 1996a. ...
... Regarding why perceived threat was associated with less support to Syrian refugees, our findings show that this association was partly explained by negative emotions. This is in line with previous research demonstrating that perception of threat is associated with more negative emotions toward outgroups (Montada & Schneider, 1989;Verkuyten, 2009b) and that negative emotions are associated with less support to refugees and other minority groups (Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005;Neuberg, et al., 2000). This pattern of findings has suggested that the cognitive appraisal of Syrian refugees-as spreading diseases, affecting Turkish economy and social peace negativelyis associated with negative emotions that in turn are related to lower willingness to support Syrian refugees. ...
Article
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This research investigates individual’s support for social provisions and rights of Syrian refugees in Turkey. Support is examined in relation to perceived threat of Syrian refugees and negative emotions in combination with the perception of family and friends considering Syrian refugees a threat (negative descriptive social norm) and whether these significant others morally support these refugees (positive injunctive norms). A questionnaire study was conducted among Turkish participants (N = 565), and the results show that perception of threat was associated with negative emotions which, in turn, were related to less support to Syrian refugees. Additionally, perception of threat was associated with less support through negative emotions when perceived descriptive norms were strong. Further, perceived injunctive norms were associated with more support to Syrian refugees, but less so when people had stronger negative emotions. These findings suggest that with negative descriptive norms, threat‐based negative emotions are associated with less support to Syrian refugees, and that stronger negative emotions make the association between positive injunctive norms and support weaker.
... In this case it was adopted as a cleansing mechanism to purify immorality and appease the gods. Slicing, burning and advertising the slaves, criminals and traitors as tarnished and morally polluted was common among the ancient Greeks (Neuberg, Smith & Asher, 2000;Major & Eccleston, 2005). The stigmatised people were avoided, especially in public places as they were unfit for regular society (Goffman 1963;Neuberg et al., 2000). ...
... Slicing, burning and advertising the slaves, criminals and traitors as tarnished and morally polluted was common among the ancient Greeks (Neuberg, Smith & Asher, 2000;Major & Eccleston, 2005). The stigmatised people were avoided, especially in public places as they were unfit for regular society (Goffman 1963;Neuberg et al., 2000). ...
Article
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Home-Based Caregivers (HBCGs) remain significant in mitigating the impact of Human Immune Virus and Acquired Immune-deficiency Syndrome (HIV and AIDS). They ensure that despite the overloaded health care systems, AIDS patients remain cared, supported and treated with dignity in their family environments. Despite this commitment, HBCGs face several challenges which were not adequately scrutinised from the scientific perspective. This qualitative study aimed to explore and describe the HBCGs’ experiences of and coping strategies with courtesy stigma as one of their work-related challenges. Twenty-five HBCGs who were identified and recruited through purposive and snowball sampling techniques took part in this study. Data which was analysed and verified revealed that caregivers are undermined, devalued and even insulted due to their association with people living with HIV. This study further highlighted several pillars of strengths which keep them doing this work despite its difficulties. Implications of the findings are engaged and recommendations drawn from the social work perspective.
... Indeed, previous research suggests that women's cosmetics use can negatively impact perceptions of their trustworthiness (Etcoff et al., 2011). Further, from an evolutionary perspective, taking steps to gain a competitive advantage can compromise trust among in-group members (here, women), with this behavior evoking avoidance and social exclusion (Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000). Accordingly, Experiment 3 tested whether women's diminished desire to affiliate with made-up (compared to bare-faced) targets is mediated by women's belief that the made-up targets are competitively motivated and cannot be trusted. ...
... Taken together, the results are consistent with research indicating that appearance enhancement is a cue to intrasexual competition among women (Fisher & Cox, 2011), and that such enhancement can decrease perceptions of women's trustworthiness (Etcoff et al., 2011). These findings are also consistent with the idea that individuals respond with vigilance and avoidance when confronted with in-group members who they deem untrustworthy (e.g., Neuberg et al., 2000). Together, the current results suggest that women may perceive appearance enhancement by same-sex competitors as a strategic and deceptive act. ...
Article
Previous research demonstrates that women’s beauty is rewarded across a myriad of social contexts, especially by men. Accordingly, from a functional perspective, another woman’s attractiveness can signal competitive disadvantage—and evoke negative responses—among female observers. Further, because the benefits of beauty are rewarded based on superficial qualities rather than on merit or performance, women may perceive same-sex others who use appearance enhancement to gain advantages as being dishonest or manipulative. We examined these possibilities across four experiments testing whether college-aged women impose a strategic beautification penalty (SBP) on female targets that have enhanced their appearances with cosmetics. We found that women made more negative attributions about, and experienced diminished desire to affiliate with, female targets wearing (vs. not wearing) cosmetics. The SBP was: specific to female observers (Experiment 2); mediated by decreases in perceived trustworthiness (Experiment 3); and driven by less desirable women (Experiment 4). Importantly, the negative effects of beautification effort extended beyond the increased physical attractiveness that resulted from this effort. The results suggest that engaging in appearance enhancement can produce unintended negative consequences for relationships between women.
... To understand the evolved functions of disgust is to answer the question: Disgust evolved primarily as a response to infectious pathogens-as a response designed to facilitate the avoidance of contamination (e.g., Schaller & Park, 2011;Tybur, Lieberman, Kurzban, & Descioli, 2013)-and non-heterosexuals are stereotyped by many as posing health threats (e.g., Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005). Moreover, disgust has a second evolved function of facilitating the avoidance of moral contaminationand non-heterosexuals are stereotyped as undermining group values (e.g., Brambilla & Butz, 2013;Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005), violating normative gender roles (e.g., Pirlott & Neuberg, 2014;Winegard, Reynolds, Baumeister, & Plant, 2016), and counter-socializing children to become non-heterosexual and gender non-normative themselves (e.g., Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000). ...
... It is clear that the disgust prejudices held by many toward nonheterosexuals arise from stereotypes that they contaminate othersphysically and socially (e.g., Herek & Capitanio, 1998;Neuberg et al., 2000). Indeed, some people view homosexuality itself as a pathogen (Filip-Crawford, 2015;Filip-Crawford & Neuberg, 2016), and their behavioral responses (especially toward gay men) appear to track surprisingly well lay theories of how one should respond to the presence of infectious pathogens. ...
Chapter
The affordance-management approach conceptualizes stereotyping, stereotype content, prejudices, and discriminatory inclinations as interlinked cognitive, affective, and behavioral tools used to manage the social opportunities and threats afforded by other people. Presenting research from our labs, we show how the affordance management approach enhances understanding of why people are especially likely to categorize others using certain features (rather than alternative features), what the specific contents of our stereotypes are likely to be (and why this content is more nuanced than typically revealed by existing research), and how and why these stereotypes elicit similarly nuanced and functionally-linked prejudices and discrimination. We focus this discussion of stereotypes and stereotyping on the features of sex, age, home ecology, race, sexual orientation, and body size/shape, and we present novel concepts such as “directed” and “within-group” stereotypes. Then, elaborating on the specific, functional links between stereotypes and prejudices/discrimination, we present a novel distinction between “base” and “affordance” stereotypes, and we highlight the implications of the framework for better understanding sexual prejudices and “invisibility” stigma. We then briefly discuss the implications of our approach for stereotype accuracy and the psychology of those targeted by stereotypes, stereotyping, prejudices, and discrimination. In all, the affordance management approach to stereotyping and stereotypes generates a large number of novel predictions and findings, some of which pose significant challenges to popular traditional approaches to stereotype content, stereotyping, and prejudice.
... Third, alters can shape cultural beliefs that create hierarchies of physical or behavioral characteristics that are considered desirable or undesirable (Link and Phelan, 2001). Fourth, alters can also shape the norms of reciprocity in the community; when a person is unable to engage in the norms of reciprocity, they become targets of stigma (Neuberg et al., 2000). For example, when a person with mental illness violates norms of social exchange, he or she generates feelings of danger, uncertainty, and defensiveness in others, and thereby loses moral standing in the community (Yang and Kleinman, 2008). ...
Article
Rationale: HIV-related stigma profoundly affects the physical and social wellbeing of people living with HIV, as well as the community's engagement with testing, treatment, and prevention. Based on theories of stigma elaborating how it arises from the relationships between the stigmatized and the stigmatizer as well as within the general community, we hypothesized that social networks can shape HIV-related stigma. Objective: To estimate social network correlates of HIV-related stigma. Methods: During 2011-2012, we collected complete social network data from a community of 1669 adults ("egos") in Mbarara, Uganda using six culturally-adapted name generators to elicit different types of social ties ("alters"). We measured HIV-related stigma using the 9-item AIDS-Related Stigma Scale. HIV serostatus was based on self-report. We fitted linear regression models that account for network autocorrelation to estimate the association between egos' HIV-related stigma, alters' HIV-related stigma and alters' self-reported HIV serostatus, while adjusting for egos' HIV serostatus, network centrality, village size, perceived HIV prevalence, and sociodemographic characteristics. Results: The average AIDS-Related Stigma Score was 0.79 (Standard Deviation = 0.50). In the population 116 (7%) egos reported being HIV-positive, and 757 (46%) reported an HIV-positive alter. In the multivariable model, we found that egos' own HIV-related stigma was positively correlated with their alters' average stigma score (b=0.53; 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.42-0.63) and negatively correlated with having one or more HIV-positive alters (b=-0.05; 95% CI -0.10 to -0.003). Conclusion: Stigma-reduction interventions should be targeted not only at the level of the individual but also at the level of the network. Directed and meaningful contact with people living with HIV may also reduce HIV-related stigma.
