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Fighting games and Go: Exploring the aesthetics of play in professional gaming

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This paper examines the varied cultural meanings of computer game play in competitive and professional computer gaming and live-streaming. To do so it riffs off Andrew Feenberg’s 1994 work exploring the changing meanings of the ancient board game of Go in mid-century Japan. We argue that whereas Go saw a de-aestheticization with the growth of newspaper reporting and a new breed of ‘westernized’ player, the rise of professionalized computer gameplay has upset this trend, causing a re-aestheticization of professional game competition as a result of the many informal elements that contribute to the successes, and public perceptions, of professional players. In doing so we open up the consideration of the aesthetics of broadcasted gameplay, how they reflect back upon the players and the game, and locate this shift historically and culturally within the last two decades of computer games as a creative industry, entertainment industry, a media form, and as an embodied practice.
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Fighting Games and Go: Exploring the Aesthetics of Play in Professional
Gaming
Johnson, M. R. & Woodcock, J. (2017), Fighting Games and Go: Expl ori ng the Aesthetics of
Play in Professional Gamingin Thesis Eleven, fi rst published online.
ABSTRACT
This paper examines the varied cultural meanings of computer game play in competitive and
professional computer gaming and live-streaming. To do so it riffs off Andrew Feenberg’s
1994 work exploring the changing meanings of the ancient board game of Go in mid-century
Japan. We argue that whereas Go saw a de-aestheticization with the growth of newspaper
reporting and a new breed of “Westernized” player, the rise of professionalized computer
gameplay has upset this trend, causing a re-aestheticization of professional game competition
as a result of the many informal elements that contribute to the successes, and public
perceptions, of professional players. In doing so we open up the consideration of the
aesthetics of broadcasted gameplay, how they reflect back upon the players and the game,
and locate this shift historically and culturally within the last two decades of computer games
as a creative industry, entertainment industry, a media form, and as an embodied practice.
INTRODUCTION
The 2016 “Evolution” tournament - the largest fighting game tournament in the world, run
annually in various locations across Las Vegas - reached new heights this year in terms of
monetary impact, scope, visibility, and importance. The tournament gave out hundreds of
thousands of dollars in prize money to the victorious players across almost a dozen different
fighting games; it was watched live by perhaps a million unique viewers across a range of
online channels, and many more have since watched the recordings; and marked a watershed
moment for the visibility of competitive and professional gaming. This moment was the live
broadcast of the finals of the hugely popular Street Fighter V (2016) on ESPN, one of the most
visible and successful global sports broadcasters. Such an occurrence signals a newfound
cultural acceptance of competitive gaming, its growing comparability to the existing
modalities of sports broadcasting and audience engagement, and is emblematic of the
newfound meanings of computer game play. No longer are computer games pure play and
leisure, but now form professionalized careers for many players. Similarly, games are not just
played in one’s home or with friends, but can now be broadcast to millions. These two
changes signal the need for a substantial reappraisal of the cultural meanings surrounding
acts of gameplay, specifically in this case with regards to the impacts of professionalization
and live broadcast. Appreciation of the varying social contexts of play and how they shape the
play experience has previously been explored by Feenberg & Grimes (2005) and Kirkpatrick
(2013), and this paper therefore offers a further step in this growing body of work.
To do so, we offer this paper as a dialogue with Andrew Feenberg’s 1994 paper “Alternative
Modernity? Playing the Japanese Game of Culture”. This previous paper (which we relate in
more detail below) examined the changing values assigned to unchanging forms of gameplay
- the desire to win, and the strategic and tactical choices that move a player towards that
objective - in the ancient Eastern board game of “Go”, specifically with regards to the story of
a particularly noteworthy game related in Yasunari Kawabata’s 1951 novel The Master of
Go”. The headings below in our paper are taken from Feenberg’s Alternative Modernity paper
but adjusted or tweaked to reflect our concern here with contemporary digital games, but to
nevertheless examine the same set of questions over gameplay meaning that Feenberg was
concerned with two decades ago. As such, we first briefly explore the interactions between
fighting games and the surrounding environment in competitive fighting games, and the
nature of skill in these games. This is distributed across decision-making and high-speed reflex
actions, the second of these being what signals the major diversion from the study of
professionalized board games, which we explore in some depth in order to understand the
kinds of players who engage in these games, and how their demographics and actions shape
the visuals of professional gameplay.
Proceeding into its main analysis, the paper considers the disruption of previous forms of
professional gameplay by the rise of broadcasting and professional computer gaming, the
change in audiences, and the complexity of computer games compared to board games that
prevent their easy reduction to a sequence of simple steps. We then explore the questions of
‘etiquette and equity’ invoked in Feenberg's paper, and how they both resonate with new
consequence and meaning in the emerging sphere of professional video gaming. Rather than
the comparison in Alternative Modernity of aestheticism in the East and West and their
impact upon the game of Go, we next trace a comparison of three kinds of gaming aesthetics
- in the arcade, in the home, and broadcast online. We conclude by reflecting upon the full
range of newfound meanings of gameplay that are created through these twin processes, and
argue that such elements outside of formal games that now contribute to the career success
of professional players suggest a return to the concern with the aesthetics of skill, beyond
pure rationality, as exemplified by the classical Go style of play. This exists within the present
stage of a distinct historical trajectory of the relationship between play, practice and
spectatorship, which we will unpick in the process, demonstrating that
ALTERNATIVE MODERNITY? PLAYING THE JAPANESE GAME OF CULTURE
In ‘Alternative Modernity? Playing the Japanese Game of Culture’, Feenberg (1994) explores
the depiction of a Go match in Kawabata’s (1969) The Master of Go. He argues that the literary
recreation of this contest is a critique of the formal and rational strictures of modernity, as
materializing in Japan at the time of the match - 1938. In doing so he develops Kawabata’s
work as a critique of formal rationality, proposing a paradigm shift in the approach to the
game heralded by the emergence of ‘Westernized’ players into the competitive arena. He
proposes that games ‘exemplify formally rational systems’, comparable to modern
institutions that are likewise ‘characterized by explicit rules [and] unambiguous measures’
(Feenberg, 1994:108). Traditional Go was concerned with the aesthetic production of the
perfect game as well as the pursuit of victory, whereas a more modern approach involves
‘manipulating the new meta-rules [...] and is more ruthlessly oriented toward winning at any
price, even if it means sacrificing the intrinsic rationality of the game’ (Feenberg, 1994:134).
