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42. Reflections on the Revolution in France: A Reader
... While Burke was not an enemy of the state, he was passionately opposed to the idea that the state had a 'carte blanche' on which a supposedly rational government could scribble whatever it wished. Although Burke never used the term 'Big Society', its principles are present in his Refl ections on the Revolution in France: 'to be attached to the subdivision, to love the little platoon we belong to in society, is the fi rst principle (the germ as it were) of public affections' (Burke, 1790). Burke believed that by providing a focus for allegiance and affection, and strengthening our sense of belonging, the 'little platoons' help us to know who we are and what is expected of us. ...
... Burke believed that by providing a focus for allegiance and affection, and strengthening our sense of belonging, the 'little platoons' help us to know who we are and what is expected of us. The potency of his views is encapsulated in his belief that 'society is indeed a contract …. [It is] a partnership not only between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born' (Burke, 1790). ...
... Consistent with the concepts of social action and civil society advanced by Burke (1790), there 'is a challenge to build the "little society", rather than the "Tesco" type organisations that are skilled at tendering' (House of Commons, 2012, p. 7). The private sector is expected to play a major role in generating economic recovery, and there is a need to forge new relationships between NFP and for-profi t organisations in order to achieve the Big Society vision. ...
This paper draws upon institutional and legitimacy theories to consider whether the Big Society may lead to unintended consequences for social enterprise organisations (SEOs). Policy pressures are forcing not-for-profi t organisations (NFPOs) to become more business-like through the social enterprise model. However, in doing so, NFPOs risk ‘mission drift’, with their traditional roles being threatened due to capacity constraints. Moreover, there are concerns that the increasing privatisation of public services may crowd out genuine SEOs. While focusing on SEOs operating in the United Kingdom, the issues raised are also pertinent to academics and policy-makers within the Republic of Ireland.
... Our interpretation of the results regarding the relationship between omissioncommission threats and political preference is that while conservatives are concerned about threats that threaten the stability of the status quo (i.e., commission threats), liberals are concerned about threats that emanate from the status quothreats that will occur as a consequence of passivity and the failure to make necessary changes and reforms (i.e., omission threats). The degree to which one endorses change or stability in society lies at the heart of the conservative-liberal, or right-left, divide (Burke, 1790(Burke, /1973Jost et al., 2003;Jost, Federico, & Napier, 2009;Paine, 1791Paine, /1986). Whereas conservative ideology emphasizes collective stability and values associated with conservation, tradition and security, liberal ideology tends to emphasize values associated with openness to change (e.g., Piurko, Schwartz, & Davidov, 2011). ...
... Whereas conservative ideology emphasizes collective stability and values associated with conservation, tradition and security, liberal ideology tends to emphasize values associated with openness to change (e.g., Piurko, Schwartz, & Davidov, 2011). Indeed, the ideology of conservatism historically grew out of resistance to chaos, disorder and anarchy (e.g., Burke, 1790Burke, /1973, while the historical roots of liberal (e.g., Locke, 1690Locke, /1976Paine, 1791Paine, /1986) as well as socialist (e.g., Marx, 1974Marx, /1867Rousseau, 1762Rousseau, /1968) ideology can be traced to attempts to bring about a new social order, by means of collective reform or revolution. While the danger in omission threats lies in passivity and the failure to implement necessary changes, the danger in commission threats lies in the carrying out of an action that threatens security and stability. ...
The purpose of the present article is to systematically investigate how people perceive collective threat and how such threat perceptions relate to political preferences. Existing threat taxonomies are mostly derived from top-down analyses and little attempt has been made to examine bottom-up how people spontaneously perceive threats. One area where this is of central importance is the relationship between political preferences and threat perception. Prevailing theories in social psychology primarily study security and stability threats and conclude that conservatives are more sensitive to threats than liberals. Other perspectives, however, have criticized this position and maintain that the relationship between threat and political preferences depends on how both constructs are defined. To resolve this issue, we carried out a systematic, data-driven investigation of how collective threats are perceived. In five preregistered, data-driven studies, carried out on representative cross-cultural samples (aggregate N = 24,341), we show that people tend to categorize collective threats along two dimensions – their intent (omission/commission) and extent (local/global). We show that whereas liberals are more concerned than conservatives by omission-based and global threats, conservatives are more concerned than liberals by commission-based and local threats. These results suggest that collective threat is a multidimensional construct and that political leftists and rightists do not necessarily differ in the extent to which they perceive threats, but rather in the way they prioritize different threats facing society.
... Kedourie poteva pensare che Burke fosse "un avventuriero un po' equivoco" 46 ma gli riconosce di essere il primo a capire che il mondo forgiato dall'89 non accetta più l'idea stessa di una politica limitata. È Burke per primo a scrivere, nei Thoughts on French Affairs, che la Rivoluzione ha "una somiglianza assai maggiore con quei mutamenti prodotti per motivi religiosi, dei quali è parte essenziale lo spirito di proselitismo" 47 . ...
... Burke'ün Fransa'daki devrimi amansızca eleştirdiği Fransız Devrimi Üzerine Düşünceler adlı eseri haklı olarak bilinçli muhafazakâr prensiplerin ilk ve en büyük ifadesi olarak kabul edilir (Rossiter, 1962, s. 16). Burke (Burke, 1986) muhafazakâr düşünceye temel oluşturan bu eserinde Aydınlanma düşüncesi ve yani bilimi ve bunların yöntemi ve uygulama ve bu uygulamaların toplumsal ve politik yapı üzerindeki etkilerini şiddetli biçimde eleştirmiştir ancak bilinen dünyayı etkileyen ve dönüştüren bir başka etmenden hemen hemen hiç bahsetmez: Ekonomik hayat ve teknolojik gelişmeler. Feodal yapının ve ona has üretim biçiminin yerini bir yeniye bıraktığı adeta görmezden gelinmiştir. ...
... Edmund Burke reflecting on the French Revolution opined that 'A people will not look forward to posterity, who do not look backwards to their ancestry (Burke, 1987).' An understanding of ethnic diversity as well as its evolution in Rwanda is essential for understanding ethnic conflicts in the country and for developing a comprehensive and effective way of fostering social re-integration and national unity. ...
