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Post-racial paradoxes: Rethinking European racism and anti-racism
Abstract
The advent of a post-racial understanding of racism has changed the way in which Europe sees itself and its ethnic minorities. The concept of the post-racial emerged in the United States to describe a belief that America was no longer a racist society and the election of Barack Obama to the highest office in the land was a public and highly visible confirmation of that state of affairs. A global post-racial culture has taken hold of western plutocracies in which racism is universally denounced but increasingly difficult to pin down. Sayyid's study, by using a decolonial analytics, examines the different ways in which racism is imagined and how this imagination shapes the way in which the post-racial appears. The paper goes on to sketch out an alternative account of the post-racial as an aspect of the various trends that have been described as being post-political.
... Yet, there is simultaneously a persistent unwillingness among broad layers of European scholars to talk about the racial dimension of the kinds of disadvantage and social exclusion that affect immigrants, their descendants, and other racialized groups disproportionally. Some even claim that we live in a "post-racial" society (Sayyid 2017). This reluctance towards the race concept springs from liberal-conservative thinkers but also from a class-centred approach, in which race is viewed as subordinate to or less relevant than the class category in conceptualizing inequalities in contemporary Western societies. ...
... ] and in which economic inequalities would be confronted head-on, instead of through the medium of ethno-race" (Hollinger 2008, p. 174). Sayyid (2017) claims that the post-racial discourse has been a neoconservative argument, which suggests that belonging to a racial group ceased to be determinant in explaining socioeconomic inequalities. On a more theoretical level, other post-racial epistemologies draw on the concept of hybridity, in relation with Stuart Hall's (1992) proposal of the emergence of "new ethnicities" and the capacity to challenge essentialist political identities and social positions based exclusively on racial experiences. ...
... From a critical perspective, Sayyid (2017) highlights the underlying "post-racial paradox" present in the tension between a generalized disapproval of racism on the one hand, and its continued perpetuation and practice in people's everyday lives (Essed 1991) and the functioning of institutions on the other hand. According to this author, current debates suggest that advances of the post-racial condition, that is, the questioning and deconstructing of white privilege, has been far more limited in the EU than in the US due to a less emphasized influence of the Civil Rights Movement in anti-racism (Sayyid 2017). ...
European history is to a significant extent also a history about racialization and racism. Since the colonizers of past centuries defined boundaries between “civilized” and “savages” by applying value standards in which the notions of race, ethnicity, culture, and religion were interwoven and imposed on human beings perceived as fundamentally different from themselves, racialization became deeply inherent in how (white) Europeans viewed the world, themselves, and others. In this Special Issue, we assume that colonialist racialization constitutes the base of a persistent and often unreflective and indirect racism. Implicit value systems according to which white people are automatically considered as more competent, more desirable, preferable in general terms, and more “European” translate into patterns of everyday racism affecting the self-image and life chances of white and non-white Europeans. In this introductory article, which defines the conceptual framework for the special issue, we contest the idea of a “post-racial” condition and discuss the consequences of ethno-racial differentiation and stigmatization for racialized groups such as Black Europeans, European Roma, and non-white migrants in general. Finally, we argue for the need to further problematize and critically examine whiteness.
... This orientalist and racist discourse within the EU works in a complex network of power/knowledge that promotes such discourses. Without that thick net of power/knowledge the sovereignty of the core over the periphery would not be sustainable (Sayyid 2017). The racism and orientalism of the centre can speak because it is assumed a rationality in its discourse which is sustained by the hierarchical violence that divides the centre and the periphery. ...
... Foucault (2012) called this biopolitical capacity "racism", a technology that regulates the unequal distribution of death (Mbembe 2011), "the conditions of acceptability of giving death" (Foucault 2012). Racism is a form of politics that seeks to organize human coexistence in a context of antagonistic relations; it is an attempt to domesticate that relationship of opposition derived from colonialism (Sayyid 2017). The racist function of the state of giving death can be completed through exposure to death or by increasing the risk of death. ...
... The police protect the border, particularly in Spain's colonial enclaves in Africa, which have become no-right spaces for migrants and where colonial police violence, be it European or the gendarmes of African countries, not only goes unpunished, but reminds us that we are still in a world where the violent hierarchy of the division between Western Europe and Africa still structures the world. Racism, like colonialism, is linked to the consolidation of an international order, to a world system (Sayyid 2017). The colonial order still distributes the right to live and die unequally. ...
The permanent crisis in the southern periphery of Europe has been deep socially, politically and economically. In order to contain it the sovereign power has shown all its majesty. The state of exception has been the mechanism deployed to introduce the political decision within the legal framework. Departing from Agamben’s understanding of this mechanism of power, the paper directs its attention to several dimensions in Portugal, Italy, Greece and Spain. That is, the financial crisis, the corporate impunity and the migrants death have been handled to silence the potentia to disrupt the ongoing capitalist and colonial regime of power. Actually, the state of exception has secured the current status quo, but also has intensified the ongoing regime of power. This dispositive is always accompanied by a legitimising discourse which essentialises and otherises these countries. After observing how this mechanism has operated in Southern Europe, the paper turns on discussing how to abandon this regime of power.
... According to Sayyid's (2017) Post-racial paradoxes: Rethinking European racism and antiracism, a post-racial understanding of racism has emerged in the 21st century. Initially popularized in the US, the idea of a post-racial dispensation soon spread to Europe and the rest of the world, riding on soft power and the hegemonic, discourseshaping attributes of these two regions. ...
... »The neoconservative historic bloc is organized around the refrain that Western culture and values play an axiomatically progres-sive role in the world -and they must continue to play such a role -and those core values are based on free markets and free societies of free individuals.« According to this view, since racism is associated with restrictions on individual freedom, the implication is that since Western societies are democratic, they have stopped being racist (Mbembe 2019: 17;Sayyid 2017). ...
Rassismus ist Realität – auch in der pluralen Gesellschaft Deutschlands. Doch was braucht es, um Rassismus zu erfassen, zu erforschen und politische sowie zivilgesellschaftliche Antworten auf ihn zu finden? Die Beiträger*innen liefern einen interdisziplinären Überblick zu grundlegenden Perspektiven, Theorien und Forschungsansätzen für eine zeitgemäße Rassismusforschung. Die im Rahmen des Nationalen Diskriminierungs- und Rassismusmonitors (NaDiRa) entstandenen Analysen bieten unverzichtbare und einzigartige Erkenntnisse zu Ursachen, Ausmaß und Folgen des Rassismus in Deutschland.
... our unique contribution is the development of a structured research approach that reflects an underlying epistemology of racial difference, struggle, and emancipation that is grounded in the US framework as laid out below. This "American" flavor is channeled through the colonial episteme, sensitive to intersections of privilege and oppression, and recognizable in other attempts to take up the topics of race and racisms in other contexts (see, for example Skovdahl 1996;Winant 2001;Dixon & Telles 2017;Sayyid 2017). Important research on race and racism is not confined to the United States, but our goal is to harness the potential of race from a US perspective in order to provide a contribution to the research landscape that can encourage further movement to racially-aware social science. ...