... Stigma is defined as prejudice, discrimination, and negative stereotyping of a group based on a set of existing characteristics held as truths by a larger, more powerful in-group (Crocker 1999;Goffman 1963;Major and O'Brien 2005). Although stigma may evolve from a variety of factors (see Neuberg, Smith, and Asher 2000), in urban environments where racial and ethnic minority people are frequently stratified into homogeneous communities, stigma is primarily based on race and its connection with perceived disorder (Sampson 2012). Ellen (2000), and later Loury (2009), described dark skin as an easily observed trait that has become imbued with meaning about crime and disorder; this can cause overgeneralizations and stereotypes attached to a classification of people and the spaces where they live. ...
Article
Neighborhood stigma, founded on the idea that individuals avoid and denigrate spaces occupied by residents of color due to perceptions of crime and disorder, can influence travel patterns, impact housing markets, and exacerbate social and environmental justice issues. As a proliferation of urban greenways connecting once stratified communities, such stigma may also influence recreation behaviors. Using a series of observations and interviews with users and local residents, this study examined the impact of neighborhood stigma on recreational use of Chicago’s 606 Trail and surrounding communities. Results revealed why stigma occurs, how it manifests, and how different groups (e.g., White vs. Latinx residents) respond. Specifically, neighborhood stigma led White users to avoid trail segments, fueled discrimination, and catalyzed redevelop efforts in neighborhoods in the stigmatized area. This study illuminates concerns about the social impacts of urban park projects and provides insight for city officials looking to integrate greenways into diverse communities.
... Toward that end, although weight groups are objective to some degree (i.e., using one's BMI to categorize him or her), weight and its related stigma are socially constructed based on others' beliefs, judgments, and perceptions (Dovidio, Major, & Crocker, 2000;Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000). Even those who may currently fit cultural standards of normal weight but previously did not (i.e., were overweight/obese or recovered from their eating disorder) face residual effects of being a part of a stigmatized group when interacting with other people. ...
Chapter
Weight-based stigma is pervasive and is propagated via sociocultural and interpersonal messages that influence individuals’ identity. The ideals communicated in these messages place disproportionate value on appearance and have made weight an important component of attractiveness. Some cultures, particularly Western culture, hold a bias toward thin bodies and promote a bias against those who do not fit cultural ideals of slender or lean body shapes. This bias, judgment, stigma, prejudice, and discrimination toward individuals based on their size, shape, or weight is known as weightism. Most of the research regarding weightism has been conducted on obesity and overweight individuals because of the related public health concerns. However, because weight is a continuum on which individuals are frequently evaluated, stigmatization is experienced by individuals who are either over or under cultural norms for appropriate weight and toward those who engage in deviant weight-control behaviors (e.g., purging). Thus, because individuals with eating disorders are often underweight and have deviant eating behaviors, they also experience weight-based stigma and discrimination. There are a multitude of negative effects associated with being a part of these stigmatized weight groups, including lower self-esteem, less social confidence, greater body dissatisfaction, poorer mental health, and increased substance use and self-harm behaviors. These negative outcomes create a social divide between the stigmatized weight groups and others, wherein stigmatized individuals turn to negative health behaviors (e.g., bingeing and purging) in an effort to cope with their negative social experiences. Subsequently, they perpetuate their affiliation with their stigmatized weight group and the related health conditions.
... In fact, the Greeks are credited with marking slaves, criminals and traitors with cuts and burns to signify their "immortality" or "lack of fitness" for regular society (Goffman, 1963;Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000, p. 31). These marks were referred to as stigma, and an individual that bore such a mark was to be discredited, scorned and avoided (Neuberg et al., 2000). Although it is much less common to physically burn and cut individuals, the concept of stigma still exists in modern times and has been a vastly popular topic of 20 study. ...
... El estigma como fenómeno social ha acompañado a las sociedades humanas desde sus orígenes, evidenciándose su presencia en múltiples fuentes históricas y literarias, en torno a características y condiciones que en determinados contextos sociales descalificaban a una persona o a un grupo de personas como miembros plenos y válidos de sus sociedades (Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000). No obstante, el reconocimiento de su relevancia y el interés en su estudio desde las ciencias sociales surge a mediados del siglo XX, siendo la obra de Erving Goffman una de las primeras aproximaciones al estudio sistemático y formal de este fenómeno. ...
Article
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RESUMEN: Pese a su presencia temprana en las sociedades humanas, el estudio del estigma desde las ciencias sociales se inicia a mediados del siglo XX, constituyendo la definición de Erving Goffman del estigma como un atributo profundamente desacreditador dentro de una interacción social particular, una de las primeras aproximaciones al estudio sistemático y formal de este concepto. A diferencia de muchos autores contemporaneos, Goffman identifica oportunamente los rasgos propios del estigma social que permiten su clara delimitación con respecto a otros fenómenos vinculados a sus manifestaciones, siendo el reconocimiento de su singularidad conceptual el primer paso hacia el análisis y la compresión de sus complejas manifestaciones en diferentes contextos socio-culturales. La microsociología de Goffman y, de manera particular, su concepto de marcos, como esquemas generales que organizan la experiencia humana, ofrece un enfoque teórico fértil y, a la vez, poco explorado, para el análisis de este fenómeno y los mecanismos implicados tanto en su construcción social como en su impacto en los diferentes ámbitos de la interacción humana. Así, los marcos construidos, entre otros procesos, a partir de las narrativas y otras formas de comunicación popular, facilitan el reconocimiento y la codificación de objetos, situaciones, experiencias y secuencias de acciones desde el sistema de valores asumido por la comunidad, modificándose y ajustándose de manera continua a través del proceso de interacción social.Palabras claves: estigma; discriminación; microsociología; marcos; Goffman.ABSTRACT: Despite its early presence in human societies, stigma was not addressed by social sciences until mid-twentieth century, with Erving Goffman’s definition of stigma as a profoundly discrediting attribute within a specific social interaction being one of the first attempts to produce a systematic and formal study of this phenomenon. Unlike many contemporary authors, Goffman accurately identifies features of social stigma that allow for its clear delimitation from other social phenomena related to its manifestations, understanding the acknowledgment of stigma’s conceptual singularity as a first step required for analysis and comprehension of its complex manifestations in different socio-cultural contexts. Goffman’s microsociology and, particularly, his concept of frames as schemata of interpretation that organize human experience, provide a fertile and, at the same time, relatively unexplored, theoretical ground for the analysis of social stigma, and the mechanisms involved both in its social construction and its impact in different areas of human interaction. From that perspective, frames constructed, among other social processes, through narratives and other forms of popular communication, facilitate the recognition and coding of objects, situations, experiences and sequences of actions based on the value system assumed by specific communities, being continually modified and adjusted through social interaction.Keywords: stigma; discrimination; microsociology; frames; Goffman.
... ljutnju ili gađenje), koje dovode do negativnog stava. Evolucijski pristupi (Neuberg, Smith i Asher, 2000) naglašavaju kako negativni međugrupni stavovi imaju adaptivnu važnost smanjivanja prijetnje. Pretili ljudi mogli bi predstavljati prijetnju jer ih se vezuje uz fizičku bolest (nasuprot fizičkom zdravlju). ...
Article
Cilj je istraživanja bio ispitati eksplicitni i implicitni stav prema pretilim osobama kod studenata nekih pomagačkih struka u Hrvatskoj. U istraživanju je sudjelovalo 429 sudionika, studenata psihologije i socijalnog rada Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Stav je ispitan eksperimentalnom manipulacijom fotografije osobe kojoj je varirana težina (implicitna mjera) i upitnikom (eksplicitna mjera). Negativan je stav prema pretilima utvrđen i na implicitnoj i na eksplicitnoj mjeri. Dobivena je značajna razlika u procjenama radne uspješnosti i u procjenama triju dimenzija ličnosti osobe s obzirom na tjelesnu težinu na fotografiji. U odnosu na osobu prosječne težine sudionici su pretilu osobu procjenjivali manje radno učinkovitom, emocionalno nestabilnijom, manje ekstravertiranom i manje otvorenom prema iskustvima. Iako su studenti psihologije, u odnosu na studente socijalnog rada, "strože" procjenjivali obje osobe, interakcija tjelesne težine na fotografiji i vrste studija procjenjivača nije utvrđena. Sudionici su u prosjeku iskazali i umjerenu razinu eksplicitnoga negativnog stava prema pretilima. Utvrđena je i povezanost negativnog stava s desničarskom autoritarnosti. Implicitne su mjere bile značajno, ali nisko povezane s eksplicitnom, što upućuje da postoji "prikriveni" dio stava koji zahvaća samo implicitna mjera. Dobiveni rezultati daju uvid u nedovoljno istražene spoznaje o stavu prema pretilima kod pomagačkih struka u Hrvatskoj te mogu biti korisne smjernice za programe smanjenja negativnog stava.
... To maximize ingroup cohesion and success, members of a group should be particularly vigilant of threats to group functioningthat is, threats to trust, reciprocity, values, socialization, and authority (Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005;Neuberg & Cottrell, 2008;Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000). To prevent individuals from undermining group performance, humans possess psychological adaptations to reject certain people from their groups, especially if those people pose fitness costs for individual members or harm group functioning by violating ingroup norms and values (Kurzban & Leary, 2001;Kurzban & Neuberg, 2005). ...
Article
Stereotypes, prejudices, and discriminatory behaviors directed toward people based on their sexual orientation vary broadly. Existing perspectives on sexual prejudice argue for different underlying causes, sometimes provide disparate or conflicting evidence for its roots, and typically fail to account for variances observed across studies. We propose an affordance management approach to understanding sexual prejudice, which weds the fundamental motives theory with the sociofunctional threat-based approach to prejudice to provide a broader explanation for the causes and outcomes of sexual prejudice and to explain inter- and intragroup prejudices more broadly. Prejudices arise as specific emotions designed to engage functional behavioral responses to perceived threats and opportunities (i.e., affordances) posed by different sexual orientation groups, and interact with the perceiver’s chronic or temporarily activated fundamental motives (e.g., parenting, mating), which determine the relevance of certain target affordances. Our perspective predicts what stereotype content is likely to direct specific affective and behavioral reactions (i.e., the stereotypes that relay threat- and opportunity-relevant information) and when the affordance-emotion-behavior link is likely to engage (i.e., when those threats and opportunities are directly relevant to the perceiver’s current fundamental goal). This article synthesizes the extant sexual prejudice literature from an affordance management approach to demonstrate how fundamental goals interact with preexisting perceptions to drive perceptual, affective, and behavioral responses toward sexual orientation groups, and provides a degree of explanatory power heretofore missing from the prejudice literature.