Like every war ravaged country, the Republic of Rwanda is reawakening to grapple with the challenges of post-conflict reintegration and transformation. To scholars and observers of the trend, Rwanda is recuperating at a very high speed due to socio-economic reforms and the apparent commitment of the Government of the country to rebuild a new Rwanda from the rubbles of the devastation that greeted the 1994 genocide. Expectedly, the Rwandan government generated laws and codes which govern social interaction – former ‘enemies’ that must co-habit. There is public ban on all divisionism tendencies. In Rwanda there should be no ‘Hutu’, ‘Tutsi’ or ‘Twa’. All are Rwandans. Indeed, there are sanctions against defaulters irrespective of their nationalities. The drive for identity reconstruction is fierce and the government of Rwanda is determined to obliterate the ethnic ideologies which it believes, reinforced the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. However, the questions to ask are: will suppression of ethnic identity effectively obliterate natural affinity for group relations and the right to cultural identification and association? How does the government policy against sectarianism help in the reintegration programmes in Rwanda particularly the traditional judicial option called the Gacaca? This paper seeks to address these questions based on the data collected from a field-work conducted in Rwanda in 2011 and from the observations of scholars of ethnicity and the Rwandan Crisis.
... Как известно, консерватизм (или традиционализм) родился как философский ответ на Французскую революцию («Размышления о Французской революции» Эдмунда Берка 1790 г. [15]), которая провозгласила идеалы свободы и равенства, основываясь не на традиции или авторитете, а на разуме и просвещении. Если Русская революция явилась делом «строителей страны», убежденных в разуме и просвещении еще сильнее своих предшественников, то естественно, что «реально существующий социализм» дал мощный импульс развитию консерватизма ХХ в. не только в России, но и во всем мире. ...
The article examines the use of a Russian verb “privyknut’ (get used to)” in the fiction of Andrey Platonov. The use of this verb in his works is full of special connotations typical for his prose that reveal his understanding of the “temporal” being of a human life. This perspective is opposed to the “plan-based thinking” of utopianism which played an important role in Platonov’s earlier period and in socialism generally. However, as he grew older, with many tragedies including his son’s early death and the World War II, he started to realize that “getting used to” is one of the main moments in the life of human existence, whatever it concerns — grief and death or happiness and love. It is possible to call this change of Platonov’s thought a “traditionalist deepening” should we consider that traditionalism or conservatism entails the importance of customs and habits that were developed in the society over time and not by the power of ideas and theories. In general, we can conclude that it is the antinomy between the “plan-based thinking” and the “getting used to,” ideals and ordinary life that characterizes Platonov’s fiction.
... The modern and liberal individual seeks to get rid of heteronomous systems of values and become "the locus of moral judgment and choice" and "the final adjudicator of morality" (Carse, 1994, p. 186). Conversely, traditions serve as points of reference in people's life when modernity and progress break with the past (Burke, 2003). Traditional values furnish a mental map to understand the world and to find again the lost direction sacrificed on the altar of freedom. ...
Defending the Traditional Polish Way of Life: The Role of Fantasies
The current escalation of the cultural conflict in Poland is described as a cultural war between neo-traditionalist and liberal worldviews. Drawing on psychoanalytic political theory and Poststructuralist Discourse Theory (PDT), fantasmatic narratives are deemed as an instrument to conceal the non-necessary character of identities. Based on the direct observation of the counter-marches against LGBT parades in Kalisz, Lublin, and Kraków (2019–2020), this article shows how fantasies define the ‘authentic Polish way of life’: from the traditional family in an idyllic scenario (beatific fantasy) to the ‘LGBT virus’ (horrific fantasy), fantasies sustain a neo-traditionalist conception of Polishness and exclude antagonistic visions. Also, religious symbols are sublimated to embody the lost unity: a harmonious society without the conflict generated by the liberal value system. The fantasmatic logic analyzed in the article explains how neo-traditionalist fantasies strengthen identities and provide the necessary ideological ground to resist the emancipatory impetus of liberalism.
Broniąc tradycyjnego polskiego stylu życia. Rola fantazji
Aktualnie zaostrzający się konflikt kulturowy w Polsce określa się mianem wojny kulturowej między światopoglądem neotradycjonalistycznym a liberalnym. Odwołując się do psychoanalitycznej teorii politycznej i poststrukturalistycznej teorii dyskursu, autor uznaje fantazmatyczne narracje za narzędzie maskujące niekonieczny (non-necessary) charakter tożsamości. Na podstawie bezpośredniej obserwacji kontrmanifestacji organizowanych jako sprzeciw wobec marszów równości w Kaliszu, Lublinie i Krakowie (2019–2020) w artykule zaprezentowano, w jaki sposób fantazje definiują „prawdziwy polski styl życia”: poczynając od obrazu tradycyjnej rodziny w sielankowym otoczeniu (beatific fantasy), na „wirusie LGBT” (horrific fantasy) kończąc, fantazje podtrzymują neotradycjonalistyczną koncepcję polskości i wykluczają jej odmienne wizje. Z kolei symbole religijne zinstrumentalizowano tak, by ucieleśniały utraconą jedność – harmonijne społeczeństwo bez konfliktów wywoływanych przez liberalny system wartości. Fantazmatyczna logika analizowana w artykule pozwala wyjaśnić, jak neotradycjonalistyczne fantazje wzmacniają tożsamości i dostarczają niezbędnej podstawy ideologicznej, aby stawić opór emancypacyjnemu naporowi liberalizmu.
... The Terror! Surely it will be said that this is an old liberal or rather liberal-conservative, even reactionary, theme perhaps paraphrasing-and vulgarising-Edmund Burke in his Reflections of 1790 (Burke 1999). Burke's conception of tragedy was basic not ironic; the terrors of the Revolution (even such as they were in 1790) were avoidable, not part of conflicting necessities. ...