... How can I highlight the racialized devaluation at play when students use their different ethnic backgrounds and cross-cultural experiences to connect to and be seen by one another while headmasters tend to see student backgrounds as a liability and a distraction (Voyer 2016)? Voyer's use of racial and ethnic categories and the principal's refusal of them is the point: racialized power, race-based inequality, and marginality are possible even in contexts where the idea of race is discredited (Epstein 2016;Jensen, Weibel & Vitus 2017;Sayyid 2017). And, as our work shows, in such contexts, racialized power and inequality can be especially potent. ...
How does one research racial categorizations and exclusion while remaining sensitive to context? How does one engage the social reality of racial categorizations and the history of racialized exclusions without falling into the trap of race essentialism? These concerns prompt debate about, and also resistance to, examining race in Swedish social science. In this article, Voyer and Lund offer American racial reasoning as one possible approach to researching race in the Swedish context. American racial reasoning means being attentive to how power and the processes of social inequality operate through categories of racial and ethnic difference, and also seeing the path to greater equality in the embrace of those categories. American racial reasoning is a valuable research tool that uncovers dynamics of social inequality and possibilities for social justice that are otherwise difficult to grasp. Taking up the topic of immigration in Sweden, Voyer and Lund demonstrate the analytical value of American racial reasoning for understanding persistent social inequality and exclusion even when explicit racial categories are not in wide use in everyday life.
... The reason why it is problematic to differentiate the genealogy of racism between a 'scientific' and a 'cultural' phase is that this approach, taking as the historical point of reference biological racism, ends up invisibilising the historical continuities with periods previous to the 19th century. In particular, this paradigm invisibilises the racial classification of non-European populations initiated by colonial empires (Quijano 2000, 534) and, therefore, makes it more difficult to grasp its underlying transnational and geopolitical logics (Sayyid 2017) 3 . On the other hand, 2 For example, studies conducted in Latin America point to the emergence of a 'culturalist definition of race' in the 18th century already (Manrique 2014, 75), or during the construction of independent states (De La Cadena 2001, 7). ...
... In the European context, religious identity was the main marker for the inferioritisation of the Irish during British colonialism (Grosfoguel 2016). 3 According to Sayyid (2017), racism as a politics -in the Schmittian sense-emerged during the modern age, aimed to manage the antagonism between 'Europeanness' and 'Non-Europeanness'. Hence, although the physical-corporal-biological referent has not disappeared completely: an example of this are the 'animalistic' representations still attributed to Afro-descendant black people by some politicians or media (Italy racism raw 2013). ...
In this paper, we problematise the relationship between racism and immigrant integration policies. First, we approach racism from its geopolitical/institutional/governmental logic and contextualise the emergence of integration policies across the European Union. Then, we put into dialogue the fieldwork materials of our research projects, analysing intersections between the EU and Spanish integration policy frameworks. Despite the inclusive and proactive rhetoric often expressed by integration policies, we illustrate the existence of an ‘elective affinity’ between racism and integration by focusing on: (1) the construction of migrants as a problematic ‘object’ of governmental intervention; (2) the reduction of racism to an individual pathology and the underestimation of its institutional/structural dimensions; (3) the reproduction of epistemic racism through the discourse on European (and national) values.
... Al abordar niveles diferentes de la "gobernanza multinivel", pretendemos evidenciar la lógica transescalar (García, Álvarez y Rubio, 2011) mediante la cual se produce actualmente el sentido de las políticas públicas, no "en" sino "a través de" lugares (Shore y Wright, 1997), articulando espacios diversos (físicos o virtuales) mediante problematizaciones compartidas y relaciones de saber/poder específicas. Dando también por asumida la lógica transnacional y geopolítica del racismo (Sayyid, 2017) 3 , nos proponemos explorar qué tipo de interacción se produce en el contexto relacional escogido, prestando atención a cómo ciertos discursos hegemónicos se trasmiten, (re)producen o modifican al desplazarse de una escala a otra. ...
... Las reflexiones aquí formuladas también se alimentan de debates más recientes, llevados a cabo dentro del proyecto POLITICS: . 3 Para algunos autores, el racismo es una política -en sentido schmittiano-emergida durante la edad moderna y orientada a gestionar el antagonismo entre "Europeidad" y "no-Europeidad" (Sayyid, 2017), la "diferencia colonial" entre Europa y su "afuera constitutivo" (Hesse, 2007: 647-649). De ahí que, aunque los contextos nacionales afecten a los procesos específicos de clasificación racista, el fenómeno como tal desborde las fronteras del Estado-nación. ...
En este artículo ahondaremos en la relación entre las políticas “de integración de inmigrantes” y la (re)producción del racismo1. Hemos decidido centrarnos en este ámbito porque la retórica de la integración suele caracterizarse por unos conceptos operativos generalmente contrapuestos al imaginario “intolerante” desencadenado por la noción de racismo. Las “palabras-clave” que dichas políticas diseminan -“participación”, “diversidad”, “buenas prácticas”, etc.-, a menudo reapropiadas por actores comprometidos con los derechos de las personas migrantes, parecerían no dejar lugar alguno para el racismo. Es más: el mismo recurso a un término tan “incómodo” y “sospechoso” parece encerrar una acusación moral inaceptable (Maeso y Cavia, 2014: 152). De ahí nuestra decisión de problematizar ciertos supuestos comúnmente aceptados, tanto académica como socialmente. Más concretamente, argumentaremos la existencia de un nexo entre integración y racismo al menos por tres razones: 1) porque la problematización hegemónica de “integración” dirige la atención hacia las pretendidas características de las poblaciones objeto de gobierno, ocultando cómo las propias políticas públicas someten a estas últimas a procesos de clasificación/jerarquización; 2) porque este paradigma favorece un entendimiento limitado y psicologicista del racismo, entendido como patología individual arraigada en prejuicios, estereotipos o ideologías extremas y corregible a través de un mejor conocimiento del Otro; 3) porque las políticas de integración contribuyen en sí mismas a la inferiorización epistémica de las poblaciones migrantes.
... Sin esa densa malla de poder/saber la soberanía del norte europeo sobre la periferia sur no se mantiene (Sayyid, 2014). El racista u orientalista norteuropeo puede hablar porqué se atribuye una racionalidad a su discurso que viene imbuida por la violencia jerárquica (Sayyid, 2017) que divide al norte del sur del continente. El orientalista habla desde el progreso. ...
... El racismo permite distribuir desigualmente la posibilidad de muerte (Mbembe, 2011). Un racismo que no se puede desligar de la violenta jerarquía global que divide a los distintos países (Sayyid, 2017), ni de los siglos de colonialismo europeo (Karmy, 2016). Pero el racismo no se queda en la frontera exterior de la UE, sino que permea todas las relaciones sociales en el interior de los países con la construcción legal de la irregularidad y la alteridad generando una división en el seno de las clases populares y que dificulta la solidaridad horizontal (Calavita, 2005). ...