... The available research and theory cannot yet answer these questions. Researchers propose that individuals will be subject to stigma if others suspect that their characteristics or their actions threaten effective group life (Neuberg et al. 2000;Stangor and Crandall 2000). Historically, people with visible impairments were thought to endanger group safety and survival if they could not perform necessary tasks and if they reproduced their abnormalities in the next generation. ...
Book
At a time when medical technologies make it ever easier to enhance our minds and bodies, a debate has arisen about whether such efforts promote a process of "normalization," which makes it ever harder to tolerate the natural anatomical differences among us. The debate becomes especially complicated when it addresses the surgical alteration, or "shaping," of children. This volume explores the ethical and social issues raised by the recent proliferation of surgeries designed to make children born with physical differences look more normal. Using three cases—surgeries to eliminate craniofacial abnormalities such as cleft lip and palate, surgeries to correct ambiguous genitalia, and surgeries to lengthen the limbs of children born with dwarfism—the contributors consider the tensions parents experience when making such life-altering decisions on behalf of or with their children. The essays in this volume offer in-depth examinations of the significance and limits of surgical alteration through personal narratives, theoretical reflections, and concrete suggestions about how to improve the decision-making process. Written from the perspectives of affected children and their parents, health care providers, and leading scholars in philosophy, sociology, history, law, and medicine, this collection provides an integrated and comprehensive foundation from which to consider a complex and controversial issue. It takes the reader on a journey from reflections on the particulars of current medical practices to reflections on one of the deepest and most complex of human desires: the desire for normality.
... IBD-related stigma arises when the bowel-focussed illness encounters societies' "everyday" bowel control rules. Every society is guided by basic rules about dirt, hygiene and avoidance of threat (Dovidio, Major, & Crocker, 2000;Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000); to enable smooth social interaction, progress and disease prevention, all dirt (including human waste) must be contained. Only the very young who have not yet learned control may emit waste in public. ...
Article
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Aim: to explore experiences of stigma in people with inflammatory bowel disease. Background: Diarrhoea, urgency and incontinence are common symptoms in inflammatory bowel disease. Social rules stipulate full control of bodily functions in adulthood: poor control may lead to stigmatisation, affecting patients' adjustment to disease. Disease-related stigma is associated with poorer clinical outcomes but qualitative evidence is minimal. Design: An interpretive (hermeneutic) phenomenological study of the lived experience of stigma in inflammatory bowel disease. Methods: Forty community-dwelling adults with a self-reported diagnosis of inflammatory bowel disease were recruited purposively. Participants reported feeling stigmatised or not and experiencing faecal incontinence or not. Unstructured interviews took place in participants' homes in the United Kingdom (September 2012 - May 2013). Data were analysed using Diekelmann's interpretive method. Findings: Three constitutive patterns - Being in and out of control, Relationships and social Support and Mastery and mediation - reveal the experience of disease-related stigma, occurring regardless of continence status and because of name and type of disease. Stigma recedes when mastery over disease is achieved through development of resilience - influenced by humour, perspective, mental wellbeing and upbringing (childhood socialisation about bodily functions). People travel in and out of stigma, dependent on social relationships with others including clinicians and tend to feel less stigmatised over time. Conclusion: Emotional control, social support and mastery over disease are key to stigma reduction. By identifying less resilient patients, clinicians can offer appropriate support, accelerating the patient's path towards disease acceptance and stigma reduction. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
... This sort of mixed-interaction experience is expected to create organizational frustration for the normal. Organizational frustration is comprised of negative feelings experienced when organizational events interfere with goal attainment and organizational maintenance (Fox & Spector, 1999;Spector, 1975Spector, , 1978, and it has been found to relate to aggression, complaints, and intention to quit (Chen & Spector, 1992;Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000). From the perspective of the normal in mixed interaction, the prestigiously stigmatized technology geek is not doing what he should to contribute to effective collaboration and is likely perceived as interfering with the normal's effort to get things done and meet goals. ...
Article
This paper examines “technology geek” through the social psychological lens of stigma. The research expands on an aspect of stigma that can materialize in work settings but has not been fully explicated in prior stigma theory, namely, prestige. The authors argue that a stigma may be worn with pride rather than shame, typified by the case of the technology geek, called “prestigious stigma.” The theory building focuses on interactions between the technology geek and others in the organization, positing that prestigiously stigmatized individuals behave in ways that differ from what social psychologists have generally posited for the stigmatized. This effort culminates in a model of mixed interaction involving the technology geek, which extends prior stigma theory and provides insights for practice and future research regarding technology professionals in organizations.
... Using this model, patients with mental illness may be perceived as a threat against a culture that emphasizes time-limited medical interventions with immediate resolution. Therefore, emergency providers may be threatened by a large volume of patients that challenge their self-efficacy [52]. Existing research on attitudes towards mental health patients in emergency department highlights this issue, describing an environment that is not conducive to good mental health care [53]. ...
Article
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Introduction: Stigmatizing attitudes and behaviours towards patients with mental illness have negative consequences on their health. Despite research regarding educational and social contact-based interventions to reduce stigma, there are limitations to the success of these interventions for individuals with deeply held stigmatizing beliefs. Our study sought to better understand the process of implicit mental illness stigma in the setting of a paediatric emergency department to inform the design of future educational interventions. Methods: We conducted a qualitative exploration of mental illness stigma with interviews including physician, nurse, service user, caregiver and administrative staff participants (n = 24). We utilized the implicit association test as a discussion prompt to explore stigma outside of conscious awareness. We conducted our study utilizing constructivist grounded theory methodology, including purposeful theoretical sampling and constant comparative analysis. Results: Our study found that the confluence of socio-cultural, cognitive and emotional forces results in labelling of patients with mental illness as time-consuming, unpredictable and/or unfixable. These labels lead to unintentional avoidance behaviours from staff which are perceived as prejudicial and discriminatory by patients and caregivers. Participants emphasized education as the most useful intervention to reduce stigma, suggesting that educational interventions should focus on patient-provider relationships to foster humanizing labels for individuals with mental illness and by promoting provider empathy and engagement. Discussion: Our results suggest that educational interventions that target negative attributions, consider socio-cultural contexts and facilitate positive emotions in healthcare providers may be useful. Our findings may inform further research and interventions to reduce stereotypes towards marginalized groups in healthcare settings.
... Today, our attention shifts from a bodily branded mark to how we perceive and are perceived by others regarding various sociallydefined labels. Several theories exist on how stigma is developed, including neurological perspectives (Amodio, 2014;Bos et al., 2013;Krendl et al., 2006), and evolutionary perspectives (Neuberg et al. 2000;Dovidio et al. 2008;Kurzban & Leary 2001). However, my focus will cover a broader perspective on how stigma is developed on a societal level. ...
Thesis
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Discourses about people who are rich and those who are poor are pervasive in our society. Online news media is one of the ways in which these power dominated messages are disseminated. Forty online news articles from four major news outlets in Canada were examined using Critical Discourse Analysis. Questions about how the language used in these news articles perpetuates stigma for people who are poor were explored. The findings show that most news articles use some form of stigmatizing language that has a detrimental impact on how people living in poverty are perceived. Negative stereotypes were pervasive, especially in the more conservative leaning news organizations. Ways of changing this language, and methods for reducing stigma are investigated.
... In terms of ultimate factors, prejudice may have developed to aid survival. Prejudice can help individuals avoid danger (Schaller, Park, & Faulkner, 2003;Stangor & Crandall, 2000), and can help ingroups uphold cohesion and functioning (Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000). Proximate factors contribute to prejudice as well, either to aid survival or as a byproduct. ...
Article
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Research has documented an overlap between people's aversion toward nonsocial pattern deviancy (e.g., a row of triangles with 1 triangle out of line) and their social prejudice. It is unknown which processes underlie this association, however, and whether this link is causal. We propose that pattern deviancy aversion may contribute to prejudice by heightening people's dislike of statistical minorities. Infrequent people in a population are pattern deviant in that they disrupt the statistical regularities of how people tend to look, think, and act in society, and this deviancy should incite others' prejudice. Nine studies (N = 1,821) supported this mediation. In Studies 1.1 and 1.2, adults' and young children's nonsocial pattern deviancy aversion related to disliking novel statistical minorities, and this dislike predicted prejudice against Black people. Studies 1.3 and 1.4 observed this mediation when experimentally manipulating pattern deviancy aversion, although pattern deviancy aversion did not directly impact racial prejudice. Study-set 2 replicated the proposed mediation in terms of prejudice against other commonly stigmatized individuals (e.g., someone with a physical disability). Importantly, we also found pattern deviancy aversion to affect such prejudice. Study-set 3 provided additional support for the mediation model. Pattern deviancy aversion predicted prejudice dependent on group-size, for instance, greater racial prejudice in cases where Black people are the statistical minority, but decreased racial prejudice when Black people are the statistical majority. Taken together, these findings indicate that people's aversion toward pattern deviancy motivates prejudice, and that this influence is partially driven by a dislike of statistical minorities. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).
... Stigma is stated as a simplified, standardized image of the disgrace of certain people that are commonly held where stigmatized people present a threat to effective group functioning (Smith 2007;Neuberg et al. 2000). The accelerating spread of COVID-19 and its upshots has led people to fear, panic, concern, and anxiety (Ahorsu et al. 2020), and thus, it constitutes stigma as the socio-psychological disease. ...