What are the links between tragedy, politics and modernity? Diverse currents in social and critical theory have tackled this question; some arguing that modernity has itself a tragic structure insofar as its promises are undermined by their own realisation, others that the diversity of worldviews (the ‘warring Gods’ referred to by Max Weber) has tragic—because un-reconcilable—form. After briefly reviewing some of these issues, the paper looks more specifically at tragic structure in relation to (European) modernity and political reason. The French Terror has unique significance in this context, signalling as it does the failure of any kind of political rationality that seeks to take unmediated, universal form. The consequences of this failure are also, in a way, tragic in so far as they involve contradictions and irresolvable dilemmas of ongoing, everyday political existence. As a result—and perhaps this should itself be seen as much in terms of tragedy as triumphalism—our modernity condemns us to liberalism.
... Just like what happens among most of the old established political parties while holding office in Western Europe. According to that approach, changes should be the least dramatic possible, taking place only when they are almost consensual, in the Burkean way (Burke, 1790). However, all outsiders, either anti-neoliberal left-wing or far-right extremists, are equally labeled as "populists". ...
This article explains by what means ongoing democratic backsliding takes place in Brazil, after the pinnacle of its democratic experience. Unlike mainstream concerns about the death of democracies and the quality of democracy, it started neither by the action of outsiders nor through Executive aggrandizement. Institutions regarded as protectors against abuse of power, such as media, the judiciary, public prosecution, and parliament, led to the disruption of democracy. Consequences were militarization, party system deterioration and undemocratic elections, favoring far-right extremist Bolsonaro. RESUMEN Este artículo explica como ocurre el retroceso democrático en curso en Brasil, tras el apogeo de su experiencia democrática. A diferencia de las preocupaciones tradicionales acerca de la muerte de las democracias o de su calidad, este retroceso no empezó ni por la acción desde fuera ni a través del engrandecimiento del Ejecutivo. Instituciones consideradas protectoras contra el autoritarismo, como los medios de comunicación, el poder judicial, la fiscalía pública y el parlamento, llevaron a la ruptura de la democracia. Las consecuencias fueron la militarización, el deterioro del sistema de partidos y las elecciones no democráticas, que favorecieron a Bolsonaro.
... Just like what happens among most of the old established political parties while holding office in Western Europe. According to that approach, changes should be the least dramatic possible, taking place only when they are almost consensual, in the Burkean way (Burke, 1790). However, all outsiders, either anti-neoliberal left-wing or far-right extremists, are equally labeled as "populists". ...
En el undécimo volumen de la revista Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales, les recomendamos leer el contenido del Dossier titulado “Brasil: entre la democracia y el autoritarismo” y coordinado por Maria do Socorro Sousa Braga y Katarzyna Krzywicka. La inestable situación política, económica y social, así como las negligencias y amenazas en el campo de la seguridad sanitaria en el país, atraen la atención de la opinión pública, periodistas, científicos y analistas. Los problemas internos de Brasil tienen una dimensión internacional y son de particular importancia en el contexto de las elecciones que se celebrarán en 2022. Los autores de los artículos publicados en el Dossier hacen una valiosa e importante contribución a la discusión actual sobre el estado de la democracia brasileña.
... Exemplary A5-subclassification(Burke 1790 andGreen 1884) ...
Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Identifikation und der Klassifikation von evaluativer Lexis in den Werken von britischen Geschichtsschreibern der Spätneuzeit. Im Fokus stehen die von den Historikern im Verlauf von 200 Jahren (ca. 1700-1914) verwendeten sprachlichen Mittel, welche zur Bewertung von historischen Ereignissen und Akteuren eingesetzt werden, und die durch die Mittel realisierten Funktionen. Zentral ist die Betrachtung von Evaluation als linguistischem Mittel der Signifikanzherstellung in neuzeitlicher englischer Geschichtsschreibung. Die Arbeit stützt sich in ihren theoretische Ansätzen u.a. auf das Appraisal Framework (Martin & White 2005) und erweitert dieses, um es unter Einsatz von sowohl korpuslinguistisch-quantitativer als auch qualitativer Methoden auf ein großes Korpus historischer Primärwerke aus dem 18.-19. Jahrhundert anzuwenden. Sie verortet sich sowohl in der historischen/diachronen Diskursforschung als auch in der korpusunterstützten Diskursanalyse (Partington et al. 2013) und liefert eine erste linguistische Beschreibung des historiographischen Registers in der wichtigen Periode seiner allmählichen Verwissenschaftlichung und Institutionalisierung. Indem sie eine interdisziplinäre Perspektive einnimmt, vermittelt diese Arbeit zwischen historischer Theoriebildung und linguistischer Theorie und Methodik.
... Enquanto ideologia política, o conservadorismo surgiu sobretudo como reação à Revolução Francesa. Em sua obra Reflections on the Revolution in France, Burke (1992) defende que a manutenção do status quo sempre será preferível às mudanças bruscas. E, caso as mudanças sejam inevitáveis, o ideal é que elas ocorram devagar e como ampliação lógica da ordem natural das coisas. ...
Resumo O presente artigo, baseado em análises bibliográfica e documental, busca evidenciar e discutir um conjunto de mudanças institucionais sofrido pela política cultural no Brasil na contemporaneidade, especificamente durante o Governo Bolsonaro. Para tal, inicialmente realizou-se um perpassar histórico sobre a política cultural no país, conforme literatura específica. A seguir, foram discutidas as principais mudanças institucionais impulsionadas pelo referido governo na esfera estatal da cultura, assim como seu impacto conservador. Abstract The present article, based on bibliographic and documentary analyzes, seeks to highlight and discuss a set of institutional changes suffered by cultural policy in Brazil in contemporary times, specifically during the Bolsonaro Government. To this end, initially a historical background on the cultural policy in the country was carried out, according to specific literature. Next, the main institutional changes driven by this government in the state sphere of culture were discussed, as well as their conservative impact.
... While it is tempting to focus purely on the psychological or emotional dimensions of disesteem and stigma, if we are to understand the role of esteem in social and political conflict we need to focus also on its role in regulating behavior. While some of this regulation may be socially useful, encouraging virtuous behavior through the application of what Burke called 'the soft collar of social esteem ' (1969, p. 1700Brennan & Pettit, 2006) it also plays a vital role in sustaining status inequalities and through them, wider social, political, and economic inequalities, demanding deference to the claims of dominant social actors and justifying their superior position as a consequence of their superior virtues. ...
