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How to Change Behavior
Abstract
I have been doing experiments in social psychology for about 30 years—basic research, mostly in the laboratory, trying to figure out how to influence people, what motivates people to change under controlled laboratory conditions. My early experience convinced me that, in doing laboratory experiments, the most important difference between a successful experiment and an unsuccessful experiment is the attention to detail. The details of the experiment are extremely important. The way one creates an independent variable, the way one measures the dependent variable, the construction of a sensible scenario that engages the subject—the details are extraordinarily important.
... At times, it may appear that the evidence refutes the utility of social marketing attempts, because we find that such campaigns may be inefficient or even backfire. This conclusion would be an overgeneralization, however, because most of the problems arise primarily in the campaigns that are not at all informed by the relevant theory and evidence (Aronson, 1991). When armed with the relevant theory and evidence, public information and social marketing campaigns aimed at lifestyle change should be quite successful. ...
... For instance, people may know that use of a condom will cut the risk of sexually transmitted disease, but at the same time fear a sense of hassle and awkwardness. People high in ambivalence toward an issue (such as a risky behavior) carefully scrutinize any relevant information (Bell, Esses, & Maio, 1996;Jonas, Diehl, & Bromer, 1997), identify flaws in any messages that are overly simplistic (e.g., "just say no"; see Aronson, 1991), and may form more negative attitudes toward recommended behaviors. For instance, in the United Kingdom, a series of studies have demonstrated this type of backfire when antiracism messages were presented to people who were highly ambivalent toward ethnic minority groups (Maio, Haddock, Watt, & Hewstone, in press). ...
... Such examples reinforce a long-standing argument that it is very important to understand the attitudes and interpretations of target audiences prior to the design of well-meaning message interventions (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1981). The development of messages aimed at behavior change should not be based on so-called common sense, but on social psychological theory and evidence, combined with pretesting (Aronson, 1991). Several theories and research findings can help address this issue, as we describe below. ...
Crises in obesity and changes in the environment illustrate the need to change problematic behaviors and lifestyles in large segments of the population. This article uses social psychological theory and research to understand methods for facilitating lifestyle change. A basic assumption in the social psychological perspective is that the environment and the person interact to determine behavior. Both factors are important for understanding “upstream” and “downstream” approaches to lifestyle change (McKinlay, 1993; Verplanken & Wood, 2006) and consideration of one factor without the other may be disastrous. We review evidence from within and outside of the health context to illustrate the upstream and downstream approaches and then describe implications for public policy and intervention. The evidence and recommendations encompass a wide range of behaviors, ranging from speeding and intoxicated driving to eating an unhealthy diet and energy conservation. When armed with the relevant social psychological theory and evidence, lifestyle change campaigns are likely to be successful.
The teaching of children who are at risk, marginally deaf, or hard of hearing is considered in this article, primarily from the framework provided by Ogbu (1990), Sinclair and Ghory (1990), Cromer (1993), and the contemporary writings of others working with multiethnic populations of children who are hearing and hearing-impaired. Emphasis is put on the social constructive nature of this complex phenomenon, the heterogeneity (both inter- and intraculturally) of the populations involved, and some of the processes that students go through in becoming marginalized. Finally, consideration is given to how one might address some of the problems of educating these children. Descriptions and examples of some successful intervention projects are presented.
The relevance of Grunbaum's recent critique of psychoanalytic theory is explored as it relates to relational/interpersonal theories. Griinbaum finds no scientific evidence for repression, the cornerstone of psychoanalysis. I argue that studies demonstrating the effects of motivated, unconscious processes are beginning to emerge in psychological research. This research, as well as interpersonal theory, refers to these processes as dissociated, not “repressed.”; I agree with Griinbaum that scientific validation of psychoanalytic theories of the mind, personality, and change cannot be gleaned from case studies alone. In relational theories the analytic situation is admittedly “contaminated”; with the analyst's participation by its very nature. There is beginning to be support for some relational hypotheses, but measures to validate these hypotheses are only now being developed. Grunbaum's criticisms have come at a time when the convergence between relational theories and theories in social/clinical psychology makes it more likely that relational hypotheses will be articulated in a more precise manner by researchers, if not by analysts.The issues of the difficulty of measuring unconscious processes and the quest for knowledge seemingly beyond human limitations are addressed. Psychoanalysis is not only less than scientific, but more encompassing, in that it is also a creative activity that cannot be understood through science alone.Science is not enough, nor art: In this work patience plays a part [Goethe].The most beautiful and deepest experience a man can have is the sense of the mysterious.... To me it suffices to wonder at these secrets and to attempt humbly to grasp with my mind a mere image of the lofty structure of all that there is [Albert Einstein, quoted in Pagels, 1985].