Article
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This commentary looks at the social stigma as a barrier to Covid-19 responses to community well-being in Bangladesh. The Covid-19 in Bangladesh particular the way the people respond this has many dimensions to view from sociological perspective. The main objective of this commentary is to analysis how this response is related to social stigma. Gathering information from the recent literature, results showed that there are number of causes around such stigma that include misinformation, feeling of insecurity, fear of responsibility, administrative malfunction, and lack of trust on treatment. These causes of stigma have number of forms such as humor-prone stigma, residential stigma, organizational stigma, community-stigma, and apathetical stigma. Results also show that there are many effects of stigma such as health-risks, harassment, discrimination, life-insecurity, psychological disorder, loss of social capital and emotional capital, shattering family bond and social solidarity that work as barrier to community well-being. This commentary recommends to overcome the barriers through strengthening and decentralization of the COVID-19 medical facilities including testing, tracing, formal quarantining, and special treatment for coronavirus in coronavirus hospitals by allocating a large figure of the state budget and also by taking initiatives of public-private partnership for health management.
... A stigma is a standardized disgrace image that is held by a community toward certain people [1]. People stigmatize others who present a threat to effective group function [2]. In case of infectious disease stigmas, the disgrace is being infected with a contagious disease. ...
Article
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Background Stigma has been noticed towards patients with COVID-19 in several regions of the world. This social discrimination has contributed to delay in diagnosis and treatment. Also, it may increase the suffering of the patients leading to poor outcome of the illness. Stigma can be assessed with the use of a valid and reliable instrument developed and adapted to our culture. Our objective was to analyze the psychometric properties of COVID-19 Infection Stigma Scale (CISS) for measuring the social stigma among patients with COVID-19 in Egypt. A cross-sectional study that included 182 COVID-19 patients was carried out. The reliability, the convergent validity, and the external and internal consistency of the scale were measured. Factor analysis was used to exclude the weak items. Results The mean of the COVID-19 Infection Stigma Scale scores was 34.97±10.35 which was higher than 50% of the score. Absence of the floor and ceiling effects was observed. Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for scale reliability ranged from 0.75 to 0.94 with 0.82 for the total score. The convergent validity coefficients ranged from 0.36 to 0.63. Test-retest validity Pearson’s correlation coefficients ranged from 0.72 to 0.92 with 0.89 for the total score. The split half correlation coefficient was 0.86, and the reliability coefficient was 0.92. Both were acceptable correlation coefficients for internal consistency of the scale. Factor analysis showed two factors had latent root greater than 1. The rotated component matrix of the 2 factors revealed that all questions had r value more than 0.30, which means that no need to exclude any of them. Conclusion The results showed that the COVID-19 Infection Stigma Scale is a valid and reliable instrument for the Egyptian people.
... S tigma is defined as "a simplified, standardised image of the disgrace of certain people that is held in common by a community at large". 1 Stigmatisation of diseases is considered the foremost barrier deterring people from seeking treatment. 2,3 In many instances, this is caused by the perceived risk of stigma outweighing the perceived benefit of healthcare-seeking behaviour. ...
Article
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Objectives: Infectious diseases are the most common cause of disease stigmatisation, which can lead to a denial of healthcare, education, housing and employment as well as physical violence. Such stigmatisation is common during pandemics. This study aimed to examine the social stigmatisation of COVID-19 among residents of Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Methods: A cross-sectional descriptive study was conducted in Riyadh in May 2020. Non-probability convenient sampling was used to recruit 847 participants through social media platforms, including WhatsApp. The data were analysed using descriptive statistics, the Pearson correlation coefficient and the chi-squared test were used along with a multiple linear regression model. Results: There was a high level of stigma among 21% of the participants and an intermediate level in almost 49% of the participants. Low stigma was indicated among 30% of the study's sample. A highly significant association existed between stigma, on the one hand, and older age groups, being married and lower levels of education, on the other. Conclusion: Future awareness programmes should educate patients and their families about stigma as well as the consequences of stigmatising COVID-19. Stigma eradication policies and interventions should be implemented to avoid potentially harmful consequences for public health.
... Stigmatization not only helps perceivers to form a holistic and a simplified understanding of the targets (33)(34)(35)(36), but also allows them to go beyond the available information about the targets and make judgments about their personality and behaviors (37). Stigmatizers strive to cultivate their biological and reproductive fitness through stigmatizing the diseased (19), dominating and exploiting others (11,12), for example, which aids a successful transfer of genes to the offspring (38,39). ...
Article
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The COVID-19 pandemic has been instrumental in creating a dramatic shift frompeople’s need to live in mutual association toward a desire to stigmatize distinctive others. Pandemic seems to be causing othering. Stated simply, stigmatization is a social process set to exclude those who are perceived to be a potential source of disease and may pose threat to the effective social living in the society. Based on the secondary evidence collected from news published online or in print, the present article delves into stigma associated with the COVID-19 pandemic among different social groups in the Indian society and the mounting cases of prejudice based on race, class, and religion. It also presents insights into the varied manifestations, and the deleterious consequences of COVID-19 inspired othering brought to its potential targets in India.
... During the early months of the pandemic, fear about the novel disease and death, misinformation, lack of knowledge about COVID-19, identification of infectious clusters, spreaders, or community outbreaks caused widespread fear, panic and anxiety across the globe (Sanjeet, 2020;Mahmud and Islam, 2020). Stigmatisation is a mark of disgrace that sets a person or a group of persons apart from others (Neuberg et al., 2000;Pescosolido, 2003;Ramaci et al., 2020). Social stigma has a variety of negative consequences that lead to reduction of patients seeking care or recovery, reduction in people adhering to interventions, including selfisolation (Giorgi et al., 2019). ...
... As Park et al. (2003, p. 82) note, from an evolutionary perspective, "these responses comprise only part of the larger, more complicated picture." People's attitudes toward a variety of stigmatized groups are often better characterized as ambivalent than as hostile (see Glick & Fisk, 2001;Katz & Haas, 1988;Neuberg et al., 2000;Ottati et al., 2005). Although people can have reasons to evaluate stigmatized people negatively (because, for example, they are seen as dangerous or a drain on resources), they can simultaneously have other reasons to evaluate them positively. ...
Article
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We develop a general measure of stigmatization based on an evolutionary analysis of social exclusion (Kurzban & Leary, 2001)—the General Evolutionary Motives for Stigmatization (GEMS) scale. The measure includes subscales for contagion, dangerousness, dishonesty, lack of mental resources, and lack of material resources. Study 1 provided initial validity information in the form of “stigma profiles” for different disparaged groups. Study 2 replicated and extended those findings and highlighted the utility of including an “average person” baseline. Studies 1 and 2 further demonstrated that the GEMS, together with a humanitarianism-egalitarianism measure (Katz & Hass, 1988), can predict ambivalent feelings about stigmatized groups. Limitations and potential uses of the measure are discussed.
... A stigma is a standardized disgrace image that is held by a community toward certain people [1]. People stigmatize others who present a threat to effective group function [2]. In case of infectious disease stigmas, the disgrace is being infected with a contagious disease. ...
... Stigmatizers believe that their attitude is shared by the community and have both the intention and the cognitive resources to stigmatize (Pescosolido & Martin, 2015). Stigmatizers engage in stigmatizing to exclude others, reduce competition, protect their own status, and reinforce their world view (Neuberg et al., 2000), or for altruistic reasons such as concern for others (Jensen et al., 2014). ...
Article
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What do events such as scandals, industrial accidents, activist threats, and mass shootings have in common? They can all trigger an audience’s stigma judgment about the organization involved in the event. Despite the prevalence of these stigma-triggering events, management research has provided little conceptual work to characterize the dimensions and processes of organizational event stigma. This article takes the perspective of the evaluating audience to unpack the stigma judgment process, identify critical dimensions for categorizing types of event stigma, and explore the role of the stigmatizers’ aesthetic, emotional, and cognitive reactions as well as their practical considerations in producing what we call “sticky stigmas.” Our event stigma typology provides clarity regarding how stigmas differ based on the types of events and audiences’ reactions and why some event stigmas are stronger and more long-lasting than others. We highlight the role of emotions and aesthetics in stigma formation and the various ethical dilemmas that influence stigma stickiness.
... Why might having a preference for solitude lead to ostracism? Evolutionary theories of stigma argue that, given the importance of coordinated efforts in group living, people have evolved to exclude others who do not conform to familiar interaction norms (Kurzban & Leary, 2001;Neuberg et al., 2000) such as those who are (or perceived to be) socially disengaged (Kerr & Levine, 2008). Similarly, developmental theories propose that children believe solitude seeking violates social norms about peer interactions and therefore respond negatively to peers who choose to be alone (Rubin et al., 1990(Rubin et al., , 1991. ...
Article
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What are the interpersonal consequences of seeking solitude? Leading theories in developmental research have proposed that having a general preference for solitude may incur significant interpersonal costs, but empirical studies are still lacking. In five studies (total N = 1,823), we tested whether target individuals with a higher preference for solitude were at greater risk for ostracism, a common, yet extremely negative, experience. In studies using self-reported experiences (Study 1) and perceptions of others’ experiences (Study 2), individuals with a stronger preference for solitude were more likely to experience ostracism. Moreover, participants were more willing to ostracize targets with a high (vs. low) preference for solitude (Studies 3 and 4). Why do people ostracize solitude-seeking individuals? Participants assumed that interacting with these individuals would be aversive for themselves and the targets (Study 5; preregistered). Together, these studies suggest that seeking time alone has important (and potentially harmful) interpersonal consequences.
... In the social sciences, evolutionary and social psychologists posit that the stigma process arises from the human need to survive (Major & O'Brien, 2005;Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000) and controlling the social environment is one way through which survival is assured. Social environments are controlled through the exclusion of others who may be different from the rest of the group. ...