This led to a shift in the play of Go and the emergence of players concerned with victory at all
costs, rather than concerned with victory in a game understood as a spiritual and aesthetic
discipline as much as a rational and mechanical game system. This was coupled by the growth
of Go reporting in newspapers, which inevitably elided all dimensions of play except the
context-free recording of the moves made, and perhaps the time those moves took to be
decided upon. As Feenberg (1994:133) puts it, ‘the novel shows us two alternative ways of
playing Go constructed around different formal dimensions of the game. Both ways aim at
victory but under different aspects.’ This highlights the possibility for highly divergent cultural
meanings to be attached to the same in-game actions - i.e. the pursuit of victory - and the
broader political, social and historical changes they can represent, perhaps even co-construct.
The particular meaning of aesthetics in this context merits further elucidation. Feenberg
suggests that within the Japanese context, the “pursuit of self-realization through a Way
manifests itself aesthetically, in this instance as the beauty of the board on which the dance
of adversaries produces a magnificent and complex pattern” (1994:116). The use of the word
“beauty” here is especially important, for this is in keeping with Feenberg’s other writing on
the relationship between nature and human-made artefacts. Kirkpatrick (This Issue) explores
this topic, noting Feenberg’s reference to “natural harmonies” that exist between the natural
world and the human world, which can be seen for example in the fractal similarities of a
mathematical proof and a shell on the beach. There are certain echoes here of social theorists
who build upon complexity theory or Deleuze’s ontological propositions, such as Manuel
DeLanda (2011, 2013, etc), whose work exhibits a comparable concern with what we might
call the mathematical or systemic aesthetics of life, and human perceptions of non-human
patterns and forms of order. Whereas standard technical instrumentalism involves
manipulating the resources of nature into the forms humans wish them to inhabit, the kind
of natural aesthetics Feenberg seems to push towards are forms where the technical and
natural exist as one.
This is therefore the deeper question of technological aesthetics being considered here not
just that the rise of modernity affected Go on the level of the play of the game
(instrumentalism instead of beauty), but that it marked a deeper shift from a harmony
between the human and the natural in the mathematically or aesthetically beautiful play of
the Go board, towards a play of Go that treats the Go board as a natural resource to be utilized
without care. In turn, much of Feenberg’s wide body of work hinges upon the proposition that
the social practices and assumptions surrounding technical artefacts do not only construct
the technology and its use, but also connect artefacts to much broader networks and
constructs of social and political life. In this case the wider network is the global rise of
modernism in ways of thought, behaviour, technological instrumentalism, and aesthetics,
which played out in a number of ways with regards to the use of natural resources and
technology. In the case of Go, this meant a loss of interest in working in tandem with the Go
board, and replacing that with the desire to use the Go board in pursuit of victory.The paper
therefore offers a convincing examination of the different cultural values that might be
assigned to the same technical motions of play - the placement of white and black stones
upon a board - especially with regards to the “rationalized” de-aestheticization of Go and the
shift away from the shared experience of play, and towards the formal record of stone
placement. Within the parlance of the modern emerging discipline of game studies, we can
utilize here the work of Carter et al. (2012), who distinguish between the ‘orthogame’ - the
formal rules of the game being played as ‘expected’ - and the ‘paragame’ - non-formal
elements surrounding and influencing the play of the game. This was a move away from
interest in the Goparagame’ and away from treating the ‘paragame as integral to the
experience of Go, towards the greater formalization, and reification, of the ‘orthogame.’
What ‘used to be a unique spiritual performance, is reduced to a mechanically retrievable
spectacle’ (Feenberg, 1994:120), with substantial impact upon the communities of Go players,
the way the game itself is actually played, and the role and place of the game within the wider
culture it affects. However, with the rise of competitive and professional computer game
competition, we propose that this shift has now reversed in professional gaming, and that the
paragame elements of world-class competitive gameplay have once more become
absolutely essential to such play. It is such a claim this paper now explore, building off the
structure of Feenberg’s paper to consider this re-aestheticization of competitive gameplay,
the absolute importance of immediate spectacle to professional competition, and how these
visuals affect professional gaming communities and practices.
THE WAY OF FIGHTING: GAME AND ENVIRONMENT
In order to discuss the rules of fighting games it is first necessary to delineate the subject of
our investigation. Games often contain ‘reactionary imperial content, as militarized,
marketized, entertainment commodities’ (Dyer-Witheford and de Peuter, 2009: 228), which
means that most games involve fighting of some sort, such that the range of what we might
call fighting games ‘is potentially endless’ (Harper, 2014:8). However, this term does refer to
a specific genre, which must be unpicked from a range of surrounding genres which also
include elements of combat. The basic conception of fighting games can trace its history back
to Sega’s Heavyweight Champ (Figure 1) in 1976 (Ashcraft, 2008). This boxing game, rendered
in black and white, saw two boxers facing each other down from the two sides of the screen.
Although dated today, it laid down the basic formula that has been developed and iterated
on since,.
Figure 1: screenshot from “Heavyweight Champ” (1976), showing two
characters facing off in a boxing match, with their respective scores displayed
above the avatars’ heads. Photo from:
http://www.arcade-museum.com/game_detail.php?game_id=8099
Following this there were various attempts to develop the format. The most important of
these were Karate Champ in 1984 (and the multiplayer update a year later) and Yie Ar Kung
Fu in 1986. These may have laid the groundwork for modern fighting games, but they were
not as popular as shooting games in Japanese arcades at the time (Ashcraft, 2008), and as
Harper (2014:11) has argued, ‘these [older] games have little in common with how fighting
games are understood today’ (Harper, 2014:11). It was the arrival of Capcom’s Street Fighter
2 (Figure 2) in 1991 that introduced the modern fighting game. Two fighters drawn from a
range of characters with different moves and special attacks face off against each other and
battle to reduce their opponent’s health to zero over timed rounds. Due to this combination
of rules, ending with ‘whoever won two rounds first’ being ‘declared the winner’, Harper
(2014:11) therefore argues that it is ‘no wild leap to call SF2 the progenitor of the modern
fighting game.’ This has indeed become the archetype of the 2D fighting game, introducing
rules and mechanics that have been repeated and developed since. The most notable
developed came with the move to a 3D battlefield with the Sega’s Virtua Fighter in 1993. Such
a format was developed in the Tekken and Soul series, and adopted in the notoriously
graphically violent Mortal Kombat series, which became noted both for its volume of
bloodshed and for the ‘fatality’ moves in which one player’s avatar disembowels the other in
any number of particularly bloody ways
Figure 2: screenshot from “Street Fighter 2”. In this screenshot “Ryu” and “Ken”
are facing off; the yellow denotes their current health, and the orange denotes
their loss of health. The visual placement of elements in this form have become
the default for “2D fighters”. Photo from:
http://www.kotaku.co.uk/2015/02/05/three-occasions-witnessed-people-
insane-things-games
On this basis Harper (2014:13) provides a five-part working definition of fighting games. The
first part is that ‘these are games of close-quarters combat’, differentiating the genre from
the FPS (the first person shooter), for example, and identifying the common terms of
reference in which players compete. The second is that ‘characters in these games have
standard and special attacks, or “moves.”’ This provides the rule set and tactics by which
players engage. The third is that ‘match parameters are quantified on-screen in some way’,
whether through timers, counters, or otherwise. The fourth is that ‘fighting games are
competitive’, allowing players to battle directly against each other and for a victor to emerge
at the end. The fifth, ‘and most importantly to fighting game fans’, is that ‘these games allow
for multiplayer competition.’ The combination of these five elements give us a robust
definition of the fighting game to proceed with in the rest of this paper, in which we use both
fighting games generally, and their play and presentation at EVO 2016 specifically, as our
point of departure.