Este artículo aborda la continuada crisis en la periferia sur de la Unión Europea desde la perspectiva del Estado de excepción como dispositivo del poder soberano. Este dispositivo de gobierno ha ido adquiriendo centralidad en el momento presente para manejar situaciones complejas cuando el poder y la soberanía están en disputa en medio de una crisis sobrevenida e impuesta al mismo tiempo; crisis sobrevenida que interrumpe los ritmos de acumulación de capital y crisis impuesta sobre las clases populares de los países del sur de la UE. Desde esta aproximación analizaremos tres dimensiones de esta crisis permanente que ha derribado antiguas certezas y consensos para establecer un nuevo tiempo político que consolida el régimen de poder económico y político dentro de la UE.
... In recent years, the influence of anti-immigration political discourse and policies in a postracial Europe has increased (Sayyid 2017). This is becoming progressively more evident in the rise to power of parties and leaders who evince a stridently anti-immigrant and often racist attitude towards immigrants, such as Salvini in Italy, Orban in Hungary, Kurz in Austria, Johnson in the UK, 6 etc. Anti-immigration sentiment has been very evident throughout the Brexit debate taking place in the UK, with immigration issues monopolising the Brexit agenda. ...
... In Europe, political parties with an anti-immigration and anti-Muslim agenda consider cultural racism politically correct. They are increasingly gaining popularity and power, which shows that cultural racism has not been extinguished but rather politicized and masked as political ideology (Sayyid 2017). Not accepting immigrants in order to preserve the culture of the majority, the ban of wearing headscarves or acts of worship, and the elimination of minority languages in schools are a few examples of how cultural racism currently manifests itself in Europe. ...
Over the last decade, major European leaders have publicly stated that multiculturalism in their countries has failed. Since then, the influence of anti-immigration political discourse and policies in Europe has grown. Far-right parties and leaders who espouse anti-immigrant or openly racist attitudes have risen to power. Immigration coupled with unemployment has amplified feelings of disenfranchisement with democratic institutions and mainstream parties, thus fuelling the rise of the radical right. The question that inevitably emerges and will be addressed in this article is whether these recent developments have their roots in the failure of multiculturalism in Europe. To examine this, a systematic literature review is undertaken in order to critically discuss the concept of multiculturalism, including its flaws such as how the benefits of cultural enrichment are often overstated, while the accompanying social problems are often overlooked. Consequently, issues of cultural identity will be explored with a focus on the new multipolar world where the most significant differences amongst populations are cultural rather than ideological, political or economic. This is due to broader socioeconomic and political changes which have led people to identify themselves in terms of culture and the community they belong to rather than their politics and the society to which they aspire. Thereafter, the various policies of EU Member States towards immigration and hence multiculturalism will be analysed and the reasons why these models were unsuccessful will be considered. Finally, the consequences of the failure of these models on the present and future of multiculturalism in Europe will be examined.
... Desde finales de los años ochenta ha empezado a generalizarse, tanto en el ámbito académico, como en el mundo del activismo, la idea que el antirracismo, o los antirracismos, están en crisis (Gallissot, 1985;Taguieff, 1989;Sayyid, 2017). Numerosos investigadores van más allá y hablan del "fin del antirracismo" (Gilroy, 1990) y consideran que el antirracismo ha entrado en crisis desde que, con el comienzo de la guerra fría, ha roto su unidad ideológica, social y política. ...
... Las perspectivas decolonial e interseccional están llevando a cabo una crítica radical del antirracismo, denunciando su "continuidad colonial" (Azarmandi, 2017) y sus paradojas y contradicciones internas (Sayyid, 2017;Lentin, 2017); repensando y deconstruyendo las identidades subalternas (Dei, 2017); revalorizando y dando voz a epistemologías periféricas (Grosfoguel, Oso y Christou, 2015); promoviendo nuevas alianzas y diálogos críticos entre la acción antirracista y otros movimientos sociales, especialmente con el feminismo (Dhamoon, 2015;Miñoso, 2017). ...
El racismo es un fenómeno que nos involucra a todos y a todas en primera persona: todos somos al mismo tiempo potenciales verdugos y posibles víctimas. Somos potenciales verdugos porque los prejuicios y las conductas racistas no son exclusivos ni propios solamente de individuos ignorantes o declaradamente racistas, sino que son elementos latentes en nuestro horizonte cultural y pueden resurgir fácilmente en momentos de crisis, miedo o incertidumbre. Somos posibles víctimas puesto que el racismo es un fenómeno que ha sabido adaptarse a las contingencias históricas y sociales: hoy los discriminados pueden ser los “otros”, pero mañana podríamos ser nosotras las personas cuyos derechos fueran sistemáticamente violados por pertenecer o ser asignadas a un determinado grupo.
Si el racismo nos involucra en primera persona, las ciencias sociales y la acción social no pueden mantener una postura neutral: no es suficiente denunciar los actos racistas más explícitos o lamentar la indiferencia generalizada frente a la violación de los derechos de las personas migrantes o racializadas. Es necesario renovar las herramientas conceptuales para identificar las nuevas formas de racismo y plantear metodologías y estrategias de acción capaces de combatirlo eficazmente.
La elaboración de este libro se enmarca, precisamente, en esa necesidad urgente de renovación (conceptual, analítica, estratégica, metodológica y práctica) de la reflexión sobre el racismo, para construir un antirracismo realmente eficaz, crítico y transformador.
... Históricamente, las actitudes raciales negativas son marcadores utilizados para el racismo, que es un conjunto social de prácticas de marginamiento de acceso a los recursos y al poder en una sociedad dada (Moreno & Wade, 2023). No obstante, hace unos veinte años emerge el post-racialismo en Estados Unidos, como postura filosófica que señala la superación de la era racista con la elección de Barack Obama al cargo más alto del país (Sayyid, 2017). Los recientes acontecimientos que proliferan con la intensificación del capitalismo revelan un problema en ascenso, pero resbaladizo en sus formas de diversificación. ...
La educación superior para la población afrodescendiente, es una tarea pendiente que constituye uno de los grandes desafíos en materia de justicia social en el seno de la sociedad colombiana; por un lado, en cuanto, a posibilidades reales de acceso, permanencia y egreso, pues, el porcentajes de afrodescendientes que ingresan al sistema de educación superior y culminan con éxito el proceso de formación profesional es limitado; por otro lado, en cuanto al diseño curricular, modelo pedagógico planes y programas que respondan a los criterios de calidad y pertinencia en clave de la historia, dinámicas culturales, expectativas, necesidades, modos de ser y estar en el mundo de los pueblos afrodescendientes, pues, la inmensa mayoría de las instituciones de educación superior no incorporan de manera integral la perspectiva étnica intercultural, conforme lo establece el ordenamiento jurídico colombiano a través de la Constitución Política, la Ley general de educación, la Ley 70 de 1993 y otras disposiciones legales de orden nacional y supranacional vigentes en Colombia.