Conference Paper
Background Disclosure decision-making refers to the way in which people affected by dementia choose to conceal or reveal their diagnostic status to others. Dementia is a stigmatised condition; the presence of stigma may generate reluctance to disclose a dementia diagnosis for fear of the consequences. Aims The aim of this thesis is to understand the influence of stigma on disclosure decision-making in dementia, to (1) establish the motivations for diagnostic secrecy and the barriers to disclosure in dementia, utilising literature on stigma, stigma reduction and decision-making; (2) test measures of stigma with people affected by dementia; (3) develop and test an intervention to support disclosure decision-making for people affected by dementia. Methods Robust methodology was employed to gather an initial understanding of the influence of stigma on disclosure decision-making through one conceptual and one systematic review, followed by adaptation and statistical analysis of psychometric instruments quantifying stigma in people affected by dementia. Intervention development and evaluation was conducted using Medical Research Council guidelines to create the first support group focussed on disclosure decision-making in dementia. Public and patient involvement was used throughout, ranging from the adaptation of psychometric instruments to intervention production being informed by coproduction principles. Results Stigma exacerbates the existing complexities in the nature of decision-making in dementia. Stigma measures for people living with dementia (N = 40) and carers (N = 70) were acceptable and suitable with adequate psychometric properties with some exceptions. Intervention development procedures resulted in a novel, 3-session, group based, dyadic (pairs of people living with dementia and their carers) approach heavily endorsed by stakeholders. Preliminary evaluation of the “who to tell, how and when?” intervention (N = 14; 7 dyads) is presented along with recommendations for further iterations. Conclusion Stigma negatively influences disclosure decision-making in dementia. Outputs of this thesis, with further testing, can help change this.
Article
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The present case study highlights the importance of person-situation interaction and the intake skills in psychotherapy. It is easy for a professional to get into the trap of joining client in blaming the 'obvious situation' for creating a mental health problem, despite being aware of the basic person-situation interaction formulation. Careful assessment is warranted to uncover person-situation interaction. Intake skills (for example, cost-benefit analysis, assessment of feasibility issues, ability to think of alternatives, etc.) play a role in developing successful psychotherapy contact and treatment planning. This paper follows a single case study approach, useful in highlighting issues in psychotherapy, through report of a therapy with a 29 year old woman seeking treatment for depression since five years following the death of her husband. Use of intake skills and interaction formulation has lead to better management and positive outcome for her in therapy.
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BACKGROUND: The uneven progression of mental health funding in the United States, and the way that the funding climate seems to be influenced by local and regional differences, raises the issue of what factors, including stigma, may impact mental health funding decisions. Criticisms that mental health stigma research is too individually-focused have led researchers to consider how broader, macro-level forms of stigma - such as structural stigma - intersect with micro-level forms of individual stigma. While some studies suggest that macro and micro stigma levels are distinct processes, other studies suggest a more synergistic relationship between structural and individual stigma. METHOD: Participants in the current study (N = 951; national, convenience sample of the U.S.) completed a hypothetical mental health resource allocation task (a measure of structural discrimination). We then compared participants' allocation of resources to mental health to participants' endorsement of negative stereotypes, beliefs about recovery and treatment, negative attributions, intended social distancing, microaggressions, and help-seeking (measures of individual stigma). RESULTS: Negative stereotyping, help-seeking self-stigma, and intended social distancing behaviors were weakly but significantly negatively correlated with allocating funds to mental health programs. More specifically, attributions of blame and anger were positively correlated to funding for vocational rehabilitation; attributions of dangerousness and fear were negatively correlated to funding for supported housing and court supervision and outpatient commitment; and attributions of anger were negatively correlated to funding for inpatient commitment and hospitalization. CONCLUSIONS: Individual stigma and sociodemographic factors appear to only partially explain structural stigma decisions. Future research should assess broader social and contextual factors, in addition to other beliefs and worldviews (e.g., allocation preference questionnaire, economic beliefs).
Chapter
Mental health stigma can be defined as the display of negative attitudes, based on prejudice and misinformation, in response to a marker of illness. Stigma creates mental distress for individuals, which furthers stigmatizing attitudes, thereby making it a relentless force and as incompetent in achieving life goals such as living independently or having a good job. Over the years, researchers have consistently highlighted the problem of mental health service underutilization within the Asians and Asian-Americans communities. As such, understanding the cultural contexts that facilitate good outcomes may offer a lever or stigma reduction. Thus, the purpose of this chapter is to understand and address the sociocultural and psychological paradigms of the stigma in mental health within Asians and Asian-Americans. This chapter will cover the history of stigma within the Asian culture, Asian's mental health, mental health services utilization within the Asian culture, and methods of addressing the stigma within the Asian culture to promote the utilization of mental health services.
Chapter
Mental health stigma can be defined as the display of negative attitudes, based on prejudice and misinformation, in response to a marker of illness. Stigma creates mental distress for individuals, which furthers stigmatizing attitudes, thereby making it a relentless force and as incompetent in achieving life goals such as living independently or having a good job. Over the years, researchers have consistently highlighted the problem of mental health service underutilization within the Asians and Asian-Americans communities. As such, understanding the cultural contexts that facilitate good outcomes may offer a lever or stigma reduction. Thus, the purpose of this chapter is to understand and address the sociocultural and psychological paradigms of the stigma in mental health within Asians and Asian-Americans. This chapter will cover the history of stigma within the Asian culture, Asian's mental health, mental health services utilization within the Asian culture, and methods of addressing the stigma within the Asian culture to promote the utilization of mental health services.
Chapter
This paper examines “technology geek” through the social psychological lens of stigma. The research expands on an aspect of stigma that can materialize in work settings but has not been fully explicated in prior stigma theory, namely, prestige. The authors argue that a stigma may be worn with pride rather than shame, typified by the case of the technology geek, called “prestigious stigma.” The theory building focuses on interactions between the technology geek and others in the organization, positing that prestigiously stigmatized individuals behave in ways that differ from what social psychologists have generally posited for the stigmatized. This effort culminates in a model of mixed interaction involving the technology geek, which extends prior stigma theory and provides insights for practice and future research regarding technology professionals in organizations.
Article
Research suggests that people's aversion towards pattern deviancy – distortions of repeated forms or models – contributes to social phenomena, such as prejudice. Yet, the factors motivating pattern deviancy aversion remain unclear. Potentially, anxious attachment, as it entails hypervigilant detection of and reactivity to social inconsistency and unreliability, heightens pattern deviancy aversion. In Studies 1 (N = 137) and 2 (N = 102), anxious but not avoidant attachment predicted aversion towards broken patterns of geometric shapes. In Studies 3 (N = 310) and 4 (N = 470), experimentally inducing anxious versus avoidant and secure attachment (Study 3), and versus a neutral prime (Study 4), heightened pattern deviancy aversion. Controlling for participants’ aversion towards unbroken patterns, novel objects, and negative stimuli did not change these results. Our findings demonstrate that anxious attachment is one antecedent of pattern deviancy aversion, and suggest that pattern deviancy aversion may underlie links between anxious attachment and certain social phenomena. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
Article
Purpose Through the lens afforded by two theories drawn from the discipline of social psychology, the purpose of this paper is to explain the evident continuing abuse of adults at risk living in care homes by the staff who should be looking after them. Design/methodology/approach By considering existing theories and research into the reasons why vulnerable adults are abused the paper proposes the relevance of other extant theories on the degradation of moral restraint and dehumanisation of victims, and on the social psychology of intergroup relations, to the perpetration of abuse. Findings The paper demonstrates how theories that explain the psychology of human behaviour in certain circumstances may be usefully applied to the inveterate social problem of the abuse of vulnerable adults living in care homes. Practical implications The paper offers the opportunity for the reader to consider how these theories of social psychology may be applied to explain and guide remedies to the persistent levels of abuse in English care homes, abuse that continues despite government oversight of care provided to adults who may be at risk by virtue of the activities of the statutory regulator and health and social care commissioners, and the interventions of safeguarding personnel. Originality/value This is a conceptual paper from which future research and theorising may arise to better understand the most fundamental causes of the abuse of older people in care homes in order to develop feasible and effective measures to overcome it.
Article
Recent evidence suggests that kinship stigma—the experience of being or feeling stigmatized by family members—arises in the stories of people with inflammatory bowel disease (IBD). Adopting Goffman’s definition of stigma as “an attribute which is deeply discrediting,” we used hermeneutic (interpretive) phenomenology to further explore the meaning of kinship stigma for people with IBD and reveal its significance. In total, 18 unstructured interviews took place in participants’ own homes in the United Kingdom, between July 2015 and April 2016. Transcripts were analyzed using a hermeneutic method to reveal three relational themes and one constitutive pattern. Referring to relevant literature, the presence and impact of kinship stigma on people with IBD is revealed. Kinship stigma—experienced as and meaning a lack of acknowledgment—may have wide-ranging implications for health and social care professionals caring for persons with IBD or other chronic illness and their families.
Article
Stigmas are a primal phenomena, ubiquitous in human societies past and present. Some evolutionary anthropologists have argued that stigmatization in response to disease is an adaptive behavior because stigmatization may help people and communities reduce the risks they face from infectious diseases and increase reproductive success. On the other hand, some cultural anthropologists and social critics argue that stigmatization has strong negative impacts on community health. One recent analysis resolved this conflict by hypothesizing that stigmas had individual and group-evolutionary benefits in the past but are now maladaptive because of intervening societal transitions. Here, we present a quantitative theory of infectious disease stigmatization. Using a four-compartment model of stigmatization against a chronic disease, we show a stigma ratio, being the ratio of net transmissions by stigmatized people to net transmissions by unstigmatized people, predicts the impact of stigmatization on lifetime infection risk. When stigmatized people are segregated from the rest of the population and there are no alternative interventions that reduce transmission, stigmatization can reduce prevalence and infection risk. When stigmas do not lead to segregation but do discourage behavior change and reduce access to medical interventions, stigmatization acts to increases the lifetime risk of infection in the community. We further show that fear of stigmas can create policy resistance to healthcare access. The societal consequences of fear are worse when effective medical treatment is available. We conclude that stigma’s can be adaptive, but good healthcare and leaky ostracism can make stigmas against chronic infectious disease maladaptive, and that the deprecation of stigmas is a natural transition in the modern urban societies.
