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The “corporealization” of the nation: notions of the unclean and viscosity in the nationalist discourse of Spanish fascism



The present article focuses on the particular case of the nationalist discourse of Spanish fascism during the Spanish Civil War and the immediate postwar period (1936–1941), in order to explore one specific aspect of it: the characterization of the enemy Republican nation that was to be fought against as unclean and viscous or sticky. The aim here is to analyse what meanings these references possessed and what they can tell us about the general processes of construction of discourses of identity. For this purpose, use is made of certain propositions developed by sociology and anthropology, as a basis upon which to develop the hypothesis that the use of the aforementioned references has to be understood as part of a broader mechanism of corporealization of the enemy nation, which served to emphasize the absoluteness with which the latter was to be condemned.
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... Es fundamental advertir, en la línea de lo estudiado por Luján (2018) cómo esta referencia al olor corporal tiene una evidente connotación de clase, en línea con las nociones asociadas a la suciedad republicana analizadas por Box (2017). Así, la maquiavélica justificación de la persecución de las rojas -que no son deseadas ni por sus maridos, quienes buscan librarse de ellas para casarse con señoritas-se encuadra en un contexto marcado por una profunda división social entre las mujeres obreras y campesinas y las señoritas. ...
A partir del estudio de los discursos radiofónicos pronunciados por el militar golpista Gonzalo Queipo de Llano en el verano de 1936, del análisis de la producción teórica del psiquiatra franquista Antonio Vallejo Nágera y de la recogida de testimonios de mujeres que en el tardofranquismo fueron torturadas por policías de la Brigada Político Social, este trabajo expone la centralidad que la dimensión de género debe ocupar en la definición de la figura del perpetrador en los crímenes franquistas.
... These authors on female Republican activism have noted the concerted effort by Francoist forces to punish and repress any manifestation of Leftist or feminist ideas amongst women, pathologize feminism (Richards, 2001) and enforce retrograde models of femininity as part of 'National Catholicism'. The assertion of masculinist norms permeated Francoist ideology and rhetoric on a deep level (Box, 2017a(Box, , 2017b. ...
The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was triggered by a military uprising against the democratically elected Popular Front government. Away from the battlefield, this war was characterized by the politically-motivated murder of thousands of civilians, many of whom were buried in clandestine graves throughout Spain. Following Franco’s victory and subsequent dictatorship, there were strong prohibitions on commemorating the Republican dead. A radical rupture in Spain’s memory politics occurred from 2000 onwards with the founding of the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory and other similar pressure groups that have organized the exhumation and reburial of the Republican dead. This article is based on fieldwork conducted in communities in Castile and León, and Extremadura as they underwent mass grave investigations. It examines the experience of theft and dispossession that occurred as part of the Francoist repression of Republicans. Accounts of these episodes focus on stolen and looted objects robbed from the dead during the killings, from the graves’ post-mortem, or from surviving relatives as part of the systematic dispossession of Republican households that occurred during the war and immediate post-war period. These narratives surface with frequency during the investigation and exhumation of mass graves. Despite the fact that many are lost forever, these stolen possessions can function as powerful mnemonic objects with a strong affective and imaginative hold. The narratives of dispossession explore themes of survival, the experiences of women and children, and the impact of slow violence. By invoking theft and stolen objects, these stories highlight forms of trauma and forms of memory that may not be represented fully by the dominant investigative paradigm of the mass grave exhumation with its inherent focus on death, cataclysmic violence and the tangible, physical traces of the past.
... Dentro de esta visión política del cuerpo como producto social de las relaciones sociales me interesa señalar la aportación de Bourdieu (1999), por cuanto sitúa al cuerpo no sólo como objeto de políticas sino, más bien, como categoría cognitiva. Bourdieu toma la forma de dominación de los hombres sobre las mujeres como campo de análisis y la interpreta en términos de violencia simbólica, un concepto que el autor extiende a otras formas de dominación como la etnia o la clase social, para proponer una forma de comprensión del poder que se ejerce directamente sobre los cuerpos, al margen de cualquier coacción física. ...
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The article reflects on the forming conditions of the subjects in political action assuming the centrality of the body as a tool for the analysis. We assume the hypothesis that the language of politics needs a body to materialize. There are two substantial parts. In the first part of the article, more theoretical, we revise some of the key milestones for the renewal of the concepts and its consequences for the formation of subjectivity. We propose a Spinozist concept of body understanding the body as a set of emotions, as an affected space in which emotions are materialized and, at the same time, as an active space in the production of meaning. In the second part we analyze a case study. The thesis is that the self-consciousness of “national degeneration” that surrounded the political environment at the end of Nineteenth century in Spain was formed on the fear of the contaminated body, the dissemination of the feelings of disgust, or the shame and stigma of poverty. They were emotions that shaped the political bodies of the XX century mass society. More concretely, the socialist movement that broke into the political scene in 1890 as a mass movement is the result of the politicization of the abject body, the workers body, as a receiving and creating instance of signs and meanings.
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Based on data from the history of medicine in Spain, we would like to show that M. Foucault was right when he said that the discourses and practices of medicine are one of the key points from which the powers of normalization arise in our society. Specifically, we focus our analysis on some of the most representative texts of hygienism and social medicine during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, to show the enormous influence of these discourses and practices of medicine on changes in lifestyle of the popular classes that occurred during this period. Undoubtedly, the medicine —its discourses, its institutions, its practices, its prescriptions, its recommendations— has played a leading role in the design of the processes of subjectivation by means of which we recognise ourselves and construct ourselves as subjects possessing a specific type of identity.
The now-classic Metaphors We Live By changed our understanding of metaphor and its role in language and the mind. Metaphor, the authors explain, is a fundamental mechanism of mind, one that allows us to use what we know about our physical and social experience to provide understanding of countless other subjects. Because such metaphors structure our most basic understandings of our experience, they are "metaphors we live by"--metaphors that can shape our perceptions and actions without our ever noticing them. In this updated edition of Lakoff and Johnson's influential book, the authors supply an afterword surveying how their theory of metaphor has developed within the cognitive sciences to become central to the contemporary understanding of how we think and how we express our thoughts in language.