The idea of recognition is often taken to support the notion of ‘pluralist accommodation’ between nationalists and unionists. This relies on a distinctive ‘cultural’ model of recognition as requiring identity affirmation as essential to conflict resolution. It is argued that the cultural model relies on a weak analysis of social recognition and is, consequently, a poor guide to understanding the politics of recognition in Northern Ireland. Firstly, it does not give sufficient weight to struggles for equal recognition. Secondly, the vague notion of ‘affirming’ identities does not capture the way recognition struggles arise over social positioning in wider status hierarchies. An alternative, ‘recognition struggle’ account is developed which focuses on conflicts over authority and which explains why recognition politics in Northern Ireland often centers on defying the other. Finally, the cultural model fails to see that cultural groups are themselves the product of internal struggles for recognition and wrongly assumes the politics of recognition must resist attempts to transform group identities. Taking recognition seriously requires us to move beyond ‘cultural recognition’ and ‘pluralist accommodation’ in Northern Ireland.
... The hypnotic grasp of the Revolution on the minds of the intellectual elite-progressives and reactionaries alike-was, however, not restricted to those who witnessed the key meaningful event in first hand. Across the Channel, Edmund Burke (1987) reacted early on with a seminal intellectual attack against the Revolution. Across the Rhine, where we now turn our attention to, the philosophical currents of German idealism split on the issue, but the conservative ranks were much more densely populated than the revolutionary ones. ...
... Esta escena, pasó a ser una sátira obscena que alteraría la escena a nivel político en Inglaterra(Pop, 2011), teniendo en cuenta que en el mismo año, la educadora y conservadora Hannan More critica la escasez de derechos de las mujeres en su publicación Strictures on Female Education, proponiendo ciertas actividades dentro de los movimientos morales, políticos y religiosos como feministas en activo.122 Algunos escritos prevenían y reflexionaban sobre su peligro, como es por ejemplo:(Burke, 1790) 123 Su título original era Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and its Influence on Morals and Happiness (1793) y anticipaba algunas de las ideas anarquistas del S.XVIII en Inglaterra. Para saber más sobre su ideología y teoría política, se recomienda la lectura de la siguiente tesis doctoral:(Bueno Ochoa, 2005) 124 Para más información sobre la biografía de Emma Hamilton se recomienda la lectura de(Recca, 2017) Fig. 106. ...
During this research, called Prototypes and archetypes of the representation of sleep paralysis: an approach from art, we analyzed, as its title indicates, the different artistic prototypes and archetypes that have emerged around a neurological sleep disorder known as sleep paralysis. This parasomnia takes place during the transition from sleep to wakefulness, responding to common symptoms that cause great suffering and fear to those afflicted by it, primarily through visual sensory hallucinations.
Due to the limited and scarce information on this sleep disorder in the field of artistic research, a medical approach has been followed in the first and second chapters, accompanied by a discussion of the relevant psychological aspects, which will enable a better understanding of the anthropological field that surrounds it. This allows us to enter in the third chapter, where the cultural evolution of this parasomnia in the anthropological context is investigated through the examination of the mythology surrounding the incubus and the succubus, both of which are figures that are frequently associated with sleep paralysis. Their respective interpretation and interiorization as real beings will provide, through the association of ideas and the collective imagination, different social behavioral values to people regarding their experience with sleep paralysis. In the fourth chapter, an exhaustive analysis of prototypes and archetypes arising from the artistic representation of sleep paralysis is presented, focusing on the study of the work The Nightmare (1781) by Henry Füssli. A categorization and methodological chronology of different works ranging from the 18th century to the present day is discovered, which allows us to understand and study their analogous corresponding representation in art. In the fifth chapter, it is provided a reflection On the artistic representation and interpretation of different concepts associated with sleep paralysis, such as identity, memory and the emotion of fear, which has forwarded our understanding of this sleep disorder. At the same time, a study specifically designed for this project involved the collection of testimonies of people who have experienced sleep paralysis, in order to study their visual patterns in hallucinations from their descriptions. In the sixth and last chapter, a new perspective on the representation of sleep paralysis is proposed through the creation of subjective visual works (based on the testimonies) using photographic techniques.
The methodology used to undertake this research involved the study and analysis of ancient medical and cultural treatises, such as the Persian manuscript Hidayat by Akhawayni Bohkari from the 10th century, The Discoverie of Witchcraft (1584) by Reginald Scot, the story The Night-Mare (1664) by Isbrand Van Diermerbroeck, the essay An essay on the incubus, or nightmare (1753) by John Bond and The Nightmare (1931) by Ernest Jones, among others. In additioninterviews were taken from contemporary artists who currently represent sleep paralysis very similar and were assembled in a compendium. Furthermore, an analytical and statistical study was also carried out, based on interviews of people who have suffered from this sleep disorder accompanied by a collection of written testimonies submitted through a web page created specifically for this artistic study.
One of the main objectives was to develop a codified study of the myths and legends in different cultures and countries, and to understand their symbolic representation based on their popular imagery and the existing tradition in the category of the monstrous and the figure of the incubus in art. Specifically, we tracked the above mentioned work The Nightmare by Füssli, a work whose influence pertains to this day, being the most representative prototype and archetype of sleep paralysis. These research outputs will allow us to reflect on, to recreate and to question the existing representation of sleep paralysis in art until our days. The final objective is to approach the subjective representation of the experience of sleep paralysis, breaking with the prototype and archetype created over the years. To this end, new patterns of representation will be proposed through the author`s artistic creation based on the collected testimonies, in order to create a visual guide that serves as a means of understanding a society that has no prior experience with sleep paralysis.
As a final conclusion, the interdisciplinary nature of this research has allowed us to understand the mythology and beliefs associated with sleep paralysis, which enables the identification and designation of possible prototypes and archetypes in the artistic representation of this parasomnia, marked by a powerful collective imagination. The artistic work presented here has created novel prototypes and archetypes of sleep paralysis, which greatly advances our understanding of this experience. As it is shown, this work is considerably better understood when is accompanied by the description of testimonies, as it connects a communication code between the text and the image. Nevertheless, despite the fact that a new proposal for the representation of sleep paralysis in art is emerging, the timeless value of the representation of Füssli’s The Nightmare is confirmed here. With this study, and with the resulting artistic works, we are able to approximate the experience of this parasomnia to a public that was unaware of it, which also reveals how the imagination operates on a collective and personal level, since it is built on each individual with components that are inherited culturally and transmitted and expressed through art.