Chapter
Sociology, ethology, and sociobiology are disciplines that deal with the interplay between biological factors and social behavior and the development of human society and civilization from a Darwinian evolutionary perspective. This chapter discusses the basic principles behind these scientific disciplines and their contribution to our knowledge concerning human behavior and human societies by describing fundamental mechanisms and processes.
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Objective To investigate factors associated with the stigmatization of people of Asian descent during COVID-19 in the United States and factors that can mitigate or prevent stigmatization. Design A national sample survey of adults (N = 842) was conducted online between May 11 and May 19, 2020. Outcome variables were two dimensions of stigmatization, responsibility and persons as risk. Hierarchical regression analyses were performed. Results Racial prejudice, maladaptive coping, and biased media use each explained stigmatization. Racial prejudice, comprising stereotypical beliefs and emotion toward Asian Americans, was a stronger predictor of stigmatization than maladaptive coping or biased media use. Fear concerning the ongoing COVID-19 situation and the use of social media and partisan cable TV also predicted stigmatization. Low self-efficacy in dealing with COVID-19, when associated with high estimated harm of COVID-19, increased stigmatization. High perceived institutional efficacy in the handling of COVID-19 increased stigmatization when linked to high estimated harm of COVID-19. On the other hand, high perceived collective efficacy in coping with COVID-19 was associated with low stigmatization. More indirect contacts with Asians via the media predicted less stigmatization. Conclusions Efforts to reduce stigmatization should address racial stereotypes and emotions, maladaptive coping, and biased media use by providing education and resources to the public. Fostering collective efficacy and media-based contacts with Asian Americans can facilitate these efforts.
Article
Calls for progress in health literacy argue that efforts across society are promising for increasing capacities at a broader level. However, it is unknown how the general public perceives people who struggle with health information. While it may be ideal to establish interventions beyond the individual, stigma held by others could limit this work. This study explores whether one’s personal health literacy skills are associated with stigma enacted toward others who struggle with health literacy. Adults (N = 5,151) responded to a survey consisting of health literacy assessments and a vignette in which a patient made a health-related mistake. Differences were observed regarding the number of participants who self-reported (n = 251) versus objectively scored as having low health literacy (n = 794). Participants who self-reported (MlowHL = 5.67, MhighHL = 5.99, p < .01) or had low objective health literacy (MlowHL = 5.75, MhighHL = 6.01, p < .001) exhibited less pity for the person in the vignette than health literate participants. Participants were more demanding of a young person featured in the vignette (33-year old), indicating greater personal responsibility (M72 = 5.12, M33 = 5.67), anger (M72 = 4.54, M33 = 5.57), and less pity (M72 = 6.18, M33 = 5.75) compared to an older person (72-year old). Results from the present study suggest contradictory perceptions among patients who are likely to feel stigma themselves.
Chapter
This chapter explores the construct of stigma and the multiple ways it manifests itself in the work and life experiences of individuals with autism as well as their families. A formal diagnosis of autism may lead to a person experiencing stigma. Individuals who have not been formally diagnosed with ASD may also be stigmatized if they display characteristics of autism. The stigma of individuals with ASD is unique from the stigma felt by individuals with other disabilities. This is because autism is considered an invisible disability. The families of individuals with autism may also experience stigmatization. Individuals with autism may be stigmatized in many phases of their employment.
Article
Stigma is defined by the World Health Organization (WHO) as "a mark of shame, disgrace or disapproval that results in an individual being rejected, discriminated against and excluded from participating in a number of different areas of society". Extensive literature searches have documented stigma in the context of health. Among the physical health conditions that are associated with stigma, chronic pain deserves particular attention. Stigma experienced by individuals with chronic pain affects their entire life. Literature identifies multiple dimensions or types of stigma, including public stigma, structural stigma and internalized stigma. Recent literature supports the biopsychosocial model of pain, according to which biological, psychological and sociocultural variables interact in a dynamic manner to shape an individual's response to chronic pain. Chronic pain affects a higher proportion of women than men around the world. There is an inadequate education of health care professionals regarding pain assessment and their insecurity to manage patients with chronic pain. A first-line intervention strategy could be to promote pain education and to expand knowledge and assessment of chronic pain, as recently highlighted for headache disorders, paradigmatically for resistant or refractory migraine, whose diagnosis, without an adequate education to understand the possible fluctuations of the disease, may have profound psychological implications with the idea of insolvability and contribute to stigmatizing the patient.
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In two separate studies with Israeli and with German sudents, we examined whether 1) the usual intergroup biases predicted by social identity theory characterize relations between these groups, 2) perceived value similarity is related negatively to intergroup antagonism, as suggested by belief congruence theory, and 3) particular value stereotypes are associated with intergroup antagonism, as predicted by a dehumanization approach. Given the historical context of relations between Jews and Germans, we hypothesized that Israeli respondents show the typical ingroup bias in social motives toward German students, but that German respondents do not show ingroup bias toward Israelis. Hypotheses derived from the three theories were generally confirmed in a study of the antagonism/altruism of social motives that 119 Israeli students thought typical Israeli and German education students would express toward each other in an allocation task. The hypotheses received partial support in a parallel study of 117 German students, which also included a social distance measure. Strikingly, German respondents thought German students would reverse the usual ingroup bias and would show favoritism to the Israeli outgroup.
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The literature on prisoners is extensive but tends to neglect the “outcasts among outcasts.” This article discusses how two such groups of outcasts—informers and sex offenders—are viewed by other inmates. It is argued that there is a qualitative difference in the moral condemnation of the two. This is shown in their different victim status and in that responsibility and motives are attributed differently. Furthermore, excuses can be considered for sex offenders but not for informers. While the aim of harassment for sex offenders is a sealing of status boundary, it is a sealing of norm boundary for informers. These differences as well as different levels of intensity of indignation are explained by a Simmelean analysis of group‐context and conflict. Informers are seen as traitors, i.e. having belonged to the group, while sex offenders are seen as non‐members, never having belonged to the group and not wanted as presumtive members.
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The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
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Two studies tested the schema-based distrust interpretation of the tendency of intergroup relations to be more noncooperative (or competitive) than interindividual relations. According to this interpretation, anticipated competitiveness rationally leads to noncooperativeness or defensive withdrawal. Thus, the postulated motivation is fear of the group's competitive intent. Study 1 was a nonexperimental investigation in which discussion of distrust of another group was assessed and correlated with the number of cooperative choices. As predicted, the greater the within-group discussion of distrust for the other group, the less the number of cooperative choices. Study 2 was an experimental investigation that included as independent variables intergroup versus interindividual relations and PDG matrix versus PDG-Alt matrix (PDG matrix plus a third Alt or withdrawal choice producing intermediate outcomes regardless of the opponent's choice). As predicted, there were more withdrawal choices on the PDG-Alt matrix for groups than for individuals. However, it was still found that on the PDG-Alt matrix (where a safe withdrawal choice is possible), groups competed more than individuals. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Three studies (with a total of 92 female undergraduates) investigated the contention that stereotypes function as resource-preserving devices in mental life, using a dual-task paradigm. In Study 1, Ss formed impressions of targets while simultaneously monitoring a prose passage. The results demonstrated a significant enhancement in Ss' prose-monitoring performance when stereotype labels were present on the impression-formation task. To investigate the intentionality of this effect, in Study 2, the procedures used in Study 1 were repeated using a subliminal priming procedure to activate stereotypes. Subliminal activation of stereotypes produced the same resource-preserving effects as supraliminal activation did. This effect, moreover, was replicated in Study 3 when a probe reaction task was used to measure resource preservation. These findings, which generalized across a range of social stereotypes, are discussed in terms of their implications for contemporary models of stereotyping and social inference. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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The theory of downward comparison posits that persons experiencing negative affect can enhance their subjective well-being through comparison with a less fortunate other, the process occurring on either a passive or active basis. The present author discusses the basic principle of downward comparison and its corollaries and suggests that these represent the motivational process for phenomena observed in several areas of social psychology. Evidence is considered from studies of the fear-affiliation effect, choice of others for social comparison, scapegoating, projection, aversive environmental events and attraction toward others, social prejudice, hostile aggression, and humor. It is shown that downward comparison principles encompass empirical evidence from these areas, account for nonreplications as well as confirmatory findings, and provide a theoretical basis for the relation among the various phenomena. (111 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Although theories of prejudice have been extensively catalogued, empirical confrontations between competing theories are rare. The present study tested 2 major theoretical approaches to prejudice by Whites against Blacks: realistic group conflict theory, which emphasizes the tangible threats Blacks might pose to Whites' private lives; and a sociocultural theory of prejudice termed symbolic racism, which emphasizes abstract, moralistic resentments of Blacks, presumably traceable to preadult socialization. The main dependent variable was suburban Whites' voting behavior in 2 mayoral elections in Los Angeles, both strongly influenced by racial issues, that matched the same 2 candidates, 1 Black and 1 White. In both elections, symbolic racism (sociocultural prejudice) was the major determinant of voting against the Black candidate for people removed from possible personal threats posed by Blacks as well as for those at risk. Direct racial threats to Whites' private lives (to their jobs, their neighborhoods, their children's schooling, their families' safety) had little effect on either anti-Black voting behavior or symbolic racism. Implications for theories of prejudice and for interpretations of the effects of voters' private lives on their political behavior are discussed. (32 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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The purpose of this pilot study was to determine if greater physical distance existed between a person with a visible physical stigma and non-disabled persons than existed between persons without a visible disability. A significant ( p < .05) movement away from the person with a disability was found. The results suggest the possibility of using physical distance as a criterion measure for stigma.