The environment in which fighting games is played, however, has changed substantially. The
arcade style arrangement - two players facing the same screen, joystick and buttons, with
potential viewers observing the match, and the competitive framing and expected culture
that goes alongside it (Johnson, Forthcoming) - is important to understand as an early
example of competitive video game play where observation was absolutely core to the
cultural experience. In this vein, Lin and Sun (2011) have illustrated the importance of the
‘onlooker’, a concept also taken up for studying how players perform in an online context by
Crawford and Rutter (2007), which draws our attention to the fact that gameplay inevitably
represents a ‘discursive relationship’ between the audience and the players (Harper, 2014:5).
This applies whether the audience is only the players themselves reflexively perceiving their
own gameplay and reflecting back upon their own practice, other players online, in an arcade
setting, or even in a modern professional setting. The presence of an onlooker can come to
shape and influence the actions of players, and therefore the in-game actions of their avatars,
and the form of aesthetic produced by these play actions. At the intersection therefore
between these two elements - the one-versus-one fighting game and its heavily formalized
and standardized technical visual design, and the under-examined aesthetics of reception of
gameplay by players, viewers, commentators, and supporters - lies the central concern of this
work. The interaction between these games, and the crowds in front of which they can be
played, will now form the foundation of the paper’s analysis of the new emerging aesthetics
of viewed and broadcast gameplay, and how these elements have evolved and changed since
the days of mid-century competitive Go.
NO-MIND: THE STRUCTURE OF REFLEX
We begin with a consideration of skill. In his paper, Feenberg explores the concept of ‘no-
mind’ and relates it to the discourses of skilled play within Go player communities. In the
context of Go, he describes ‘no-mind’ as being emblematic of the loss of all self-awareness,
the ‘freeing [of] the actor from inhibiting concentration on either self or other’ (Feenberg,
1994:114). He relates that young Go players claim such a mental state is absolutely essential
to being able to compete at the highest level, and that one must become emptied out of all
other concerns and thereby able to focus - without, actually, focusing - on the game itself,
and nothing else around it. There is a similarity here with the experiences of immersion (Ermi
and Mäyrä, 2005) and ‘flow’ (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990; Nacke and Lindley, 2008) in contemporary
video games. In Go, such an attitude also has a strong connection to the notion of the
aesthetic and spiritual victory - he argues that ‘at the height of the most intense competition,
the players are joined in harmony in the construction of the board, much as signers respond
to each other in a piece of complex choral music(Feenberg, 1994:115-116). Of course, as
being a somewhat quasi-‘spiritual’ doctrine, this would not necessarily be an attitude
advocated by more rationalistic, victory-at-all-costs players; despite the claims that it is
essential to success as a means for the player to come upon strong tactical moves and a strong
strategic game plan, it is nevertheless also an altered psychological state that eludes and
evades easy categorization. We can therefore suggest that “flow” or “no-mind” bridges the
two levels of such gameplay the mechanical and the “spiritual” and therefore, in game
studies terminology, the orthogame and the paragame. Flow enables the most skilled play
but also the most profound experience of play.
However, the components that contribute to the mechanical side of flow change between
games. Alongside tactical and strategic choices, a primary difference between
professionalized analogue games and the professionalized digital games we examine here is
the physical component to skilled gameplay (Taylor, 2012:37). There are processes of physical
practice and the development of rapid reflex - which Ferrari (2013:5) terms ‘drilling’ and
Witkowski (2009) terms ‘training’ - required. Players must master ‘layer upon layer of
physically demanding action in order to be competitive’ (Witkowski, 2012:369) i n these
computer games, as well as being able to formulate and carry out long-term strategic
decisions, and make skilled on-the-fly tactical decisions, often with only seconds or even part
of a second to respond: this, again, is in clear contrast to analogue games where players may
be given parts of a minute (Bridge), minutes (Poker) or even hours (Chess, Go, and so on) to
respond. This is the case in all fighting games, all other professionalized video games, and in
highly-competitive games that do not (currently) have the superstructure of organizations
required to enable players to earn a living through their play. We can also see this through an
instance of auto-ethnographic insight: the first author currently holds four world record high
scores in the “bullet hell” genre of computer game, which is likely the most ever held
simultaneously by a Western player. At the levels of skill required to meaningfully compete
for a world record score, there is similarly not the time for one’s conscious mind to register
all the bullets on-screen that must be dodged, and their present and future trajectories; one
must instead pursue a state similar to the concept of no-mind, and allow oneself to respond
intuitively and responsively and without agonized analysis of every move. As Feenberg
(1994:114) notes, such loosening of focus banishes hesitation and fear and improves fighting
performance’, and this is just as true for tactical decisions as for high-reflex responses.
As a result of the reflex requirement of these games, we can also perceive a substantial
demographic shift in high-level competitive play when compared to the Go professionals that
Feenberg (1994) and Kawabata (1969) are concerned with. In The Master of Go, the Master’s
career is many decades long, and it is only in his old age that he is defeated by the young
challenger. This is indicative of the careers of many professional board and card game players,
who are able to play at a top level well into middle-age, and in some cases even longer;
without the requirement for reflex, there is no reason why only the youngest players would
be able to compete at the highest level. Equally, in the case of Go, age meant veneration and
respect, which actively encouraged older professional and highly-skilled players to continue
and lengthen their playing careers. By contrast, we can see a compression and acceleration
of the competitive gameplay career for professional and non-professional world-class
computer game players. Less than one percent of professional (or non-professional but world-
class) computer game players are above the age of thirty, and a relatively small number are
above the age of twenty-five; those who retire have tended to transition into training and
management roles, or commentary, or leaving the world of professional gaming altogether.