... Earliest of all, in his Reflections on the Revolution in France, Burke said, "To be attached to the subdivision, to love the little platoon we belong to in society, is the first principle (the germ as it were) of public affections. It is the first link in the series by which we proceed towards a love to our country and to mankind" (Burke 2009). 28 For excellent discussion of the liberty-protecting potential of civil society institutions in general, see (Hirst 1997). ...
Should the freedom of churches and other religious institutions come down to little more than a grudging recognition that “what happens in the church, stays in the church”? In this article, I provide a more robust definition of what I call institutional religious freedom than a crabbed and merely negative understanding. In addition, I also go beyond a libertarian-style defense of institutional religious freedom as the ecclesiastical equivalent of the “right to be left alone” by suggesting a multitude of reasons why institutional religious freedom in a robust form deserves robust protection. Especially amidst exigent challenges such as the global COVID-19 pandemic, an anemic appeal to an ecclesiastical version of negative liberty on merely jurisdictional grounds will not be enough to defend religious organizations from an increasingly strong temptation and tendency on the part of political authorities—often acting on the basis of understandable intentions—to subject such organizations to sweeping interference even in the most internal matters. In contrast, the article offers an articulation of why both the internal and external freedoms of religious institutions require maximum deference if they are to offer their indispensable contributions—indeed, their “essential services”—to the shared public good in the United States and other countries throughout the world. Underscoring the external and public dimensions of institutional religious freedom, the article follows the work of law and religion scholar W. Cole Durham in that it analytically disaggregates the freedom of religious institutions into three indispensable components: “substantive”, or the right of self-definition; “vertical”, or the right of self-governance; and “horizontal”, or the right of self-directed outward expression and action.
Often dismissed as evolutionism and sometimes accused of maintaining neocolonial domination, the field of studies dedicated to modernity and processes of modernisation has been progressively discredited in the social sciences over the last forty years. However, for some time now, a number of historians and sociologists have sought to rehabilitate this field on new grounds. Rejecting both the miserabilist and populist approaches that have held the monopoly on studies of modernity for too long, their work outlines a research program whose coherence and main arguments are presented in this article. We show that this research program proposes a properly methodological definition of modernity – as the present of humanity – and imposes four major conditions on the study of modernity and processes of modernisation: the refusal of state-centrism; an attention to the practical foundations of different conceptions of “modernity”; an adherence to the principle of contemporaneity; and finally, a commitment to anchoring the generalising ambition of the social sciences within a rigorous search for processual analogies.
The article is devoted to changes in law in the process of social modernization. The historical analysis of changes in legal procedures in the process of historical formation of modern society is carried out. The factors of changes in modern legal systems and in the legal systems of the past are revealed. The article uses the methods necessary for the doctrinal analysis of changes in law, namely: formal-legal, as well as comparative-legal and concrete historical. The result of the study was the analysis and author’s conclusions about legal regulation and legal policy in a postmodern society.
This article explains how strong sustainability ethics has emerged and developed as a new field over the last two decades as a critical response to influential conceptions of weak sustainability. It investigates three competing, normative approaches to strong sustainability: the communitarian approach, the Rawlsian approach, and the capabilities approach. Although these approaches converge around the idea that there are critical, non-substitutable natural resources and services, they diverge on how to reconcile human development and environmental protection. The aim of the paper is to provide a critical overview of these three perspectives, but also and mostly to show that when we put them into dialogue with each other, we can clarify the demands of sustainability. The paper concludes that the capabilities approach is the most suitable way to think about sustainability, but only if it goes beyond its dominantly anthropocentric view.
Knowledge commons facilitate voluntary private interactions in markets and societies. These shared pools of knowledge consist of intellectual and legal infrastructures that both enable and constrain private initiatives. This volume brings together theoretical and empirical approaches that develop and apply the Governing Knowledge Commons framework to the evolution of various kinds of shared knowledge structures that underpin exchanges of goods, services, and ideas. Chapters offer vivid and illuminating case studies that illustrate this conceptual framework. How did pooling scientific knowledge enable the Industrial Revolution? How do social networks underpin the credit system enabling the Agra footwear market? How did the market category Scotch whisky emerge and who has access to it? What is the potential of blockchain-ledgers as shared knowledge repositories? This volume demonstrates the importance of shared knowledge in modern society.
This paper explores the role of African worldviews in biodiversity conservation and sustainable development. African worldviews recognise the interdependence and interconnectedness of human beings, animals, plants and the natural world. Although it is not always the case that what one does depends on what one thinks and believes, indigenous African people’s ideas and beliefs about the human–nature relationship have influenced what they have done in and to nature. In African worldviews, the present generation has moral obligations to the ancestors and future generations. It ought to preserve the environment, which is rich in biodiversity, for posterity. This paper insists that it is extremely urgent that every effort be made to document the knowledge of peasant farmers and indigenous people in general. This paper further stresses that indigenous environmental knowledge makes a big difference to sustaining diverse environments, and it is imperative to preserve such knowledge before it dies out.
The manuscript of Algernon Sidney’s Discourses Concerning Government was used in evidence against him in the 1683 treason trial which cost the republican his life. The work’s attack on absolute monarchy and its justification of rebellion against tyrannical rulers were considered so inflammatory that it could not be published with impunity in England until after the Glorious Revolution and the lapse of the Licensing Act. It was eventually prepared for the press in 1698 by the Commonwealthman John Toland in collaboration with the printer and bookseller John Darby who were jointly responsible for establishing a whole canon of republican and Commonwealth works around this time. While a French edition of the Discourses was published in the Netherlands shortly afterwards, the first German edition of Sidney’s most famous work did not appear until almost a century later. Amidst the constitutional debates in the wake of the French Revolution, Sidney’s work was now employed in a new context to criticise tyrannical rule, while warning against violent excesses.