... Despite Europe's condemnation of racist practices and espousal of the belief of being post-race, instances of racism persist but are more difficult to identify. Salman Sayyid posited that this post-racial assertion represents a contemporary reconfiguration of 'racism as politics' 12 . This conceptualization aligns with the observation by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva of the United States of a pervasive color-blind ideology, which he characterized as 'racism without racists' 13 . ...
The article’s initial point is to question the limited attention devoted to anti-racism and racial issues more broadly in Belgium, including in the field of migration studies. This inquiry allows for a critical exploration of the status of racial issues in a ‘post-racial’ and post-colonial Belgian society. Moreover, it examines the insights that anti-racist activism may provide regarding the underlying power dynamics of our society.
... Con respecto a la pedagogía antirracistas, se resalta la consolidación de discursos raciales colonialistas en diversos escenarios educativos constituyendo una conciencia de odio, rechazo, exclusión y desigualdad (Sayyid, 2017). La relevancia de pensar en la raza requiere de un llamamiento convincente a compromisos más profundos con el poder de la blancura en la configuración de la escuela y el entorno en el que se produce y se valora el conocimiento. ...
La colonialidad, el capitalismo y el heteropatriarcado son ejes de dominación históricamente constituidos a partir de procesos políticos, económicos y sociales; su manifestación y relación no se ha dado de manera efímera u homogénea, todo lo contrario, ha sido polifacética y ha tenido una duración considerable para desarrollarse como sistemas de opresión, y la escuela, como institución moderna, ha sido un dispositivo que ha permitido la circulación, afianzamiento y ejecución de los ideales de esta triada dominante. Sin embargo, pueden hallarse prácticas pedagógicas contrahegemónicas que resistan a estas dinámicas y sean herramientas de liberación. Por ello, con este artículo pretendo dar cuenta del análisis textual discursivo de 50 artículos sobre las prácticas pedagógicas de resistencia decoloniales, feministas y antirracistas dadas en diferentes niveles educativos. Se concluye que actualmente más docentes se han unido a esta iniciativa transformadora de las prácticas pedagógicas tradicionales o convencionales y han fundamentado pedagogías en clave decolonial, feminista y antirracista comprometiéndose con el reposicionamiento de las prácticas y devenires educativos, donde se vincule a los sujetos, experiencias, saberes y contextos otros.
... In sum, evidence shows that at least for the largest studies that often inform regulators' decision to approve drugs, racial concepts and categories travel across national borders and give rise to a racialised practice regardless of local norms and conventions. Worth noticing is that the clinical studies considered took place across several other European countries that exhibit similar 'paradoxical' relations to race (Sayyid, 2017). This includes, for example, France where there are regulations uniquely restricting the collection of race data (Guerrier et al., 2017). ...
The post‐racial discourse that permeates many Western European countries depicts society as having moved beyond race concepts and classifications. This article focuses on Sweden, a country that, in line with the post‐racial thinking, declares race to be an offensive and unscientific concept. The article investigates what happens when this post‐racial discourse meets clinical research standards that encourage, if not demand, the collection of data on patient race. Through an analysis of the reporting of patient race in 76 multinational trials with at least one study site in Sweden, and a review of the regulatory and medical standards and trial documents that direct the collection of patient race in trials, we show how race classification is kept intact in trials despite conflicting with post‐racial norms and conventions. Notably, our findings diverge from the way racialisation is typically assumed to work in Sweden and related countries. We argue this is possible because the two incompatible understandings of race are ‘distributed’ (Mol, 2002, The body multiple: Ontology in medical practice, Duke University Press) among different social worlds. The distribution, we propose, is upheld through the paucity of major debate on why and how race classification should be carried out in clinical trials in Europe as this allows contradictions to remain unspoken.
... There is also a need for healthcare disciplines, like nursing, to question the limitations of research and scientific evidence intended to increase cultural competency, decrease unconscious bias, and decrease racist policies and practices when these tools are often produced by the socio-politically dominant group (Hilario et al., 2018;Sylvestre et al., 2019). Nurses, who comprise the largest group of healthcare professionals in Canada (CIHI, 2021), have an integral role in undoing racism, for example, by encouraging nursing students to engage in processes like reflection, reflexivity, and activism (Burnett et al., 2020) The role of nurses in anti-racist activism is integral to challenging myths and misconceptions such as the existence of 'racially colourblind' healthcare workers or notions of a post-racial era whereby the presence of people of colour in positions of power supposedly indicates a conquering of racism (Sayyid, 2017). ...
Racism in healthcare is real and it impacts nurses in ways that permeate the culture of healthcare. In the context of increasing social discourse about racism in healthcare, a group of nurses in British Columbia, Canada, felt a moral obligation to expose the social injustice of the systemic racism they had witnessed or experienced. They used film, an arts-based medium, as an innovative tool with the potential to reach an array of viewers, for this nurse activist project in anti-racist action. The creative process allowed for a racially diverse group of nurses to engage in meaningful dialogue about racism in healthcare. The purpose of this descriptive methodological article is to describe how a creative team of novice nurse filmmakers used the nursing process as a framework to carry this project from concept to execution. The stages described include the rationale for developing the film, the process of utilizing this as a means of nurse activism, and the value of using film as a strategy for social activism. Film was used to engage nurses and nursing students in anti-racist work that critically challenges the structural racism embedded in healthcare. We request that all readers view our film in conjunction with reading this article to best grasp how this article and the film complement one another because the film and article are intended to co-exist and not to exist in isolation from one another.
... The narratives for their inferioritization were provided first by the Christian religious discourse, followed by Enlightened rationalism and, eventually, through modern social sciences (Grosfoguel, 2016;Hall, 1996;Wallerstein, 1997). In this view, racism was created geopolitical; aimed at managing the asymmetry between "Europeanness" and "non-Europeanness" (Sayyid, 2017), "the West" and "the Rest" (Hall, 1996), some 350 years before turning into an explicit scientific theory. This approach emphasizes the political character of racism, intended not merely as a matter of misinformation or due to prejudiced attitudes, but as a power dynamic, propelled on a global scale, that relegates entire peoples to a dehumanizing "Zone of Non Being" (Fanon, 1967), while promoting others to the heights of "civilisation". ...
Racism is hardly discussed in Spanish public debates: however, when approached through policy, it is generally understood either as violent acts committed by extremists, or as a matter of stereotypes/prejudices/lack of information about cultural Others. This article focuses on the latter understanding, as performed by Spanish “anti-rumour” strategies, a varied ensemble of initiatives aimed at dismantling stereotypes of migrants and racial minorities, mainly by encouraging better knowledge and empathy. By approaching these initiatives as a representative case of mainstream, psychology-based perspectives on anti-racism and drawing on fieldwork conducted in relevant Spanish locations, I focus on their main assumptions and theoretical/political implications. Despite the heterogeneity of such initiatives, the fieldwork analysis points to common flaws; particularly in the ways their “positive” narratives and allegedly inclusive approaches might foster narrow definitions of racism, silencing its institutional/structural/governmental dimensions and potentially normalizing racist power relations.