There is also a strong youth culture surrounding these games which would further discourage
the participation of older players even if the reflex questions were not so pressing. Although
“masters” still exist within professional gaming, these masters are now individuals in their
late twenties, rather than in what we traditionally conceptualize as ‘old age’; this limits the
ability for generational gaps of the sort described by Feenberg (1994), instead producing a
steadier and more constant flow of players entering and leaving the competitive arena, often
with extremely short careers. This has altered, therefore, the broadcast visuals of competitive
gaming into an aesthetics dominated by young players with the sight of none above the age
of thirty. There are no spectacles of venerable masters being challenged by youthful up-and-
comers; the ages of both categories run so close that we instead see players defined by their
achievements and quality of play only, not by their age or “experience”. This thereby removes
a fundamental element of the particular aesthetic spectacle of the single match described in
The Master of Go and the attendant possibility for a thematic battle between generations and
types of players, and resulting - as we shall see - in aesthetic interest being found elsewhere.
THE PATTERN DISTURBED
As we noted earlier in the paper, fighting games started as an arcade pursuit: two players
compete, with the option of a local crowd observing the fight in person. This brought with it
particular practices of play and expectations about behaviours, which are beyond the scope
of this paper but have been explored extensively elsewhere (Aoyama & Izushi, 2003; Colwell
& Kato, 2005; McMillan, 2010; Harper, 2014; Johnson, Forthcoming). However, what is
relevant to us is that as arcades became less popular and games consoles proliferated,
gameplay increasingly took place behind closed doors. This meant a competition between
people who already knew each other, unavailable to a wider audience, and somewhat
isolated from a larger community. After this first step - “broadcasting” to a local crowd in the
arcade - and the second step - playing within the home and therefore not broadcasting - we
propose a third step, whereby gameplay is now increasingly broadcasted, or streamed, online.
This forms an important component of the contemporary growth of eSports, involving the
professionalized play of computer games at a competitive world-class level, including
tournaments, managers, teams, sponsors, advertisers, and the buy-out of large arenas across
the world for the largest competitions (Witkowski, 2009; Jin, 2010; Taylor, 2012; Seo & Jung,
2014; Martončik, 2015). Broadcasts provide access to gameplay that would previously only
have been available to professional gamers or attendees of physical tournaments. This
growth, Taylor (2016:115) has argued, fundamentally ‘represents the legitimization of gaming
as spectator sport.’
Such broadcasting of gameplay was first popularised on platforms like YouTube, with players
uploading clips of gameplay that would be watched later. The short format of fighting games
with the time limited rounds, as opposed to the much longer bouts of real-time strategy
games like Starcraft II, made fighting games particularly suitable to this format, but it is the
live streaming of gameplay on the recently-emerged Twitch.tv platform that is fundamentally
reshaping the way players and viewers interact with games. Rather than watching pre-
recorded footage of games, viewers can now watch players live, and even interact through a
live dialogue with a text-based chat window. There are new ‘communities of practice’
emerging through Twitch, particularly with the ‘roles of mentorship and apprenticeship’
taking ‘part in the production of learning (Burroughs and Rama, 2015:3). Rather than looking
over the shoulders of competitors in an arcade, or waiting for a turn on a console in a living
room, platforms like Twitch provide what Hamilton et al. (2014:1315) term a ‘virtual third
place’ that allows ‘informal communities’ to ‘emerge, socialize, and participate.’ These
communities are themselves constituted of ‘gamer-spectators’, which include ‘game casters’
who are broadcasting their live gameplay along with a commentary performance,
professional eSports players and aspirants who seek such a position, and ‘gamercast viewers’,
who are the increasingly large online audience that watch these streams (Hamilton et al.,
2014:1315). These developments are extremely contemporary within the field of video game
play, and represent a departure from the forms of viewing of competitive gaming prior to the
modern era which had to be done in person, or mediated through newspapers and reports
after the event.
The phenomenon of streaming therefore involves comparable dynamics to the small groups
gathered around screens, whether in arcades are the home, or the large crowds of
tournaments; albeit on a massively increased scale and mediated in a new way. With an
estimated viewership of 200 million (and an explosion of physical tournaments, estimated to
be at over 75,000 last year) eSports is becoming decidedly mainstream (Superdata, 2015:13).
The creation of new institutions and organisations, like those around Riot Games’ League of
Legends or the German-based Electronic Sports League (ESL), offer the possibility for
professionalisation of eSports competitors. The base of viewers and would-be competitors
(along with the large amounts of speculative advertising money) is now sufficient to support
a layer of people who compete in tournaments, both online and offline. Many eSports stars
supplement their income and build their fame by regularly streaming on Twitch - something
that is watched by an increasingly large number of regular viewers. Streaming is therefore a
mutation of the previous phenomena of individual and collective interaction with games. As
Harper (2014:7) notes, ‘gameplay is not static, but rather something experiential and fluid’,
and, moreover, ‘even the act of observing a game and socially engaging the player can
present, in its own way, a type of play’ (Harper, 2014:7).
We can therefore see an intriguing divergence from the previous forms of play spectatorship.
Whereas Go’s paragame elements and the spiritual-aesthetic discipline they constructed and
reflected were reduced or lost through newspaper reportingwide broadcast supports the
paragame elements of competitive video-game play instead of rendering them irrelevant or
tangential. Feenberg (1994:120) refers to newspaper reporting of Go matches as a kind of
‘mediated mass spectatorship’, but acknowledges that ‘newspaper readers are in immediate
contact only with the contextless chart of the unfolding game, the thrust and parry of
successive moves, the final drive toward victory, all of which can be printed exactly as played.’
This is a mass spectatorship, but mass spectatorship of only the technical components of the
game, mediated through a print rather than a digital or broadcast medium and therefore time
delayed and lacking in all or almost all paragame elements, even if the reader can still derive
some sense of the overall game aesthetic from the recounting of the moves. The technical
specifics of Go can be printed and understood precisely as played, whereas professional or
other high-level competitive computer gaming cannot. This is not because computer games
are somehow not systems in which every move can be related, because of course they are,
but because of the immensely larger volume and complexity of moves that must be recorded.