This chapter starts by defining the terms by which the iconic character Philip Marlowe is considered chivalrous and knightly. As a corrective, it then considers the reality of medieval knights and the functioning of actual medieval chivalry. Next it considers the representation of knights and chivalry in medieval romances, and then in the medieval revival of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It establishes these as successive iterations (different, but sharing terminology) of our core concepts. It shows that idealizations of knighthood and chivalry are rooted in idealized but violent masculinity and whiteness; and it reminds us that the medieval origin of these concepts and social positions emerge from a constitutive class exclusivity as well.
In the Cause of Humanity is a major new history of the emergence of the theory and practice of humanitarian intervention during the nineteenth century when the question of whether, when and how the international community should react to violations of humanitarian norms and humanitarian crises first emerged as a key topic of controversy and debate. Fabian Klose investigates the emergence of legal debates on the protection of humanitarian norms by violent means, revealing how military intervention under the banner of humanitarianism became closely intertwined with imperial and colonial projects. Through case studies including the international fight against the slave trade, the military interventions under the banner of humanitarian aid for Christian minorities in the Ottoman Empire, and the intervention of the United States in the Cuban War of Independence, he shows how the idea of humanitarian intervention established itself as a recognized instrument in international politics and international law.
Presentation of my book, Keynes on uncertainty and tragic happiness, Complexity and expectations, Palgrave Macmillan, 2021
ROPE WEBSeminar on 9th November 2021
link to the video
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cgfPS3wHi28
The legislature and the judiciary have been a constant focus of contemporary political philosophy. However, the executive – ‘the government’ itself – has been comparatively neglected. Today, this is changing with a well‐spring of new work that bears upon what we might call the ideal of ‘good governance’, that is, how governments (and/or their agents) should exercise their powers. This review paper begins by clarifying the concepts of ‘governance’ and ‘good’ governance (§1). It then highlights five sets of values, working nominally from the most foundational constraints on the exercise of government power to those that should guide the exercise of discretion: legitimacy and rule of law (§2); respect and trustworthiness (§3); efficiency and rationality (§4); public participation and accountability (§5); and the public interest and fiduciary duties (§6).
Among politicians and policy-makers it is almost universally assumed that more transparency in government is better. Until now, philosophers have almost completely ignored the topic of transparency, and when it is discussed there seems to be an assumption (shared with politicians and policy-makers) that increased transparency is a good thing, which results in no serious attempt to justify it. In this book Brian Kogelmann shows that the standard narrative is false and that many arguments in defence of transparency are weak. He offers a comprehensive philosophical analysis of transparency in government, examining both abstract normative defences of transparency, and transparency's role in the theory of institutional design. His book shows that even when the arguments in favour of transparency are compelling, the costs associated with it are just as forceful as the original arguments themselves, and that strong arguments can be made in defence of more opaque institutions.
El artículo utiliza una investigación etnográfica sobre movimientos antigubernamentales de derecha en Bolivia, realizada en el punto álgido del conflicto de 2008 y 2009, para reflexionar sobre la relación entre investigación antropológica, compromiso ético y política del conocimiento. Describe los contextos epistemológicos y políticos en los que surgió la antropología comprometida. Examina cómo y por qué la presente investigación se apartó de las expectativas de esa antropología. Reflexiona sobre las implicancias de este cambio y concluye defendiendo una recalibración metodológica que permita tomarse en serio las ideologías y lógicas culturales de la derecha contemporánea.
Two legal systems founded from similar Enlightenment philosophical and political values use state coercion differently to regulate a core liberty: the freedom of expression. This comparative study of France and the United States proposes a novel theory of how the limits of freedom of expression are informed by different revolutionary experiences and constitutional and political arrangements. Ioanna Tourkochoriti argues that the different ways freedom of expression is balanced against other values in France and the United States can be understood in reference to the role of the government and the understanding of republicanism and liberty. This understanding affects how jurists define the content and the limits of a liberty and strike a balance between liberties in conflict. Exploring both the legal traditions of the two countries, this study sheds new light on the broader historical, social and philosophical contexts in which jurists operate.
This article explores concepts under a rubric termed ‘jural’, the meaning of which is differentiated from ‘legal’. Within the conceptualisation of the modern nation state, there are two categories of jural relationships. In the first, both parties have equal jural standing (equal–equal), as between neighbours. In the second jural relationship (superior–inferior), one party has standing as a special jural player, essentially the governor. The jural superior wields the coercive powers of government. Human beings, we argue, are predisposed to folding this jural superior back into the equal–equal relationship, thus notionally collapsing two relationships back to one, or collapsing from jural dualism into jural monism. Two varieties of the tendency stand out, namely collectivist thinking that sees government as a set of rules and arrangements arrived at voluntarily, and Rothbardian libertarianism that sees government as a criminal organisation and proposes its elimination. But, beyond those two varieties, we see traces and tinctures of the tendency towards jural monism. We call for a conscious embrace of jural dualism.
Despite its illiberal tendencies, the Bolsonaro presidency, particularly the Christian Evangelical head of its women’s policy agency, does have a specific agenda to advance substantive gender claims. The current government’s rejects strongly feminist public policy claims, equating feminism to a radical leftist subversion of the Brazilian family and the country’s societal values. Feminine-centric public policy, in contrast, is portrayed as one of the key paths to restore a nation in which, as Bolsonaro’s campaign slogan epitomizes, “Brazil is above all things, and God is above all”.
Economic, technological, social and environmental transformations are affecting all humanity, and decisions taken today will impact the quality of life for all future generations. This volume surveys current commitments to sustainable development, analysing innovative policies, practices and procedures to promote respect for intergenerational justice. Expert contributors provide serious scholarly and practical discussions of the theoretical, institutional, and legal considerations inherent in intergenerational justice at local, national, regional and global scales. They investigate treaty commitments related to intergenerational equity, explore linkages between regimes, and offer insights from diverse experiences of national future generations' institutions. This volume should be read by lawyers, academics, policy-makers, business and civil society leaders interested in the economy, society, the environment, sustainable development, climate change, and other law, policy and practices impacting all generations.