In 1957, Leon Festinger's theory of cognitive dissonance burst on the scene and revitalized social psychology with its deft blend of cognition and motivation. For the next two decades, the theory inspired an extraordinary amount of exciting research leading to a burgeoning of knowledge about human social behavior. The theory has been referred to as "the most important single development in social psychology to date" (Jones, 1976, p. x). But, by the mid-1970s the allure of the theory began to wane as interest in the entire topic of motivation faded and the journals were all but overwhelmed by the incredible popularity of purely cognitive approaches to social psychology. Recently, social psychologists seem to have rediscovered motivation and several mini- theories have emerged blending cognition with motivation-in much the same way that Festinger did some 35 years ago. This article traces the history of these developments and attempts a synthesis of some of the newer theories with the dissonance research of the late 1950s and early 1960s.
Hypotheses concerning the effects of desegregation on prejudice, self-esteem, and achievement were derived from testimony given by social scientists in Brown v. Board of Education. The author explains evidence concerning these hypotheses from published studies of the effects of school desegregation on prejudice and on Black students' achievement, and studies using questionnaire measures of self-esteem to compare segregated Blacks and Whites. It is tentatively concluded that (a) desegregation generally does not reduce the prejudices of Whites toward Blacks, (b) the self-esteem of Blacks rarely increases in desegregated schools, (c) the achievement level of Blacks sometimes increases and rarely decreases in desegregated schools, and (d) desegregation leads to increases in Black prejudice toward Whites about as frequently as it leads to decreases. These conclusions should be regarded as tentative because (a) most of the studies have investigated only the short-term effects of desegregation, (b) the extent and type of desegregation varied greatly, (c) the studies were done in different regions with children who differed in age, (d) the studies often employed noncomparable measures of each variable, and (e) social class and IQ were typically not included as control variables. (132 ref)
• Hypotheses concerning the effects of desegregation on prejudice, self-esteem, and achievement were derived from testimony given by social scientists in Brown v. Board of Education. The author explains evidence concerning these hypotheses from published studies of the effects of school desegregation on prejudice and on Black students' achievement, and studies using questionnaire measures of self-esteem to compare segregated Blacks and Whites. It is tentatively concluded that (a) desegregation generally does not reduce the prejudices of Whites toward Blacks, (b) the self-esteem of Blacks rarely increases in desegregated schools, (c) the achievement level of Blacks sometimes increases and rarely decreases in desegregated schools, and (d) desegregation leads to increases in Black prejudice toward Whites about as frequently as it leads to decreases. These conclusions should be regarded as tentative because (a) most of the studies have investigated only the short-term effects of desegregation, (b) the extent and type of desegregation varied greatly, (c) the studies were done in different regions with children who differed in age, (d) the studies often employed noncomparable measures of each variable, and (e) social class and IQ were typically not included as control variables. (132 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)
• Hypotheses concerning the effects of desegregation on prejudice, self-esteem, and achievement were derived from testimony given by social scientists in Brown v. Board of Education. The author explains evidence concerning these hypotheses from published studies of the effects of school desegregation on prejudice and on Black students' achievement, and studies using questionnaire measures of self-esteem to compare segregated Blacks and Whites. It is tentatively concluded that (a) desegregation generally does not reduce the prejudices of Whites toward Blacks, (b) the self-esteem of Blacks rarely increases in desegregated schools, (c) the achievement level of Blacks sometimes increases and rarely decreases in desegregated schools, and (d) desegregation leads to increases in Black prejudice toward Whites about as frequently as it leads to decreases. These conclusions should be regarded as tentative because (a) most of the studies have investigated only the short-term effects of desegregation, (b) the extent and type of desegregation varied greatly, (c) the studies were done in different regions with children who differed in age, (d) the studies often employed noncomparable measures of each variable, and (e) social class and IQ were typically not included as control variables. (132 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)
The jigsaw classroom
- E Aronson
- W Stephan
- J Sikes
- N Blaney
- M Snapp