Professional fighting game players perform hundreds of actions per minute, and a single set
of games (best of three, or best of five) can last up to ten minutes. Naturally some of these
inputs do not translate directly into the actions of the in-game characters, as some might not
be recorded (“dropped”) by the game, or others might be overridden by other inputs, but this
could nevertheless mean that upwards of four thousand moves would have to be recorded,
as opposed to the two hundred or so moves of a Go match. Equally, these moves would
require far more information than Go - in Go one can record the coordinates and player of
the move and that is all that is required, whereas in Marvel vs Capcom 3, for example, players
command several characters who would have to be identified in the recording of the move.
Equally, of course, many in-game actions take place without a move - if one player launches
a projectile against another player, that is a move, but the outcome of the move - the impact
of the projectile - might take place far later and need to be recounted, which would push the
number of recorded events far above even the number of recorded moves.
The point here, of course, is that competitive computer games are too complex to be reduced
to a sequence of moves that could actually be parsed and understood in a written or textual
form. They cannot be reduced to the ‘mechanically retrievable spectacle’ of Go, a mere
‘match (Feenberg, 1994:120) devoid of context. By contrast, streamed recordings of
professional gaming matches do, of course, record the context - they record the match itself,
the behaviours of the audience, the cheering and comments of the viewers, the expressions
and physical actions of the players, and so forth. We can therefore perceive the first
component of a re-aestheticization of professional gameplay driven by the impossibility of
meaningfully conveying the game’s action, even in its most pared-down action-driven form,
if one cannot also convey the direct original sight of the game. It is possible that the world’s
best players might be able to fully understand the play of a match if given a list of moves and
their precise timings and locations, without any visual data, but even this seems highly
unlikely. The concerns over instrumental modernism outlined in Alternative Modernity are
not present here, and therefore professional gameplay has moved away from the reduction
of the play of games being understood as movements and coordinates back towards the
irreducible importance of the visual dimension. In turn, the broader elements of the
performance and therefore the aesthetics of gameplay as a collaborative act, as we shall see,
return to the forefront. Broadcasting the aesthetics of play is crucial therefore to making the
game understandable to fans or others interested in the competition, and we see here the
reverse of Go: a game that cannot ever be reduced to less than its visual elements in the
dissemination of gameplay to wider audiences. However, there is more to Feenberg’s notion
of the aesthetics of Go than this element, which we now explore in the professional gaming
context.
META-RULES: ETIQUETTE AND EQUITY
Feenberg (1994) identifies two important ‘meta-rules’ to the structure of Go play: those of
‘etiquette’ and ‘equity.’ The first refers to appropriate levels of deference to certain players
and respect for the rules of the game. The second refers to ensuring equality, within certain
constraints, between the two players. Etiquette is still strongly reflected in competitive
computer gaming, although in some very new and very distinctive forms, primarily created
and enabled by the specific affordances of gaming technologies, as well as an emerging set of
social norms drawn from very different historical and cultural origins to those of Go. Equity
has, if anything, become more prevalent in professional gaming, with the possibilities of
exploiting rules or loopholes reduced to the barest minimum. In this section we therefore
explore these two dimensions to the aesthetics of competitive and professional play, outline
the many new forms of etiquette and the far fewer forms of rationalistic equity we can find
within eSports and streaming, and how these affect the play of competitive games and
viewers’ expectations of that same play.
Etiquette
Feenberg (1994) identifies etiquette as the first set of crucial meta-rules in Go; deference to
the more senior player, what we might term a “gentleman’s agreement” to not manipulate
rules, and so forth. We see a set of etiquette requirements in competitive (fighting) games as
well, but they are very distinct from those outlined in the historical play of Go. There are many
forms of etiquette around professional gaming, the central elements of which are arguably
warming up, giving the other player time and space, appropriate levels and kinds of cheering
and fan or crowd support, and the almost automatic acceptance of money matches. Fighting
game players are allowed to warm up” before a match, by carrying out what is called a
“button check” on their controllers to ensure everything is working properly, and it is
extremely rare that such a practice would be forbidden or considered unacceptable. In board
games and card games, of course, there are no such procedures beyond ensuring that all
pieces all present or all cards are within the deck. One is also expected to wait for the other
player between matches, up to a certain point; too long is considered to be poor form, but a
pause of up to perhaps a minute is generally accepted, although no formal rules exist.
Cheering amongst the crowd, meanwhile, is actively encouraged within the gaming arena, but
cheers are only of a certain sort - they most often are cheers for the name or “gamertag” of
the player, or at most cheering for the national origin of the player, especially if two nations
with extremely strong fighting game communities (such as the United States and Japan, and
to a lesser extent, South Korea) have players battling for a title. Cheering of the sort found in
professional sports such as football, often insulting and derogatory, is frowned upon in
smaller venues, and entirely unacceptable in larger venues. Many leading fighting games
figures suggest that cheering should be entirely for your player of choice, rather than against
the player they are facing. Lastly, many fighting game players engage in “money matches”
either outside of or during tournaments, which are games played with a specific amount of
money at stake; it is ordinarily considered embarrassing and cowardly to decline a money
match unless the difference in skill is obviously ridiculous - a professional challenging
someone who has just bought the game. When a match is proposed between players
generally considered to be of roughly equal skill, declining the match will negatively affect
one’s standing in the community, especially if a substantial amount of money (hundreds or
thousands of dollars) has been offered as the wager.
These elements all have elements of strong reciprocity and expectations upon players from
both sides that structure competitive communities and the behaviours of their players. As
Feenberg (1994:112) notes, games are ‘collaborative performances’ that necessitate ‘various
forms of reciprocity’, ranging from simply alternating moves to the far more complex
consideration of the opponent’s state of mind, strategy, and future intentions, as well as
granting your opponent the same affordances that you would hope they would grant you.
These above elements are therefore all important parts of the aesthetic performance of
professional gaming. They demonstrate the willingness of both players to be sporting, and to
focus upon producing the best possible collaborative match by giving each other time to warm
up, take a break, and so forth, whilst also maintaining an irreducible element of competition.
We therefore see here another return to a style of play and player behaviour akin to the pre-
modern style of Go - players are concerned with the production of an aesthetically-pleasing
game, through displaying their skill and abilities, but this comes from a set of social norms
around sportspersonship, rather than the understanding of the game as a quasi -spiritual
experience or practice. In turn, because competitive gaming has to be broadcast in all its visual
detail (both the virtual game and the physical players) rather than having the moves recorded,
witnessing this dimension of collaboration and co-construction of competitive gameplay is
effectively unavoidable in consuming professional gameplay. The aesthetic dimension is
therefore returning to the forefront through the mutual reinforcement of these norms of
play, and their broadcast as a crucial component of pro-gaming competitions.