Edmund Burke can perhaps be considered as the father of modern conservatism. Hannah Arendt was a very eclectic thinker who embraced ideas from the traditions of liberalism and republicanism. They both commented on the issue of the “Rights of Man” and rejected their abstract and metaphysical nature. And, it was Arendt who saw a ‘certain pragmatism’ in Burke’s ideas. Is this coincidence of opinion a surprising plot twist? An unintentional ‘alliance’ against the naturalness of the “Rights of Man?” This paper first discusses the real relationship between Burke’s and Arendt’s theories on human rights. In the first part, the ideas of the two thinkers are presented and examined. In the second part, the main convergences and divergences are identified. Through a careful reading of the Burkean and Arendtian corpus, it is shown that Arendt agreed with Burke that human rights cannot be abstract or metaphysical. On the other hand, Arendt, being autonomous in her critique, argued for one universal and inalienable right, that is ‘the right to have rights,’ i.e. the right to belong to political community. In overall, the analysis endeavors to provide an answer to the question as to what degree did Arendt endorse Burke’s theories on the “Rights of Man.”
Pre-order: https://www.routledge.com/Psycho-social-Explorations-of-Trauma-Exclusion-and-Violence-Un-housed/Scanlon-Adlam/p/book/9780367893316
The central theme of this book is the operation of intersecting discourses of power, privilege and positioning as they are revealed in fraught encounters between in-groups and out-groups in our deeply fractured world. The authors offer a unique perspective on inter-group dynamics and structural violence at local, societal, cultural, and global levels, dissecting processes of toxic ‘othering’ and psychosocial (re-)traumatisation.
The book offers the Diogenes Paradigm as a unique conceptual tool with which to analyse the ways in which those of us who come to be located outside or on the margins of dominant social structures are, in one way or another, the inheritors of the legacies of centuries of oppression and exclusion. This analysis offers a distinctive psycho-social re-definition of trauma that foregrounds the relationship between the inhospitable environments we generate and the experiences of un-housedness that we thereby perpetuate.
Psycho-social Explorations of Trauma, Exclusion and Violence directly addresses pressing global issues of racial trauma, human mobility and climate disaster and offers a manifesto for the creative re-imagining of the places and spaces in which conversations about restructuring and reparation can become sustainable.
Konservatismus und Liberalismus verfolgen dasselbe politische Ziel: eine „Verfassung der Freiheit“ (Hayek 2005) mit repräsentativen Institutionen, Rechtsstaatlichkeit, Gewaltenteilung und einem Grundrechtekatalog für alle Bürgerinnen und Bürger.
This article offers a perspective on the debate about experts and their value. It considers why expert claims for attention are often regarded as suspect. It does so by reflecting on the work of Arendt, Oakeshott, and Scruton. It notes that decision makers can easily find themselves in a bind - sometimes railing against experts, like those presumed to inhabit an education ‘Blob’ in the UK - and at other times seemingly becoming dependent upon them, as in ‘the Science’ and public health. It draws attention to the character of the distaste for scepticism about experts within education, and to the intellectual origin of that scepticism itself. It highlights the alleged contradictions in the minds of sceptics especially where they want to conserve or draw strength from inherited social norms, and yet at the same time regard them as a dehumanising trap. It suggests that the contradiction can be overcome by distinguishing between their concerns about the dangers of rationalism, and their rooted attachment to reason and reasonableness. It invites practitioners to take a principled interest in risk and in its resistance to elimination. It suggests that ridicule can be healthy in so far as it deftly challenges complacency amongst experts and practitioners alike.
A fim de diagnosticar as origens do totalitarismo, em seu livro Origens do totalitarismo – publicado originalmente em 1951 –, na secção sobre o imperialismo, Hannah Arendt reflete como a emancipação política da burguesia se estabeleceu através da dinâmica política entre colónias de colonos, centros imperiais e grupos nativos. A partir do estudo do imperialismo colonial europeu, explica como se deu a desintegração dos Estados-nacionais que continham os artifícios necessários para o surgimento posterior de movimentos e governos totalitários. Este nos coloca diante de um novo formato de governo, que, ao passo que desafia as leis positivas, não age sem a orientação de uma lei, nem é arbitrário, pois afirma seguir as leis da natureza, ou da história; recorre à autoridade a que as leis positivas recebem sua legitimidade final.
This paper aims at analysing the concept of the sublime, which is a pioneering concept of the English Romantics poetry, in relation to the French revolution in the works of Edmund Burke. Burke, unlike all other thinkers who view sublimity as a delightful and elevating feeling, perceives sublimity as an element of dangerous and terrifying incidents and objects mainly in relation with the great incident of the French Revolution. Hence, the paper concentrates on that essential metamorphosis in the content of the concept from progression to regression in the concept of sublime. Burke himself witnessed the revolution in France and propounded his philosophical viewpoints revolving around the notion of the sublime. He contended that the sublimity is whatsoever that brings about terror or is what terrifies the subjects. From this, he concluded that the French revolution was sublime because it was dangerous and threatened the natural laws and order, religion and God’s genuine sublime, traditions and constitution. In this paper, in addition, his ideas to illustrate sublime will ultimately, to some degree, be evaluated and criticised. The second part will be dedicated to demonstrating the aesthetics nature and aspect of the concept of the sublime. While the third part will display the relation of the concept, the way it is exhibited in section two, in relation to the great revolution in France.
For Reginald Heber, reviewer of Robert Southey’s History of Brazil in the Quarterly Review, one of the most “striking” parts of Southey’s narrative was that the Portuguese fostered intermarriage in their colonial territories, instead of promoting segregation. Depictions of intermarriage in the text are in fact abundant but remain understudied, even amongst several recent outstanding publications on Southey and imperialism. In this essay, I analyze one of these depictions of intermarriage: the quilombo of Palmares, a “rustic republic” founded by runaway slaves. I argue that Southey uses the quilombo of Palmares, a marginalized multi-ethnic community in the Portuguese imperial territory, to imagine the origin of new nations through intermarriage. I demonstrate that Southey’s Palmares superadds classical republicanism to a discourse of organic nations with distinct customs. I conclude that, for Southey, Palmares illustrates a troubling possibility suggested by the racial constitution of the Brazilian society that pushed Palmarese citizens into marginality: that the dissolution of race categories through intermarriage could be an advantageous and inevitable outcome in imperial societies.