... The graffitied messages in Figures 2 and 3 communicate the notion of Mandarin speakers from the mainland as a separate racial and linguistic species who are non-indigenous to Hong Kong represented as economic and social threats. As the notion of different human races being discrete biological species is bolstered by pseudo-scientific taxonomies of race historically used by the British empire to justify the colonization of purportedly biologically inferior peoples (Sayyid 2017), mainlanders are racialized as "Other" in a similar manner. ...
In current conditions of late-modernity, nativism, localism, populism and racism are articulating as each other in Western European societies. In Asia’s global city, Hong Kong witnessed revivi!cations of nativist and localist identities that were negotiated to counteract socio-cultural and political “Mainlandization” in the former British colony. The imaginative geographies underscoring political gra"ti and civil disobedience wresting the right for political self-determination from Beijing during the anti-extradition bill (anti-ELAB) protests of 2019–2020 is retrospectively discussed in relation to frequent pro-establishment assertions that Hong Kongers ought to accept Beijing’s sovereignty over the semi- autonomous region. The gra"ti vignettes presented in this work express opposition towards the Mainland presence in Hong Kong, which illustrates underlying nativist sentiments.
... More specifically, some scholars have conceived border regimes as devices that maintain the system of racial inequalities stemming from colonialism (Erel, Murji, and Nahaboo 2016). In this respect, border regimes can be seen as the continuation of the colonial project (Sayyid 2017). ...
In recent years, the successful anti-migrant mobilization of populist radical right parties and movements in Germany have stimulated the anti-racist struggle. This article investigates the anti-racism of grassroots organizations that contest border regimes in Berlin. While grassroots anti-racism also intends to combat the ideology of populist radical right parties, it contributes distinctively to the debates on racism, colonialism and border regimes. Specifically, grassroots anti-racism sheds light on the mechanisms through which border regimes oppress and racialize migrants. Crucially, by acknowledging the imbrication between historical racial inequalities and border regimes, grassroots organizations weave an anti-racist struggle against border regimes that is emancipatory for racialized migrants. I contend that grassroots anti-racism contributes to tackling the pervasive historical amnesia (Hall, S. 2000. “Conclusion: The Multi-cultural Question.” In Un/settled Multiculturalisms: Diasporas, Entanglements, ‘Transruptions’, edited by B. Hesse. Zed Books) regarding colonialism and the role of racism in the construction of the German nation.
... However, the notion of institutional racism/discrimination adopted was generally interpreted narrowly, as discriminatory practices performed by individuals working within institutions. While the definition of institutional racism provided by Ture and Hamilton had some 'strong' nuancesit pointed to the institutional/structural logics of racism itself, as a system of powerthe understanding of institutional racism later adopted in other contexts pointed to a 'weaker' interpretation (Hesse, 2004;Sayyid, 2017), as the sum of 'individual' racist acts occurred in the context of public administration. This seems to be the case for my interviewees. ...
In Spain, (anti-)racism is of scarce relevance to public debates and, when the topic is broached, it has mainly been discussed in relation to non-EU migration. Besides, its historical link with colonialism generally remains unacknowledged. This article analyses the problematisation of ‘race’ and ‘racism’ in this context, as performed by hegemonic stakeholders (i.e. public servants, NGOs, experts) in the fields of anti-discrimination, Roma inclusion and immigrant integration policies. As the fieldwork materials illustrate, this understanding rejects ‘race’ not only from a scientific-biological perspective but also as a social-political category. Accordingly, racism is depoliticised and theorised in a twofold manner: (1) as a matter of stereotypes, prejudices and lack of information about the ‘Other’; (2) as the aggressive acts of explicitly racist individuals/organisations. The structural, historical and institutional dimensions of racism are addressed either as background context, or they are negated by public policies. By not confronting the uneven power relations (re)produced by racism, this approach reaffirms ‘institutional whiteness’ as the underlying perspective of mainstream Spanish anti-racism.
... Finally, there is another aspect of reductionism that has been condemned, especially since the Black feminist movement (Hooks, 1989;Jabardo, 2012) and the intersectional and decolonial approaches (Mc-Call, 2005;Eslami & Maynard, 2013;Yuval-Davis, 2013;Platero, 2014;Grosfoguel et al., 2015;Sayyid, 2017;Lentin, 2017;Azarmandi, 2017;Heuchan, 2019): the act of considering only one categorical dimension (for example race or ethnicity) while ignoring the other social categories that shape the experience of the stigmatized group and its members. Above all, racism is a 'lived experience' (Memmi, 1982): the victim of racism is at the center of a hierarchical classification system in which the phenotype is mixed with class, ethnicity, sex, religious beliefs and other cultural aspects. ...
Anti-racist socio-educational intervention is not proving effective at combating contemporary racism. Traditional awareness models suffer from serious limitations that prevent them from achieving their stated objectives. In this chapter, these limits are described and explained, based on an analysis of the dominant models implicit in current anti-racist intervention.
Second, two new conceptual tools are proposed that are essential to reframe anti-racist action, so that socio-educational intervention is truly able to transform and eliminate moral boundaries.
Finally, several operational proposals are presented and described to renew anti-racist socio-educational action from a critical-transformative perspective: critical reflexivity, the decolonization of one’s own culture, understanding to transform, the enabling of racialized and discriminated groups, participatory communication, and communicational empowerment.
... We situate our work in the intersection between the fields of race and class, bringing together two frameworks that have not only been analytically separated, but often placed in direct opposition to each other (Bhattacharyya et al. 2019;Sayyid 2017;Hollinger 2011). Marxist scholars have, for instance, accused defenders of Critical Race Theory and other scholars focusing on race/racialization for downplaying the recognition of class inequalities (Warmington 2020). ...
In this article, we address a gap in the scholarship on (super)diversity, discrimination and racism by placing the experiences of non-western migrants and Roma people in the same conceptual framework of stigmatization based on racialization and aporophobia. Including a (formally non-recognized) national minority, the Spanish Roma, in such an analysis implies moving from a framework of superdiversity applied to immigrants to a broader one, which also applies the notion of superdiversity to the racialized citizens of a country, shifting the focus from inner-group features to exogenous othering processes by the mainstream society. We aim to also contribute to the literature on the race–class binary with our empirically grounded analysis of how racialization and aporophobia intersect in the negative stereotyping of people who are cast as outsiders based on both their race/ethnicity and (assumed) socio-economic status. Data from several different research projects on migrant and Roma inclusion/exclusion in Spain were used for the analysis, which focuses on the intersections between race and class in the narratives on exclusion and discrimination by 185 migrant and Roma men and women that were interviewed between 2004 and 2021. The analysis shows that our Roma and migrant respondents perceive forms of discrimination based on racialization and aporophobia that are similar in several ways. In turn, the “double stigmatization” experienced by many of our respondents reinforces their actual precariousness, which may be understood both as a cause and consequence of this stigmatization. We found that these experiences were salient in the narratives of both non-western migrant and Roma respondents who find themselves part of a “racialized underclass” and struggle with finding ways to exit the vicious circle of devalued identities and material deprivation.