“Cheating” - although a concept subject to potential ontological contestation, where different
actors can attempt to position the agency and therefore blame for cheating upon others
(Johnson, Forthcoming) - is naturally also forbidden in competitive gaming etiquette. The
rules of competition must adhere to the rules socially agreed upon by the entire gaming
community (Taylor, 2012) - unlike Go and other board games, computer games always carry
with them the possibility of glitches, errors, lag, and exploits (cf. Meades & Canterbury, 2012),
and it is therefore up to subcultures to delineate the boundaries between legitimate and
illegitimate play. There also exists an even vaguer middle-ground between acceptable and
unacceptable play - that of “cheesing”. Cheesing involves identifying strategies or tactics that
are unreasonably strong and are aspects of gameplay the designer’s meant to include, but
that players believe do not give one’s opponents a “fair” fighting chance, and then using these
moves or decisions in the pursuit of victory. As Kawabata (1969:54) himself says, ‘When a law
is made, the cunning that finds loopholes goes to work. One cannot deny that there is a
certain slyness among young players, a slyness which, when rules are written to prevent
slyness, makes use of the rules themselves.’ In addition to the prohibitions on ‘cheese’ moves
or strategies, in various games have players have adopted negative views on character
choices. For example, in Tekken 3 there were various moves that could be repeated to
‘cheese’ a round, for example, the flip kick move of the character “Law”. Similarly, the bonus
characters Doctor Geppetto Bosconovitch (Doctor B) or Gon, due to their different mechanics
and size, were arguably frowned upon. This can also be seen in non-fighting games, such as
players who propose that the character Oddjob (only two-thirds the size of other avatars)
should never be used in multiplayer Goldeneye. Cheesy strategies exist entirely within the
formal rules of the game, but may strongly break the social rules of the game. Such etiquette
is not always appreciated or understood, however - not through deliberate subversion of
rules, but simply through innocence and newness to the competitive arena, a s amusingly
illustrated by Harper in a tale of an early fighting game contest he emerged victorious in:
‘I’m not quite sure how, but I managed to beat him, and believe me when I tell you, it
had to have been a fluke. I remember watching him turn to me wit h a frustrated
expression, saying in an exasperated tone, “Oh, usin’ cheesy throws!” I also recall not
understanding what he was talking about; my young ears heard “chinsey” rather than
“cheesy” and I assumed he was telling me the name of a secret technique I was using
to defeat him. I can only imagine his exasperation when I turn to him and said, bright
with pride at my perception of his approval, “Yeah! Chinsey throw, for sure!”’ (Harper,
2014:1-2).
Therefore, one must play with the right kind of slyness, with the “clever” or “innovative” move
rather than the “cheap” or “cheesy” move, and such distinctions do not stem from the
technical confines of the game. The encroachment of modernity upon Go was fundamentally
about the bending of such social norms, and yet in professional gaming - clearly a far more
“modernpractice and activity - we see another kind of modernity, where in-game behaviours
have been disciplined, formalized, and made ever more exacting within specific confines and
rules, rather than debateable in-game behaviours being pursued by players seeking to
negotiate and exploit the loose boundaries of cheating, cheesing, and legitimized play actions.
Equity
The second of the important meta-rules in Go is identified by Feenberg (1994) as equity. By
this he refers to ‘artificial equalization of the players who, in everyday life, are sure to be
subtly differentiated in ways the game ignores’ (Feenberg, 1994:112-113). He argues that ‘the
reorganization of Go around Western notions of fairness is not a move from particular to
universal but merely shifts the balance of power in favor of a new type of player’ (Feenberg,
1994:112-113) - the kind of player who, as above, is willing to exploit and pursue loopholes
and behaviours that are fully contiguous with the formal ruleset of the game, with regards to
the alternate placement of stones and the small number of rules governing in/valid moves,
but do not necessarily match up to the social expectations of how the game should be played.
As we have seen above, such exploits are strongly condemned within professional gaming,
and any match that does not conform to norms and expectations will be rendered null and
void, even if the formal rules of the games are adhered to. In this sense we can suggest that
the sense of equity is stronger than ever before in professional gameplay, but no longer comes
at the cost of the aesthetic or quasi-spiritual elements of no-mind or flow, nor at the cost of
the importance of setting and context to understanding the moments of play. We therefore
see the expansion and development of professional gaming etiquette to reflect the reflex
requirements of the game, the spread and formalization of these norms, and the growth of
the expectation of equity between the game’s players. Such developments crucially do not
subvert the immediate play experience and the rich social context of the game through their
equalizing tendencies, but they rather enable this very experience.
PROFESSIONAL PLAY AND (DIS)HARMONY
Feenberg (1994) traces two different forms of aestheticism with regards to Go - the “Eastern
aesthetic of the sublime spiritual experience aiming towards the artistic perfection of
gameplay, and the Western” aesthetic of the formalized recording and repetition of the
moves and the changing situation upon the board, and the decontextualization of play from
the context in which it was originally created. In this section we will propose the return of the
“Eastern” form of aesthetic – the artistic perfection of gameplay has taken on two forms
within contemporary professional gaming. One of these is indicative of the profound harmony
between the game, the two players, and the mathematical perfection of the game as found
in classical Go, whilst the other is the very opposite of this: the play of the game by a player
who seemingly has little respect for their opponents, but whose technical mastery and ability
to play to the crowd, i.e. to inculcate disharmony, is equally compelling and speaks to
contemporary dynamics of competition both within gaming and wider society.
The professional or semi-professional players of fighting games (as well as other genres) are
subjected to new pressures when they live stream their play and performance to an online
audience. When they play, the aim ‘of course’, like Go, ‘is to win.’ However, also like Go, there
is a new objective in their practice. For Go, this involved ‘a higher interest in the aesthetic
achievement of “harmony” and pattern(Feenberg, 1994:116). For streaming, the equivalent
is the pursuit of a style of play that is conducive to building an audience. The beginnings of
this can be found in the arcade and the living room: the performance of the victory will be
judged in terms of its validity within the social rules of the game and for the aesthetic or
stylistic value, as well as its technical skill. An important example of this can be found in the
Mortal Kombat series of games and the ‘fatality’ feature. After winning the standard rounds
of the game, the winner is offered the opportunity to perform a fatality, which requires a
complex chain of precise button inputs. On a successful input an overly elaborate, hyper-
violent, scripted death sequence is played. A failed input, on the other hand, usually produces
a misstep and a basic attack, often a relatively limp jab - ending the game and failing to
showcase the player’s proficiency, and indeed showing their lack of proficiency. This part of
the fight has no outcome on the score, but rather provides an additional opportunity to
perform to an audience, which highlights the importance of the audience to competitive
computer gaming since its earliest periods.