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Conducted 2 experiments with a total of 64 undergraduates to demonstrate a general strategy for detecting motives that people wish to conceal. The strategy involves having people choose between 2 alternatives, one of which happens to satisfy the motive. By counterbalancing which one does so, it is possible to distill the motive by examining the pattern of choice that people make. The motive employed was the desire to avoid the physically handicapped. It was predicted that because most people would not wish to reveal this desire, they would be more likely to act on it if they could appear to be choosing on some other basis. Results show that Ss avoided the handicapped more often if the decision to do so was also a decision between 2 movies and avoidance of the handicapped could masquerade as a movie preference. (17 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
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The main chapter argues that a consideration of the evolutionary literature is not only a potentially useful tool in generating hypotheses about social psychological phenomena but that it is also an essential framework for a full understanding of the phenomena. The other goal is to show that social psychological methods and findings can help provide essential pieces of the puzzle connecting evolutionary psychology and cognitive science. The chapter summarizes the general principles of evolutionary social psychology. The chapter considers a number of studies conducted in the area of gender differences in attraction and mate selection that wed the traditional evolutionary and social psychological approaches. Perhaps because of the importance of individual differences and differential reproduction to evolutionary theory, mate selection is one of the research areas that have resulted in a great deal of fruitful cross-fertilization. The chapter discusses that the implications of these and related findings should concern all social psychologists, and not only those studying heterosexual relationships. Several researchers working in the areas of aggression, altruism, and group processes have considered the ultimate implications of their findings.
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Hovland and Sears (1940) reported high correlations between economic indexes and the number of Black lynchings in the American South. We reanalyzed the Hovland-Sears data set, a classic in social psychology, by using modern time-series techniques to provide better controls for the possible artifacts of trend, seasonality, and serial dependency. Correlations between the economic indexes and number of lynchings were significant, but the magnitude was less than was reported by Hovland and Sears. A new analysis examining the relation between White lynchings and economic indexes following the procedure used by Hovland and Sears yielded positive correlations, contrary to expectation. However, when time-series techniques were applied to these data the correlations were negative and approached statistical significance. Also, Davies's (1962) temporal relative deprivation hypothesis was partially supported when lagged variables were used. Thus, this article illustrates the importance of applying time-series techniques to temporal data to control for common artifacts.
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The ultrasociality of human beings, unlike that of the social insects, is beset by competition among social co-operators. Four social mechanisms to deal with this problem are discussed: mutual monitoring, internalized restraint, legal control and market mechanisms. Each is investigated in sociobiological perspective.
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1. The Belief in a Just World.- 2. The First Experiment: The Effect of Fortuitous Reward.- 3. The Second Experiment: Observers' Reactions to the "Innocent Victim".- 4. The Third Experiment: The Martyred and Innocent Victims.- 5. Three Experiments That Assess the Effects of Sex and Educational Background of Observers, Experimenter and Observer Influence on One Another, and the Reactions of "Informed" and Nonimplicated Observers.- 6. Reactions to the Belief in a Just World Theory and Findings: The "Nay-Sayers".- 7. Condemning the Victimized.- 8. The Assignment of Blame.- 9. The Response to Victimization: Extreme Tests of the Belief in a Just World.- 10. Who Believes in a Just World: Dimension or Style.- 11. Deserving versus Justice.- References.
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Three approaches to the nature of human rationality are considered: Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky on decision making, David Hume on causation, and Peter Strawson on morality. All are seen as deploring the state of rational thought and despairing of the human capacity for logic. Their implicit model of the perfectly rational human is explored with the help of Mr. Spock and found to be of doubtful value considered in terms of evolutionary survival, where "prejudgment" is essential to decision making under stress. The glimmerings of this insight are found in Hume's "therapeutic" solution to his existential dilemma, and a general argument is made - with the help of side glances at prototype theory, linguistics, categorical thinking, and archetypes - that rationality cannot be equated with "logic" as generally understood but rather consists of a series of pragmatic prejudgments of reality that have stood the test of natural selection. This leads to a reconstruction of the idea of "prejudice" from a negative to a mildly positive attribute, with examples drawn from Charles Lamb and Paul Robeson, and hence to the conclusion that prejudice is not a warped form of thought but that thought is a particular form of prejudice.
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This chapter highlights the role that social comparison processes and attributions of responsibility play in translating social inequality into beliefs about personal and collective entitlement. The chapter illustrates the importance of entitlement as an explanatory construct in understanding the ways in which members of different social groups react to their socially distributed outcomes. This chapter organizes into a systematic framework current knowledge about the psychological antecedents and consequences of beliefs about entitlement. The chapter addresses the ways in which social comparison processes and attributions contribute to the development of a lesser sense of personal entitlement among members of objectively disadvantaged groups. Social comparison biases tend to prevent awareness of disadvantage, and attribution biases tend to legitimize disadvantage. As a result, what “is” has a marked tendency to become what “ought” to be. These processes are illustrated through a program of research on the origins of gender differences in personal entitlement to pay. Gender differences in entitlement are proposed to underlie the finding that women and men typically do not differ in their life, job, or marital satisfaction, despite situations at work and at home that are disadvantageous for women compared to the situations of men. The chapter considers the reason for members of other disadvantaged groups; for example, African—Americans; expressing discontent with their objectively unjust situations. The situational and personal factors that prompt people to compare with advantaged outgroups and that lead them to question the legitimacy of outcome distributions result in elevated entitlement among the disadvantaged and correspondingly higher levels of discontent.
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This chapter describes the naive explanation of human actions, theory of correspondent inferences, personal involvement and correspondence, and the recent research concerning phenomenal causality and the attribution of intentions. The cognitive task of establishing sufficient reason for an action involves processing the available information about, or making assumptions about, the links between stable individual dispositions and observed action. The dispositional attributes are inferred from the effects of action, but not every effect is equally salient in the inference process. The perceiver's fundamental task is to interpret or infer the causal antecedents of action. When a person's actions have certain consequences, it is important for the perceiver to determine whether the person was capable of producing these consequences in response to his intentions. Where an actor fails to produce certain effects that might have been anticipated by the perceiver, there may be ambiguity as to whether the actor did not want to produce the effects, or wanted but was not able to. The attribution of intentions is that actions are informative to the extent that they have emerged out of a context of choice and reflect a selection of one among plural alternatives. However, the distinctiveness of the effects achieved and the extent to which they do not represent stereotypic cultural values, determine the likelihood that information about the actor can be extracted from an action. To say that an inference is correspondent, then, is to say that a disposition is being rather directly reflected in behavior, and that this disposition is unusual in its strength or intensity. In-role behavior is supported by too many reasons to be informative about the actor. However, out-of-role behavior is more informative because the effects of such actions are distinctive and not to be dismissed as culturally desirable.
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Research on antifat attitudes in the United States has shown the position of antifat attitudes in an ideological network and the importance of attributions of control to prejudice against fat people. To test the role of blame and ideology in antifat prejudice, the authors compared attitudes among students in the United States and Mexico. Mexican students were significantly less concerned about their own weight and more accepting of fat people than were U.S. students. Antifat attitudes in the United States were part of a social ideology that holds individuals responsible for their life outcomes and may derive from attributions of controllability over life events. Attributions of controllability were significantly less important in Mexico for predicting antifat attitudes, and antipathy toward fat people showed no evidence of being part of an ideological network. Prejudice toward fat people in the United States appears to have a significant ideological component.
Article
Moreland and Levine (1982) proposed a model of group socialization that describes and explains the passage of individuals through groups. In that model, the relationship between the group and the individual is assumed to change in systematic ways over time and both parties are viewed as active social influence agents. This chapter summarizes the group socialization model, discusses theoretical elaborations and extensions of the model, and reviews some empirical studies stimulated by the model.
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Food sharing has been proposed as the propeller of hominid evolution, particularly of the development of systems of mutual social obligation. Yet, food sharing in our closest relative has never been subjected to a rigorous analysis of reciprocity. Provisioning of branches and leaves to nineteen chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) in an outdoor corral resulted in 4,653 interactions over food. Food trials were characterised by increased levels of aggressive as well as appeasement behavior. Food exchanges among the nine adult group members (one male, eight females) were remarkably balanced per dyad, and sharing of individual A with B correlated positively with sharing of B with A (r = 0·552). After adjustment of the data for effects of proximity and dominance relationships, a significant degree of reciprocity remained. Individual A's sharing with B on a particular day, however, could not be predicted on the basis of B's sharing with A on the previous trial day. Social grooming earlier during the same trial day did have an effect. Individual A was more likely to share with B after B had groomed A, but less likely after A had groomed B. This suggests a turn-taking rule in the exchange of social favors, which prevents one-sided accumulation of benefits. Individuals who were reluctant to share (i.e., showed a low rate of food distribution) had a higher probability of encountering aggression when they themselves approached food possessors.
Article
This paper discusses American society's pathological reactions toward persons with physical impairments with respect to psychological barriers and pejorative labeling. The issue of stigmatization is discussed, and evidence is provided to suggest that people with visible impairments are treated as second‐class citizens and avoided by members of this culture. Studies show that physically nonimpaired interactants are unprepared for encounters with physically impaired communicators; thus, they experience stress in situations where interaction is necessary. This paper explores proactive communication strategies to reduce stigmatization.