... A este respecto, Hall afirma que la raza es un "significante flotante" o "corredizo" (Hall 1997, p. 5), aludiendo a la multitud de marcadores (color de piel, etnicidad, cultura, religión/creencia, biología, procedencia…) que históricamente han sido utilizados para racializar a las poblaciones dominadas (véase también Grosfoguel 2016). Para Quijano (2000), la idea de raza surgió durante la colonización de América Latina, siendo utilizada por los europeos para jerarquizar a las poblaciones dominadas y para expresar la oposición (asimétrica) entre "europeidad" y "no europeidad" 5 (Sayyid 2017), "Occidente y el Resto" (Hall 1996), "zona del ser" y "zona del no ser" (Fanon 1996), "civilización" y "salvajismo", "blanquitud" (Frankenberg 2004) y "no blanquitud". 6 Dada la relevancia de las prácticas jurídicas para el presente artículo, aportaré algunas reflexiones sobre la relación entre derecho y racismo. ...
En este artículo analizo la articulación entre saberes, prácticas y dispositivos emergentes del marco de las políticas españolas de antidiscriminación por origen racial o étnico. Basándome en el trabajo de campo realizado en Madrid y otras localizaciones durante 2019, profundizo en las problematizaciones del racismo alentadas por los actores situados (tanto institucionales como “no gubernamentales”) que participan en este espacio, indagando cómo estas repercuten en las nociones legales adoptadas y en las prácticas “cotidianas” de contraste jurídico a la discriminación. Centrándome en tres ámbitos de discusión y práctica institucional, evidencio como resultados: a) una noción prevalente de igualdad/discriminación individualista y abstracta, que menoscaba la dimensión colectiva del racismo y se encuentra atravesada por la “blanquitud institucional”; b) la negación/relativización del racismo institucional/estructural/gubernamental; c) la difuminación del antirracismo dentro de una visión legalista, que no consigue atender a las vertientes sociales, políticas e históricas de la discriminación racial.
... white supremacy, a position he derives from Mills (1997). While concerns about the future of whiteness have been engaged by some decolonial commentators against the backdrop of a purported shift to a 'post-racial' reality (Alcoff 2015) (Sayyid 2010(Sayyid , 2017, anxieties about the future (or otherwise) of whiteness are arguably traceable to the late 19 th and early 20 th century phenomenon of 'White Crisis' explored by Füredi (1998) and Bonnett (2000Bonnett ( , 2005Bonnett ( , 2008, the latter of whom refers to a decline of overt discourses of whiteness -more specifically, white supremacism -and the concomitant rise of a discourse about 'the West' 17 . It is suggested that the recent election of Donald Trump as President of conceptions of phenomena, and the conflation of various forms of critical posthumanism including those conceptualized in informational terms such as the technoprogressive account articulated by Haraway in her 'Cyborg Manifesto'. ...
Transhumanism is interrogated from critical race theoretical and decolonial perspectives with a view to establishing its “algorithmic” relationship to historical processes of race formation (or racialization) within Euro-American historical experience. Although the transhumanist project is overdetermined vis-à-vis its raison d’être, it is argued that a useful way of thinking about this project is in terms of its relationship to the shifting phenomenon of whiteness. It is suggested that transhumanism constitutes a techno-scientific response to the phenomenon of “White Crisis” at least partly prompted by contestation of Eurocentrically universal humanism.
... white supremacy, a position he derives from Mills (1997). While concerns about the future of whiteness have been engaged by some decolonial commentators against the backdrop of a purported shift to a "post-racial" reality (Alcoff 2015;Sayyid 2010Sayyid , 2017, anxieties about the future (or otherwise) of whiteness are arguably traceable to the late nineteenth-and early twentieth-century CE phenomenon of "White Crisis"explored by Füredi (1998) and Bonnett (2000Bonnett ( , 2005Bonnett ( , 2008, the latter of whom refers to a decline of overt discourses of whiteness-more specifically, white supremacism-and the concomitant rise of a discourse about "the West". 17 ...
This chapter argues that, although transhumanism depicts itself as following the footsteps of the tradition of humanism, i.e. as seeking for a better world for all human beings, it is realizing ambiguous trajectories. Despite officially proclaimed integrative intentions and goals of some of its most prominent leaders, it seems that transhumanism tends to push forward social innovations that are a double-edged sword. Indeed, we face an era of military rearmament also due to achievements that have emerged in the converging fields of AI, robotics and human enhancement. Some of the most controversial views concerning these achievements and their possible impacts on modern warfare are discussed. Moreover, we outline how these developments in the military sector are symptomatic for a broader technological trend that seems to become a major transformative driver in the twenty-first century—a world where inequality is on the rise both in the social, the technological and the military spheres.
... La consecuencia de todo ello a la hora de identificar, señalar o denunciar prácticas racistas, es que al ser tan sutiles son difíciles de asociar, identificar y catalogar (Sayyid, 2017). ...
Resumen Identificar e interpretar prácticas de discriminación racial, es un asunto complejo. En el presente se expone un análisis de un trabajo etnográfico con personas migrantes racializadas en el contexto de la ciudad española de Madrid. En concreto se trata de una aproximación a las formas retóricas que las personas tienen para explicar que han experimentado prácticas de discriminación racistas. En ese sentido, más allá de las prácticas espectaculares de discriminación como agresiones u ofensas discursivas, voy a detenerme en aquellos relatos que hablan de prácticas más ambiguas, más encubiertas; para ver cómo construyen subjetivamente aquello que perciben como objetivo.
... However, recent international events have marked an astonishing turn. The Brexit referendum and the 2016 American election have pointed to the persistent and enduring indication that injustice still prevails, particularly surrounding racism (Sayyid, 2017), sexism and homophobia (Crosby, 2017). While people from all walks of life who believe in social justice woke up in fear and with growing concern on 9 November 2016, the ongoing events also bespeak the continual and urgent need to address issues of social justice in every social context (Harrison & Clark, 2016), in particular in education. ...
The social justice leadership research recognizes the pivotal role that educational leaders play in mobilizing the discourse and achieving social justice in schools. However, current social justice leadership studies may be seen as limited in that the variety of important themes and issues identified in the discussions of social justice within educational leadership are generally addressed in an isolated manner, focusing on specific aspects. There seems to be a lack of an overarching framework which may be used to examine social justice leadership in a holistic and multidimensional manner by taking into account leadership, organizational conditions and environment. This article aims to examine social justice leadership through the lens of the ‘Five Fundamentals’ outlined in The Art of War by the Chinese General, Sun Tzu. In doing so, the article extends the theoretical boundary in social justice leadership by considering its moral purpose, human and environmental conditions, leadership practices, and technical constraints.