To understand these two ongoing professional player aesthetics the harmonic and the
disharmonic we must first consider what Harper (2014) calls ‘normative play’. This means
‘how players feel games should be played’. For example, winning an eSports match a
particularly noteworthy and particularly respected way elicits more commentary focused
upon that player, more articles written after the event about the player’s impressive skills, or
their snatching of victory from the jaws of defeat, their ability to perform moves with a speed
or precision that few can equal, or the selection and successful execution of a high-risk high-
reward strategy that did, indeed, pay off (see Figure 3). This is how the game “should” be
played - exciting and compelling, with a battle between two skilled combatants. These ideas
construct the perceived personalities and interest of professional gamers, and therefore their
value for sponsorship. Professional gaming sponsors - such as technology companies, or non-
endemic advertising for energy drink companies, banks and credit cards, and other
organizations seeking to access this demographic of players and consumers of professional
gaming content - sponsor players for their visibility and fan-base, as well as their skill. When
so much of their income does not come only from winning in the game, professional gameplay
can no longer be seen as just objective-driven rationality. The perception of how players play,
how they should be played, and the audience’s perspectives on these questions are just as
integral as the actual technical skill of players to creating a professional gaming career, rather
than distracting from the ability to execute the game’s technical and strategic requirements.
There is therefore a crucial new development here that must be appended onto Feenberg’s
theory of game “aesthetic” if it is to accurately represent the current s tate of contemporary
gaming, having moved on as it has since the days of Go. In Go, the rise of capitalism and
modernist instrumentalism resulted in a reduction of the game’s aesthetic dimension and left
behind only a context-free recording of the moves, and a new breed of player who were
concerned only with playing to this element and omitting Go’s previous status as a richer
aesthetic discipline that focused upon player-player interaction as much as the players’ use
of the game systems. In professional video gaming we see the re-emergence of the concern
with the harmony of the game and the players, but in two distinctive ways. Some players
present themselves as having tremendous respect and admiration for their opponents, whilst
others present themselves as being iconoclastic, rebellious, and in some cases even abrasive
and arrogant. Both partake in visual broadcasts that inevitably maintain the player-player
interaction as well as the player-game interaction, both are concerned with presenting their
own play in a certain manner with regards to what we can usefully understand as Feenberg’s
notions of harmony, and neither reduces the game to its purely technical minimum, but are
instead concerned with the construction of two particular aesthetics of interpersonal
behaviour. They engage in either the cooperative construction of the beauty of the game, as
in classical Go, or the agonistic construction of that same beauty, but both acknowledge the
richness of the game far behind the moves played on-screen. In the case of the iconoclastic
player we can divine something of the younger challenger from The Master of Go, but in this
case playing alongside notions of harmony and visual spectacle, rather than undermining
them.
Figure 3: screen capture from the ‘Super Smash Brothers Melee’ event at EVO
2016. The right-hand player, known as “Hungrybox”, has rarely been a fan
favourite due to negative perceptions of a defensive and “unexciting” play
style; however, after a 3rd, 2nd and 2nd place set of finishes in the last three
years, and an adjustment to a far more aggressive play style, his victory in 2016
was greeted with rapturous applause. The first half of this case shows how fan
appreciation is not always contiguous with the highest levels of skill, blurring
the lines of “justified” sponsorship and therefore professional careers, whilst
the conclusion of this case also demonstrates how readily fan affectation and
interest can change and shift depending on context, not technical performance,
alongside the reception of the players’ different attitudes to the game and each
other.
VIRTUAL PLACE AND ALTERNATIVE AESTHETICS
In this paper we have sought to engage with the concerns of the cultural meanings of
gameplay identified in Andrew Feenberg’s (1994) ‘Alternative Modernity? Playing the
Japanese Game of Culture’, and to interrogate and update its questions for the contemporary
world of live-broadcast professional video game competition. Following the approximate
structure of this original paper, we have examined: the emergence of fighting games as our
illustrative case study; the reflex requirements of such games and the short professional
careers of the world's most skilled gamers; the newly integrated rather than jarring role of
broadcast media; the continued importance of ‘etiquette’ and ‘equity’, both identified by
Feenberg, and their metamorphoses into new forms; the different aesthetics and meanings
of offline, online, and broadcast gameplay; and how these meanings affect rankings and
perceptions of player skills, and therefore affect sponsorship, and in turn are actually integral
to the practice of professional video gaming. In the process we have seen a clear return to
the ‘aesthetic concern’ that Feenberg (1994) outlined with regards to the pre-rational or pre-
modern model of Go play - prior to the rise of modern ‘Western’ rationality in the play of Go,
the objective was not just to win, but to emerge victorious in an aesthetically-pleasing and
almost ‘spiritual’ manner. This trend declined with the pursuit of victory for its own sake, and
the rise of newspaper reporting that reduced games of Go to only the moves played and their
sequence, rather than the body of social meanings, cultural practices and interpersonal
behaviours surrounding them.
In this paper we have demonstrated the return of this trend to its original form, and that
professional gaming has now therefore become fundamentally ‘recontextualized as a
performance’ (Feenberg, 1994:124) as well as a deeply skilled technical component. The
performance aspects of Go, that vanished in relevance with the rise of print media and a new
kind of Westernized player, have adopted a renewed importance in professional computer
gaming and its live broadcast towards thousands, and sometimes millions, of viewers. The
performance is integral to pleasing the crowd, gaining sponsorship, adhering to certain social
norms, and in turn becoming a full-time professional gamer, but as spectacle was essential to
the original pre-modern aesthetic form of Go. Equally, the difficulty of transmitting computer
game records without visuals prevents the severance of context and content, ensuring that
the two must be the kept together in order to maintain the experience, and that this unity
forces viewers to see both the “technical” and “non-technical” elements of the game
together.