Can the ‘human rights’ be considered the ‘last utopia’ of our epoch? Do they have nothing in common with the ‘Rights of Man’ of the eighteenth century, or is there a continuity between the first and the latter? This chapter aims to shed light on these theoretical and political or even philosophical questions from a historical-sociological standpoint. Sociology has long displayed a certain scepticism regarding human rights. The chapter reviews some works in contemporary sociology nonetheless devoted to human rights. Then it explores the path opened up by the long-term approach of Norbert Elias. For him, in an era of globalised interdependencies, the development of human rights constitutes an indicator of the construction of a political community on the scale of humanity, yet this process is fragile. More broadly, the claims related to these rights reveal both certain continuity and profound transformations since the eighteenth century, which are also related to the transformation of the role played by the state.
This article traces the reception of Hume's ‘Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth’ (1752) among a circle of Scottish Whigs supportive of the French Revolution. While the influence of Hume's essay on American Federalists like James Madison has long been a subject of debate, historians have overlooked the appeal that the plan held for Hume's intellectual heirs in Scotland. In the early 1790s, theorists such as John Millar, James Mackintosh, and Dugald Stewart believed European governments – above all France – could progress in the direction of the ‘Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth’. Hume modelled his plan after The Commonwealth of Oceana (1656) by James Harrington. In so doing, he helped transmit a version of institutional republicanism to a generation of Scottish intellectuals searching for more explicit political reforms. Thinkers like Millar and Stewart interpreted Hume's essay as both a justification for idealist political ‘speculation’ and a ‘practicable’ plan for rebalancing political power in a large commercial state.
There is no doubt that India is far from perfect when it comes to religious freedom. Indeed, India’s religious freedom problems have become an increasing focus of scholarly and policy attention. However, almost all of this attention is directed at one particular subset of religious freedom problems—i.e., restrictions imposed on the religious freedom of India’s minority communities, and particularly Muslims and Christians. Meanwhile, serious religious freedom challenges experienced by members of India’s Hindu majority population tend to be ignored. In this article: (1) I first describe the religious freedom situation in India as a complex terrain that requires a multi-dimensional mapping. (2) I then survey existing, influential studies of the religious freedom situation in India and identify their tendency to generate flat, one-dimensional mappings, and their consequent failure to analyze restrictions on the religious freedom of India’s Hindus, including both Hindu individuals and institutions. (3) I briefly analyze India’s regime of “Hindu Erastianism”—i.e., its extensive system of state regulation and control of Hindu institutions—and suggest how and why this regime amounts to a direct attack on core features of institutional religious freedom. (4) I conclude by briefly suggesting that the whole range of India’s religious freedom problems—including its “other”, less discussed problems—can be traced to a longstanding and destructive pattern of ideological polarization that owes as much to an uncompromising statist secularism as to Hindu nationalism. The existence of this now deeply ingrained pattern bodes ill for improvements in India’s religious freedom situation in the short term, and suggests that it is the country’s public culture, rather than its political balance of power, that must change if the world’s largest democracy is to enjoy greater religious freedom and tolerance in the future.
Right-wing populism and authoritarianism are often thought to be closely linked to each other: conceptually, ideologically, historically. This article challenges that assumption by reinterpreting right-wing populism as an essentially anti-authoritarian movement. Right-wing populism diverges from the clearly authoritarian movements of the past, such as classic conservatism and fascism, in at least two important ways: first, it follows a distinctive epistemology with a different idea what constitutes the truth and who has access to it. Second, populism has a peculiar understanding of the ultimate source of political authority and the function of political leadership. My article shows how right-wing populists pursue a project of self-empowerment and appropriate notions of emancipation and autonomy for their own narrative.
The ‘university becoming’ will need to question not only the increasingly undemocratic and illiberal societies within which it operates but also its own sense of purposefulness. The literature within the field of higher education has been good at challenging neoliberalism: its anti-public sector and pro-private sector policies and the impact of that policy orientation – coupled with post 2008 economic austerity measures leading to escalating levels of inequality – on higher education and society at large. But it has been less good at catching up with analysing and critiquing the post-neoliberal, nationalist and protectionist policies associated with the new authoritarianism establishing itself within old and aspiring democracies across Europe. This new authoritarianism plays fast and loose with the truth, relies on spectacle and nostalgic rhetoric, manipulates the supposed ‘free’ press and is fronted by charismatic (and often hopelessly ineffectual) leadership.
This essay investigates the role of natural law within the philosophical debates in 1790s Britain over the origins and applicability of citizens' rights, an issue amplified by memories of the French Revolution. It marks Amelia Opie’s 1805 novel Adeline Mowbray as representative of a counterrevolutionary faction focused extensively on the rights of citizens, yet fully distinct from the theoretically grounded cosmopolitan vision of both the French Jacobins and their radical British counterparts. The novel serves as evidence that the British counterrevolution was not intrinsically opposed to reform, and that reform itself was not incompatible with moral duty and social good nor antithetical to a more nationalistic - though broadly based - conception of "rights." In fact, it seems to be presented by Opie as a conscious alternative to revolutionary theories of universal right, by 1805 viewed by many as the progenitor of the political violence that had ensued following the fall of the Bastille sixteen years earlier.
This article intervenes in the debate about the nature of conservatism. Some contributors to this debate have claimed that this ideology can be defined as an adjectival disposition. They claim, that is, that a conservative possesses an attitude towards shared values rather than a distinct set of substantive values. The following discussion interrogates this account of conservatism and concludes that it can only be coherent if we ignore the epistemological limits of conservative thinking.
The subject of national debt raises serious questions concerning state identity. Should a state that has radically altered its constitution be responsible for decisions taken by the previous state? Much hangs on how we characterize the state as a continuous agent. This article explores debates over national debt, state integrity, and corruption in the eighteenth century, the era in which the modern financial‐bureaucratic state was in its infancy. Many eighteenth‐century writers treated national debt as corrupting; some advocated voluntary default as a manner of laying low the insidious “moneyed interests” usurping political power. But if public debt was attacked by some as the soul of corruption, others saw it as something that had been made possible by—and was a guarantor of—integrity. These controversies reveal a clash of visions of what constitutes state integrity. This same clash is alive in contemporary debates about national debts.
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