Purpose: The aim of the study is to analyse the experiences of 7 students (4 girls and 3 boys) from different continents (Africa, Asia and South America) in Physical Education, in order to know to what extent, they have perceived racism. Their guardians also participated. All the students have experienced their compulsory schooling in Spain. Methods: The research is framed under the theory of culturally relevant pedagogy. A qualitative approach is used in which three categories of analysis are established: (a) Perception of social discrimination; (b) Effect on self-esteem and emotional implications; (c) Learning limitations in Physical Education. Interviews with students and focus groups with guardians, where the data collection techniques are/were used. Findings & conclusions: The results show how students have suffered covert racism in the classroom, specifically in Physical Education, observed in a diversity of behaviours and actions linked to the colour of their skin, their accent, their physical features and even their body odour. This, despite their subliminal acceptance of it, has generated frustration, powerlessness and diminished self-esteem, as well as a bad relationship with the subject. Guardians recognize the experience of these forms of discrimination and emphasize that racism still exists in society and in schools, and that there is a lack of mechanisms and procedures to eradicate it. It is essential to continue researching how to approach a teaching of Physical Education that moves away from any type of discrimination, but this article is already a first step in giving a voice to those who suffer from it.
Contemporary white supremacy often takes hold through strategies of racial disavowal. One strategy that political parties and regular citizens in Bulgaria use is what I call determined indeterminacy . Determined indeterminacy is a collective, institutionalized method of denying the ubiquitous systemic racism that undergirds social life. It allows people to naturalize white supremacy and render it adaptably persistent. This is the case especially in contexts of aspirational whiteness, such as Bulgaria, where whiteness is fraught and many people claim that their country has never been racial. Tracing Bulgaria's history of racial disavowal helps us understand how the local particularities of white supremacy naturalize, transform, and set in place long‐standing racial hierarchies.
Despite the traditional narratives on the rise of populism, several scholars have recently underlined what is now called ‘urban populism,’ i.e. the relationships between medium or large cities and the spread of populism in contemporary societies. One of the major arguments that urban populism exploits to ensure its impressive growth is the presence of migrants in cities, especially when the latter are already on the verge of economic crises caused by health emergencies and international wars. Many European states have ambiguously wavered between the rejection of supranational entities and the desire to strengthen European borders, considered culturally homogeneous, against the ‘threat’ of foreigners arriving from Africa and Asia. Likewise, populism has been ambiguous with regard to cities, which are sometimes considered the receptacle for all evil, while at other times they are a political model (with obvious reference to the Greek polis) to be defended, once again, in the clash of civilizations that characterizes our era. If, in fact, there are many studies on the construction of the populist discourse at the national or supranational scale, less attention has been paid to the urban scale, which also plays a key role in the articulation between identity rhetoric, practices of confinement, and spatial imagery. In this turbulent context, Messina has also experienced some episodes, albeit not very well known, of populist anti-migrant rhetoric. Here, Mayor Cateno De Luca achieved regional and then national notoriety for his aggressive campaigns against both internal and external enemies. By building on the existing scientific literature on populism, and through the use of a qualitative methodology based on critical discourse analysis, this contribution aims to outline the links between migration and urban populism, starting from a theoretical framework and then describing the specific case of De Luca’s narratives about the Gasparro reception center in Messina and its contested geographies.
The paper explores how boundaries affect the search for identity in the context of racism and colonialism. Colonized individuals often experience a sense of alienation and inferiority caused by the limitations imposed by colonial power structures, leading to a quest for personal identity. However, the binary division between the colonizer and colonized affects everyone involved, making searching for personal identity more complex and reinforcing systemic racism. The first section of the article examines how race, a socially constructed concept, plays a crucial role in defining the difference between oneself and others, imposing structures of othering based on Fanonian analysis. The second section discusses whether it is possible to avoid or overcome racism and racial oppression, shedding light on the inherent nature of othering, racism, and latent violence.
Rassismus ist Realität - auch in der pluralen Gesellschaft Deutschlands. Doch was braucht es, um Rassismus zu erfassen, zu erforschen und politische sowie zivilgesellschaftliche Antworten auf ihn zu finden? Die Beiträger*innen liefern einen interdisziplinären Überblick zu grundlegenden Perspektiven, Theorien und Forschungsansätzen für eine zeitgemäße Rassismusforschung. Die im Rahmen des Nationalen Diskriminierungs- und Rassismusmonitors (NaDiRa) entstandenen Analysen bieten unverzichtbare und einzigartige Erkenntnisse zu Ursachen, Ausmaß und Folgen des Rassismus in Deutschland.
In modern political discourse, there is rarely a concept that causes such violent reactions and polarized assessments as multiculturalism. The range of assessments of multiculturalism varies from the recognition of a multi-ethnic society as the optimal structural form to the main cause of the current crisis of European values. It is a fact that multiculturalism has turned from an abstract concept and some specific practice into an optimal model of the organizational form of European society. During the last decade, European politicians and experts have argued that multiculturalism in their countries has failed. Many do not agree with the retreat of multiculturalism although there is a broad consensus that we do indeed live in an era of post-multiculturalism.
This chapter evaluates different European parties’ positions on the subject of multiculturalism, with a particular focus on immigration, during the 2014 and 2019 European Parliament Election Campaigns. Significantly, the authors conclude that 2019 marks a change as regards the prevailing political discourse in this respect in that the campaign witnessed a move away from the once dominant anti-immigration messages, which have been previously considered the key to electoral success in many EU countries.
This chapter presents an overview of how migrant networks have been researched and theorised. In so doing, we highlight some persistent gaps in knowledge about how migrants, and their descendants, forge networks and generate particular kinds of resources, especially in accessing the labour market and developing careers, and we explain how the chapters of this book tackle these issues. By looking not only at migrants but also at the second generation, we reflect on opportunities, but also enduring inequalities, and the ways in which networks may be mobilised to support employment strategies across different sectors and in different European countries.
The chapter discusses the importance of disentangling social capital and social networks. Relatedly, we discuss the need to look beyond the ethnic lens and simple binaries of ‘bonding’ versus ‘bridging’ capital, to explore how ties to different kinds of actors, in varied social positions, may facilitate or indeed hinder career development. Referring to new empirical data and theoretically informed analysis, in the various chapters of this book, we build upon but also complicate understanding of ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ ties, not as fixed ties, but rather as a continuum of dynamic relationships that may ebb and flow over time.
In the concluding section, we highlight the contribution of this book and also consider the need for further cross-fertilisation of conceptual and empirical innovations beyond migration studies to avoid a silo-effect in social network research.
The films Citizen Kane and Forrest Gump are employed to show the impact of framing a story on knowledge formation. It advances from Saussure to argue the intervention of the political in explaining the varying of meanings. The chapter presents a genealogy of Critical Muslim studies. It outlines how Critical Muslim Studies diverges from Islamic Critical Theory, Critical Muslim Theory and Critical Muslim of Ziauddin Sardar. The benefits outlined of applying Critical Muslim Studies. A new term, scotoma, is introduced to account for the lack of the colonised narrative in Eurocentrism. The employment of ‘problematisation’ is promoted as applied by Foucault.