As Feenberg has argued for years, therefore, the wide social and politica l networks within
which technologies exist are crucial to consider. In early Go the cultural assumptions of the
Way informed the pursuit of spiritual harmony; in late Go the rise of capitalist instrumental
modernity governed the decline of this element of Go play and the renewed focus upon the
purely technical victory-oriented game components; and now the modalities of internet
broadcast and technical game complexity influence the resurgent centrality of the
cooperative aesthetics of gameplay that are essential, somewhat paradoxically, to high-level
competition.
Towards the end of his paper Feenberg proposes that after the shifts towards rationalized
modernity that Kawabata (1969) described, Go would from that point onwards be played
‘more as a business than as a spiritual discipline’ (Feenberg, 1994:131). In high-level
competitive computer gaming, however, we see that these are not necessarily mutually
exclusive - mastering flow, playing to the crowd, a pleasing style of gameplay, the primacy of
tournament context and meeting social expectations all go hand in hand with the increasing
professionalization of the field, the growing volumes of prize money on offer, and the ever-
shrinking boundaries within which acceptable models of play (not cheating, and not cheesing)
take place. Feenberg (1994:108) was quite right to note that ‘apparently neutral forms of play
turn out to be loaded with social, cultural, and historical content’, but we cannot look to older
and in many ways outmoded forms of professionalized gameplay to understand the present
context of this field. We have therefore developed here a contemporary re-engagement with
his paper, highlighting new answers to the questions and analyses that Feenberg posed, and
outlining the present state of the intersection between gaming aesthetics, the games
industry, and the actual practice of gameplay itself.
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... In addition to digital anthropology, esports' uniqueness comes from the fact that esports viewers can embrace multiple roles, i.e. playing, spectating and governing (Seo and Jung, 2016). For example, esports spectatorship is associated with other roles, such as improving one's own skills (Carter et al., 2017;Seo and Jung, 2016), actively promoting esports via laborious spectatorship (Cumming et al., 2021) and expressing patriotic support and partisan fandom (Carter et al., 2017;Johnson and Woodcock, 2017). In turn, acquiring knowledge of the games being played, their novelty and participant aggressiveness increases viewership (Hamari and Sj€ oblom, 2017). ...
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... Over the past decade, there has been a surge in research studies that delve into the lived experiences of workers in response to the enduring restructuring impacts from the late 1970s and the fiscal austerity stemming from the global recession of 2008. These studies shed light on the profound political, social, and cultural implications of neoliberal structural dynamics (Alacovska, Langevang and Steedman, 2021;Gill and Donaghue, 2016;Langevang, Steedman, Alacovska, Resario, Kilu and Sanda, 2022;Mattoni, 2012;Johnson and Woodcock, 2017) on creative entrepreneurship especially in the global South. This line of research strongly emphasizes the need for a thorough examination of cultural and creative labor. ...
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... The first and second are certainly essential to understanding the bottom-up elements of esports, but in the third case we would note that as well as the more "formal" aspects of esports governance and infrastructure, there are also informal and bottom-up dimensions whereby players and spectators mutually shape what esports is, what is considered acceptable within esports, and what things are and are not noteworthy in the wider esports context. Through such events and community work esports players and fans have also been instrumental in developing the culture and norms of esports (Johnson and Woodcock 2017). Esports can consequently become an important part of identity formation and management, particularly for young people, and can involve "socialis[ing] about the games, events and communities with which they associate" (Xue et al. 2019, 848). ...
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... This view is consistent with the idea that Japanese players socially engage with video games in order to respect one's opponents, providing cooperation, fairness and sportspersonship (e.g. Johnson and Woodcock, 2017). At this point, the U&G approach has the function of distinguishing value gratifications across different cultures. ...
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Purpose Despite the advances in theory and practice about player behaviour in esports gaming literature, there is a lack of understanding as to whether esports are compatible with the values of Olympism and if they should be considered for future Games editions. The current study advances this line of research by examining esports player experiences, their effects on perceiving Olympic values, and the support towards the Olympics in order to verify if differences occur according to the cross-cultural environment. Design/methodology/approach Using a sample of 671 esports amateur gamers from three countries (Portugal, Brazil and Japan), structural equation models and a multigroup analysis were performed to analyse the differences in the hypothesized paths existing between the groups. Findings Results reveal that player in-game emotional experiences positively influence Olympic values perception across countries. The excellence and friendship values showed a positive effect on support intentions to the Games towards Portuguese and Brazilian players, while the respect value was the strongest predictor towards behavioural intentions in Japan. Cultural backgrounds and game genre in each country can explain player attitude towards the Olympic values shared on the online environment. Originality/value This study is able to provide a better understanding of how the Olympic values serve as a gratification in different cross-cultural environments according to the theory of uses and gratifications (U&G) and the theory of cultural dimensions. Complementarily, these findings can be used as valuable information for esports publishers and developers attempting to spread the Olympic values in the esports industry.
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This thesis explores player experiences caused by glitches in horror video games. Those uncanny experiences attributed to software failures are analyzed from the perspective of horror studies. The goal is to find out how to apply the findings in the creative process. At first, the paper examines the concepts of agency, interactivity, and immersion in video games in order to understand how games make the player feel the freedom of action and the power to alter the digital world. After that, the paper argues with these concepts, since games can be seen as media which are independent from or even have their own influence on the player. Additionally, the paper briefly explores how players and developers invent their own ways of breaking immersion. Consequently, the paper examines the two frameworks of game glitches; they can be seen both as software failures but also as a way for a game to exert its agency on the players. After that, the paper examines online reports shared in gaming communities by people who experienced fear because of glitches. These personal experiences are placed into different categories of fear: of technological malfunctions, of intruding agency, of unsettling bodily manipulations, and of void. All of these fears are then approached in the context of horror studies, as the paper applies to them the concepts of the uncanny, the Real, the weird, the eerie, liminality, and hauntology. The paper considers the physical component of digital media as an additional factor of uncertainty they evoke in players and supports it with a brief overview of the role games play in the development of digital folklore which has developed in online communities. In this part, the paper points out the inspirational potential of glitches and strict technical limitations imposed onto the developers of older games. After ascertaining the conceptual and inspirational potential of glitches, the paper looks at the conceptualization of glitches in visual arts with special attention to the exact algorithms which produce specific visual qualities of different glitches. Lastly, the paper analyses cases of games which use the aesthetic of glitches to create feelings of unease and anxiety in the players, while paying special attention to the role the imitated glitches play in the narrative of the game. In conclusion, the paper compares the understanding and representation of glitches in visual arts and games, and points out the kinds of glitches which lack wide representation in games.
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