Article
Whites' racial attitudes have become complex, with feelings of friendliness and rejection toward Black people often existing side by side. We believe these conflicting sentiments are rooted in two largely independent, core value orientations of American culture, humanitarianism–egalitarianism and the Protestant work ethic. We devised four scales, Pro-Black, Anti-Black, Protestant Ethic (PE), and Humanitarianism–Egalitarianism (HE). In Study 1, the scales were given to White students at eight colleges. As predicted, significant positive correlations were usually found between Pro-Black and HE scores and between Anti-Black and PE scores, whereas other correlations tended to be much lower. In Study 2, we used a priming technique with White students to test for causality. As predicted, priming a given value raised scores on the theoretically corresponding attitude but did not affect scores on the other attitude; priming a single attitude influenced scores on the corresponding value, but not on the other value. Implications are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Under the guise of a test-retest reliability study, 124 college students were asked to rate the attractiveness of the photos of Caucasian males, with a fictional information on the depicted individual's social status and character. After 1 wk, Ss again rated photos—half repeated and half new and without descriptions—and were asked which of the photos they remembered. Responses were analyzed in a 2 × 3 × 2 factorial design, with the 3rd factor being sex of the respondent. As predicted, the Ss showed bias for remembering faces initially presented as cheaters. There were also 2 significant interactions: (1) the bias was mitigated when the face was also presented as a person of high status; and (2) the bias was stronger for males. These results support the idea that humans have evolved highly selective attention and storage mechanisms for processing social information, with both character (cheating potential) and status as important features. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The book is primarily intended for upper-level undergraduate classes and graduate courses in psychology, sociology, and related disciplines. [It] provides students with a comprehensive review of research literature on helping and altruism and gives the reader a sense of how individual studies fit into the big picture of prosocial behavior. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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The authors argue that self-image maintenance processes play an important role in stereotyping and prejudice. Three studies demonstrated that when individuals evaluated a member of a stereotyped group, they were less likely to evaluate that person negatively if their self-images had been bolstered through a self-affirmation procedure, and they were more likely to evaluate that person stereotypically if their self-images had been threatened by negative feedback. Moreover, among those individuals whose self-image had been threatened, derogating a stereotyped target mediated an increase in their self-esteem. The authors suggest that stereotyping and prejudice may be a common means to maintain one's self-image, and they discuss the role of self-image-maintenance processes in the context of motivational, sociocultural, and cognitive approaches to stereotyping and prejudice. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
examines the phenomenon of ambivalence and its effect on black-white interaction / review empirical findings that document its existence and then suggest how it might be rooted in core American values outline a theory of ambivalence-induced behavioral amplification, presenting some experimental results and plans for future research evidence of both problack and antiblack attitudes [are whites against school desegregation, are whites against affirmative action] racial attitudes and general values / research on ambivalence and behavior (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Presents the findings of a 10-yr study of tribal attitudes and perceptions. Questionnaire and interview data from 50 Ss in each of 30 ethnic groups are used to establish in- and out-group patterns and to delineate political feelings. On the basis of these data a unified theory of ethnocentrism is suggested which would be applicable globally and in other fields of the social sciences. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The development of prejudice and discrimination has its roots in our genetic/evolutionary heritage. Although the specific targets of prejudice are primarily determined by the culture and history of the society in which people reside, the particular socialization experiences children and adolescents have can alter these influences. As Harold Fishbein explains, research shows that prejudice and discrimination have different developmental courses and, moreover, that development within each domain—ethnicity, gender, deafness, mental retardation—is somewhat unique. Fishbein contends that prejudice and discrimination can be reduced. . . . One factor that appears to have a powerful influence in both the transmission of prejudice and its reduction is the sanction of members of the most dominant groups in a culture. Thus, prejudice and discrimination from a societal point of view are top–down phenomena. This book is a . . . text for advanced courses in developmental and social psychology as well as useful supplemental reading for courses in biological or evolutionary psychology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
A universal contention in the psychological literature is that attitudinal similarity leads to attraction. I argue that attitudinal similarity does not lead to liking but that dissimilarity does indeed lead to repulsion. Primary attention is given to Byrne's experimental paradigm in which subjects are shown the attitude scale of a stranger that is similar or dissimilar to their own and who are then asked to indicate their attraction to the stranger. Consistently, Byrne and others have found a linear relation between similarity and attraction. Unfortunately, the Byrne paradigm has never included a control condition in which ratings are made in the absence of attitudinal information. Research that used the Byrne paradigm and other procedures that included an appropriate control group is reported, and support is found for a repulsion hypothesis. Byrne's reinforcement model of attraction is also shown not to be supported. Consideration is given to special conditions in which attitudinal similarity does lead to attraction, to the origins of the hypothesis that similarity leads to attraction, and to the theoretical basis for the repulsion effect. (49 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
A review of the literature pertaining to Rokeach, Smith, and Evans' (1960) belief congruence theory provided a context for discussion of some methodological and theoretical issues relating to conceptualization of the dependent variables, beliefcontent, belief discrepancy, meaningfulness of the race—belief comparison, attitude—belief feedback loops, attitude structure, and the relation between self and ideal similarity. The literature was judged supportive of a weak version of belief congruence theory which states that in those contexts in which social pressure is nonexistent or ineffective, belief is more important than race as a determinant of racial or ethnic discrimination. Evidence for a strong version of belief congruence theory (which states that in those contexts in which social pressure is nonexistent, or ineffective, belief is the only determinant of racial or ethnic discrimination) and was judged much more problematic.
Article
This study tests three hypotheses concerning types of individuals who are likely to be excluded from a community for mental illness. An "exclusion index" is developed, based on the ratio of involuntary to voluntary commitments to mental hospitals with high ratios indicating high rejection or low community tolerance of deviance. The patient sample consists of 14,304 first admissions to the three State Mental Hospitals in Washington State, for the period 1957-1964. 1. Communities have a greater propensity to exclude for deviance lower class persons and members of low status racial-ethnic groups. The findings indicate a substantially higher propensity to isolate nonwhite deviants. In addition, the community tendency to exclude members of six major racial-ethnic groups in the state (Caucasians, Chinese, Indians, Filipinos, Japanese, and Negroes) varied directly with a group's social distance from the dominant Caucasian population. 2. Those who lack close social ties in the community are more likely to be excluded for deviance than those with such ties. Persons who lived alone or with non-relatives had higher exclusion rates than persons living with their own families. The nonmarried are more likely to be excluded than the married, and persons not in the labor force are more likely to be excluded than those in the labor force. 3. Communities have a greater propensity to exclude males for deviance than females. The current findings have implications for at least three current etiological theories of mental illness: the "social isolation hypothesis" the "socioeconomic deprivation hypothesis"; and the "sociocultural fit hypothesis". Differential community reaction to mental deviance may account for at least some of the observed excess incidence of hospitalized mental disorders among the socially isolated, the economically deprived as well as among culturally different members of the community.
Chapter
(from the chapter) Considers the social and psychological experience of stigma, from the perspective of both the stigmatizer and the stigmatized individual. The primary focus is on the experience of the stigmatized—how they understand and interpret their stigmatization, how they cope with it, and how it affects their psychological well-being, cognitive functioning, and interactions with nonstigmatized individuals. (chapter) To understand the predicaments of the stigmatized, and their consequences, one must first consider what it means to be stigmatized and why social stigma is so pervasive, and one must bear in mind some key findings on the nature of stereotyping and prejudice from the view of the stigmatizer. After exploring these issues, this chapter concludes with a consideration of the costs of stigma to the stigmatized individual, to the stigmatizer, and to the broader society. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved) (chapter)
Article
The present study investigated the conditions that determine when intergroup cooperation will result in increased intergroup attraction. In the first phase of the study groups were led to believe that they were either competing, cooperating, or having no interaction with a second group. The results indicated that competition led to the least intergroup attraction. In the second phase of the study, the two groups were combined and worked cooperatively on two tasks. They received feedback that their combined effort had either succeeded or failed. Intergroup attraction scores were taken after the second phase of the study. When groups had previously competed, failure on the combined effort resulted in decreased intergroup attraction while success yielded increased attraction. However, for groups that had previously cooperated, both success and failure on the combined effort increased intergroup attraction. The results were interpreted as showing that both previous interaction and success of combined effort are important variables in determining when intergroup cooperation will increase intergroup attraction.
Article
What counts as human rationality: reasoning processes that embody content-independent formal theories, such as propositional logic, or reasoning processes that are well designed for solving important adaptive problems? Most theories of human reasoning have been based on content-independent formal rationality, whereas adaptive reasoning, ecological or evolutionary, has been little explored. We elaborate and test an evolutionary approach. Cosmides' (1989) social contract theory, using the Wason selection task. In the first part, we disentangle the theoretical concept of a "social contract" from that of a "cheater-detection algorithm". We demonstrate that the fact that a rule is perceived as a social contract--or a conditional permission or obligation, as Cheng and Holyoak (1985) proposed--is not sufficient to elicit Cosmides' striking results, which we replicated. The crucial issue is not semantic (the meaning of the rule), but pragmatic: whether a person is cued into the perspective of a party who can be cheated. In the second part, we distinguish between social contracts with bilateral and unilateral cheating options. Perspective change in contracts with bilateral cheating options turns P & not-Q responses into not-P & Q responses. The results strongly support social contract theory, contradict availability theory, and cannot be accounted for by pragmatic reasoning schema theory, which lacks the pragmatic concepts of perspectives and cheating detection.
Article
We conducted an experiment to assess the effects of mindfulness (active distinction making) training on the perception of and reaction to handicapped children. In a 2 X 2 factorial design, sixth graders received either a high- or low-mindfulness treatment and viewed slides that were either all of "normal" people or consisted primarily of "handicapped" individuals. The high-mindfulness treatment, especially when bolstered by explicit reference to the handicapped, revealed that teaching children to be more differentiated (i.e., more mindful) resulted in the view that handicaps are function specific and not people specific. Children in this group were less likely to inappropriately discriminate for or against the handicapped target. Most important, however, was the finding that subjects in this group were less likely to avoid a handicapped other.