With the persistence of Islamophobia, it considers counter-Islamophobia strategies adopt anti-racist approaches but to go beyond calling for tolerance, respect and equality. It asses the value of education, legal definition, apology, civil rights movement, multiculturalism and other approaches in countering discrimination. It calls upon anti-Islamophobia activists to counter Britishness that resists Muslimness being part of its symbol. A decolonial counter-Islamophobia approach challenging the postcolonial symbolic representation of racist Britishness is outlined. This demands the deflection of differences between cultures to unculture, the national symbolic myth. The counter-Islamophobia strategy advances a project for liberating the reformulation of imperial Britishness that promotes a post-racist rather than a post-race society.
Islamophobia has gained common currency but raises intense debate about its relevance in describing discrimination against Muslims. The chapter interrogates the discussion around the term Islamophobia. The need for a definition of Islamophobia and how to formulate a definition. Three other themes common in the study of the Islamophobia paradigm are also discussed: Has the Muslim-British always been antagonistic? Is Islamophobia a reserve of the far-right? How to account for the global nature of Islamophobia.
El objetivo de la presente investigación consiste en indagar de qué forma se solapan o dividen las agendas en el marco del activismo antirracista en Madrid y mostrar los diferentes tipos de disputas tanto entre formas de entender qué es racismo/antirracismo como entre distintas cohortes, perfiles y carreras militantes. La tesis se centra en las diferencias que emergen entre un antirracismo basado en los discursos y prácticas relacionados con derechos humanos, solidaridad, apoyo a los migrantes y otro que reclama liderazgo y representatividad de las personas racializadas como sujetos políticos y una lectura del racismo como opresión estructural, sistémica e institucional. En la tesis se muestra como la segunda tendencia, que no es exclusiva de personas y colectivos racializados, emerge, sin embargo, de una organización de ellas alrededor del racismo como experiencia vivida y del antirracismo como proyecto de movilización y unión contra las jerarquías etno-raciales presentes en todos los niveles y ámbitos de la sociedad.
Although anti-racism is recognized as a heterogeneous phenomenon, there are few studies that provide analytical tools to grasp the differences between anti-racisms in more detail. This study contributes to the analytical discussion on anti-racism through an analysis of grassroots activists’ views on their anti-racism. The data, interviews with 46 grassroots anti-racist activists based in Finland, is explored through a frame analysis. This article argues that meaning-making on racism and anti-racism is tied to conceptions of racial space. The argument is presented through an empirical typology of three anti-racist frames: defence, recognition and redistribution. Distinguishing between the defence, recognition, and redistribution frames enables an understanding of how anti-racisms assume a supposedly “race-neutral” space of white innocence and contest distinct dimensions of racial divides.
This chapter focuses on the contributions of the new bodies of scholarship and research with the aim of providing a critical overview of the changing nature of global ethnic and racial relations. It provides an overview of emerging trends and perspectives in the now increasingly globalized field of race and ethnic relations, and looks forward to the emergence of new conceptual analytical frames as questions about race and ethnicity become the sites of public policy interventions. The chapter explores the shifting meanings of race and racism in the contemporary social and political environment. It focuses on current trends and debates in order to outline likely future trajectories in research agendas. The chapter highlights the emergence of new arenas of scholarship and research, such as research on migration and mobilities, and their impact on how people understand racial and ethnic relations.
In conversation with recent works on the rise of right-wing populism, racism and crises across Europe and beyond, this article critically examines the ongoing reconfiguration of racism in Italy. By drawing on both quantitative and qualitative analyses, we argue that this reconfiguration is part of the emergent political and cultural reference of postraciality. Accordingly, we organize an archive of Italian postracial racism in two main chronological sections: from 2002 to 2008, the consolidation of a neoconservative block, openly anti-Islam and anti-migration, and fuelled by gender-based arguments; and from 2009 to 2018, the intensification of an “extremization” of racism and its postpolitical denial. In providing the first systematic analysis of postracial Italy, we aim to encourage both reflexive praxes tackling reconfigured racisms, and further national and supranational archives of the postracial present. Accordingly, in the conclusion we point at emergent race-conscious, anti-racist initiatives which oppose postracial racisms.
The Charity Commission of England and Wales supports and regulates the charity sector whose emergence can be traced back to the early seventeenth century. However, there has been limited academic scrutiny of its regulatory approach particularly regarding Muslim-identified charities. This article first challenges the Commission's claim to be an independent body, and second questions whether its contemporary role reveals institutional Islamophobia. It is argued that, since partnering with the UK government's "Prevent" agenda-or war on terror-to control ungoverned spaces for extremism, the Commission has assumed a policing role. This role is analysed through discourse theory and a Foucauldian approach to disciplinary techniques. To analyse the repertoire of institutionalised Islamophobia, the study draws upon Carmichael and Hamilton's definition of institutional racism, the Parekh Report, and Pilkington's ten components of institutional racism. In challenging the Commission's claim to independence, the article highlights the changes in its practices and structure. It argues the structural changes have deflected accountabilities of the board members and chair and resulted in the politicisation of their selection process. Furthermore, the shifts in the Commission's practices have had a disproportionate impact on Muslim charities, where thirty-eight per cent of all disclosed statutory investigations conducted are on Muslim charities despite representing only 1.21 per cent of the sector. This article provides a discourse analysis of the regulatory approach of a significant public body and departs from investigations of subjective and media representations of Muslims that have monopolised research on Islamophobia.
The Charity Commission of England and Wales supports and regulates the charity sector whose emergence can be traced back to the early seventeenth century. However, there has been limited academic scrutiny of its regulatory approach particularly regarding Muslim-identified charities. This article first challenges the Commission's claim to be an independent body, and second questions whether its contemporary role reveals institutional Islamophobia. It is argued that, since partnering with the UK government's “Prevent” agenda – or war on terror – to control ungoverned spaces for extremism, the Commission has assumed a policing role. This role is analysed through discourse theory and a Foucauldian approach to disciplinary techniques. To analyse the repertoire of institutionalised Islamophobia, the study draws upon Carmichael and Hamilton's definition of institutional racism, the Parekh Report, and Pilkington's ten components of institutional racism. In challenging the Commission's claim to independence, the article highlights the changes in its practices and structure. It argues the structural changes have deflected accountabilities of the board members and chair and resulted in the politicisation of their selection process. Furthermore, the shifts in the Commission's practices have had a disproportionate impact on Muslim charities, where thirty-eight per cent of all disclosed statutory investigations conducted are on Muslim charities despite representing only 1.21 per cent of the sector. This article provides a discourse analysis of the regulatory approach of a significant public body and departs from investigations of subjective and media representations of Muslims that have monopolised research on Islamophobia.
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